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Worker voice and algorithmic management in post-Brexit Britain 脱欧后英国的工人声音和算法管理
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-01-28 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221143068
Philippa Collins, J. Atkinson
In this article, we consider the legal frameworks that enable workers to influence the deployment of new workplace technologies in the United Kingdom and the future of worker voice and algorithmic management in a post-Brexit Britain. The article demonstrates how the legal mechanisms that facilitate voice at work, primarily collective bargaining via trade unions, can be leveraged to influence employers’ choices regarding algorithmic management. However, it also identifies both familiar and novel challenges regarding using these routes to ‘negotiate the algorithm’. The article then outlines major regulatory proposals emerging from the EU that would establish greater co-determination in this context and assesses their relevance to the UK labour market. It concludes by considering whether specific regulatory measures are necessary in the UK context to enhance the exercise of worker voice regarding the deployment of algorithmic management and close the widening gap between the position of UK and EU workers.
在本文中,我们考虑了使工人能够影响英国新工作场所技术部署的法律框架,以及脱欧后英国工人声音和算法管理的未来。本文展示了如何利用促进工作发言权的法律机制(主要是通过工会进行的集体谈判)来影响雇主对算法管理的选择。然而,它也确定了使用这些路由来“协商算法”的熟悉和新颖的挑战。然后,文章概述了欧盟提出的主要监管建议,这些建议将在此背景下建立更大的共同决定,并评估了它们与英国劳动力市场的相关性。最后,它考虑了在英国背景下是否有必要采取具体的监管措施,以加强工人在算法管理部署方面的发言权,并缩小英国和欧盟工人之间日益扩大的差距。
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引用次数: 3
Governing the work-related risks of AI: implications for the German government and trade unions 管理人工智能的工作风险:对德国政府和工会的启示
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221147228
Anke Hassel, Didem Özkiziltan
This article discusses the risks that artificial intelligence (AI) poses for work. It classifies risks into two types, direct and indirect. Direct risks are AI-induced forms of discrimination, surveillance and information asymmetries at work. Indirect risks are enhanced workplace automation and the increasing ‘fissurisation’ of work. Direct and indirect risks are illustrated using the example of the transport and logistics sector. We discuss policy responses to both types of risk in the context of the German economy and argue that the policy solutions need to differ according to the type of risk. Direct risks can be addressed by European and national regulation against discrimination, surveillance and information asymmetries. As for indirect risks, the first step is to monitor the risks so as to gain an understanding of sector-specific transformations and establish relevant expertise and competence. This way of addressing AI-induced risks at work will help to improve the prospects of decent work, fair remuneration and adequate social protection for all.
本文讨论了人工智能(AI)给工作带来的风险。它将风险分为两类,直接风险和间接风险。直接风险是人工智能引发的歧视、监视和工作中的信息不对称。间接风险是工作场所自动化程度的提高和工作“分裂化”的加剧。以运输和物流部门为例说明了直接和间接风险。我们讨论了在德国经济背景下对这两种风险的政策反应,并认为政策解决方案需要根据风险的类型而有所不同。直接风险可以通过欧洲和各国针对歧视、监视和信息不对称的监管来解决。对于间接风险,第一步是监测风险,以便了解特定部门的转型,并建立相关的专业知识和能力。这种解决人工智能在工作中引发的风险的方式,将有助于改善人人享有体面工作、公平报酬和充分社会保护的前景。
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引用次数: 2
Digitalisation of work in aerospace manufacturing: expanding union frames and repertoires of action in Belgium, Canada and Denmark 航空航天制造业工作数字化:扩大比利时、加拿大和丹麦的工会框架和行动计划
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-01-25 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221146876
Julie M É Garneau, Sara Pérez‐Lauzon, Christian Lévesque
The digitalisation of work is associated with a range of technologies, including digital platforms and so-called artificial intelligence (AI), as well as ideas about how they will improve productivity and competitiveness. This article analyses how unions anticipate the consequences of digital technologies and how they mobilise to address their impact on employment, skills, and quality of work. Drawing on qualitative research conducted in aerospace manufacturing in Belgium (Wallonia), Denmark and Canada (Quebec), our findings suggest that unions are mobilising contrasting frames and repertoires of action, drawing on traditional institutions, and experimenting with new ones to shape the future of work in the aerospace industry.
工作的数字化与一系列技术有关,包括数字平台和所谓的人工智能(AI),以及关于它们如何提高生产力和竞争力的想法。本文分析了工会如何预测数字技术的后果,以及他们如何动员起来应对数字技术对就业、技能和工作质量的影响。根据在比利时(瓦隆尼亚)、丹麦和加拿大(魁北克)进行的航空航天制造业定性研究,我们的研究结果表明,工会正在动员对比鲜明的框架和行动方式,借鉴传统制度,并试验新的制度,以塑造航空航天工业工作的未来。
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引用次数: 4
Promoting human-centred AI in the workplace. Trade unions and their strategies for regulating the use of AI in Germany 在工作场所推广以人为本的人工智能。工会及其在德国规范人工智能使用的策略
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221142273
Martin Krzywdzinski, Detlef Gerst, Florian Butollo
The use of artificial intelligence (AI) is changing the world of work. For trade unions, the issue of how to regulate the use of AI is a central but difficult topic because the technology is still at an early stage and experience on its use limited. Focusing on Germany, this article addresses the following questions: (1) what areas of application and use cases for AI are relevant for trade unions and works councils?, (2) what role do trade union positions and demands play in the political discussion on regulating the use of AI?, (3) what strategies are trade unions using to influence the regulation and use of AI in the workplace?, and (4) what experiences are they gaining during this process? Reviewing trade union strategies, this article shows which concepts of human-centred AI the trade unions are trying to promote, how they try to ensure that works councils and trade unionists get appropriate training to understand the new technologies, and how dealing with AI is changing the way works councils work. The article also shows how the characteristics of the German system of industrial relations influence discussions on AI and the processes of implementing it in the workplace.
人工智能(AI)的使用正在改变工作世界。对于工会来说,如何规范人工智能的使用是一个核心但困难的话题,因为该技术仍处于早期阶段,使用经验有限。以德国为例,本文解决了以下问题:(1)人工智能的哪些应用领域和用例与工会和劳资委员会相关?(2)工会的立场和要求在规范人工智能使用的政治讨论中发挥了什么作用?(3)工会使用什么策略来影响人工智能在工作场所的监管和使用?(4)他们在这个过程中获得了什么经验?本文回顾了工会的策略,展示了工会正在努力推广哪些以人为本的人工智能概念,他们如何努力确保工会委员会和工会成员得到适当的培训,以了解新技术,以及如何处理人工智能正在改变工会委员会的工作方式。本文还展示了德国劳资关系制度的特点如何影响人工智能的讨论以及在工作场所实施人工智能的过程。
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引用次数: 5
Negotiating limits on algorithmic management in digitalised services: cases from Germany and Norway 谈判数字化服务中算法管理的限制:来自德国和挪威的案例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221143044
Virginia Doellgast, Ines Wagner, Sean O'Brady
Artificial intelligence (AI)-based algorithms are increasingly used to monitor employees and to automate management decisions. In this article, we ask how worker representatives adapt traditional collective voice institutions to regulate the adoption and use of these tools in the workplace. Our findings are based on a comparative study of union and works council responses to algorithmic management in contact centres from two similar telecommunications companies in Germany and Norway. In both case studies, worker representatives mobilised collective voice institutions to protect worker privacy and discretion associated with remote monitoring and workforce management technologies. However, they relied on different sources of institutional power, connected to co-determination rights, enforcement of data protection laws, and labour cooperation structures.
基于人工智能(AI)的算法越来越多地用于监控员工和自动化管理决策。在本文中,我们探讨了工人代表如何调整传统的集体发声制度,以规范这些工具在工作场所的采用和使用。我们的发现是基于对工会和劳资委员会对德国和挪威两家类似电信公司呼叫中心算法管理的反应的比较研究。在这两个案例中,工人代表动员了集体发声机构,以保护与远程监控和劳动力管理技术相关的工人隐私和自由裁量权。然而,它们依赖于不同的制度权力来源,这些权力与共同决策权、数据保护法的执行和劳动合作结构有关。
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引用次数: 7
Algorithmic management and collective bargaining 算法管理和集体谈判
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221141055
V. De Stefano, Simon Taes
This article addresses the challenges raised by the introduction of algorithmic management and artificial intelligence in the world of work, focusing on the risks that new managerial technologies present for fundamental rights and principles, such as non-discrimination, freedom of association and the right to privacy. The article argues that collective bargaining is the most suitable regulatory instrument for responding to these challenges, and that current EU legislative initiatives do not adequately recognise the role of collective bargaining in this area. It also maps current initiatives undertaken by national trade union movements in Europe to govern algorithmic management.
本文探讨了算法管理和人工智能在工作领域的引入所带来的挑战,重点关注新的管理技术对基本权利和原则(如非歧视、结社自由和隐私权)带来的风险。文章认为,集体谈判是应对这些挑战的最合适的监管工具,目前欧盟的立法举措没有充分认识到集体谈判在这一领域的作用。它还描绘了欧洲各国工会运动目前为管理算法管理而采取的举措。
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引用次数: 11
(Re)shaping Amazon labour struggles on both sides of the Atlantic: the power dynamics in Germany and the US amidst the pandemic. (重新)塑造大西洋两岸亚马逊(Amazon)的劳工斗争:疫情期间德国和美国的权力动态。
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221149496
Sarrah Kassem

With the initial context of COVID-19 fuelling Amazon's exponential growth, this article investigates how the pandemic (re)defined labour struggles, i.e., cultivating labour's structural, associational and institutional powers in two case study countries, Germany and the US. By analysing these power resources in its two largest markets, I argue that Amazon's structural conditions by which it organises its warehouse labour, which predate the pandemic, have continued to act as obstacles to collective labour action. While in Germany, ver.di continues to mobilise its workplace power but has been unable to get Amazon to sign a collective agreement, the pandemic triggered unprecedented workplace mobilisations and the pursuit of associational power in the US, albeit with varying outcomes. Despite their different industrial relations systems and labour struggles, these two cases highlight the key role of shop-floor organising to put pressure on Amazon, while Amazon's continued rejection of unions as negotiating partners further underlines the importance of regulating Amazon's union-busting tactics.

在新冠肺炎推动亚马逊指数增长的初始背景下,本文研究了大流行如何(重新)定义劳工斗争,即在德国和美国两个案例研究国家培养劳工的结构、协会和制度权力。通过分析亚马逊两个最大市场的这些权力资源,我认为,在疫情爆发之前,亚马逊组织仓库工人的结构性条件继续阻碍着集体劳工行动。而在德国,没有。尽管沃尔玛继续动员其工作场所力量,但未能让亚马逊(Amazon)签署集体协议,但疫情在美国引发了前所未有的工作场所动员和对协会力量的追求,尽管结果各不相同。尽管这两家公司的劳资关系体系和劳工斗争不同,但这两个案例突显了车间组织对亚马逊施加压力的关键作用,而亚马逊继续拒绝工会作为谈判伙伴,这进一步突显了监管亚马逊破坏工会策略的重要性。
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引用次数: 4
Round Table. Nordic unions and the European Minimum Wage Directive 圆桌。北欧工会和欧洲最低工资指令
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221148474
N. Lillie
The new European Union Minimum Wage Directive (2022/2041) is rightly seen by many as a victory for European labour. It will protect lower-paid workers and promote collective bargaining (Schulten and Müller, 2022). Hassel (2023) regards it as signalling a change in direction for EU politics, from broadly neoliberal marketmaking to social protection and partnership. The Directive explicitly encourages collective bargaining and sets targets to increase it, while also providing guidelines and targets for increasing minimum wages in ways that recognise the diversity of wage determination practices across the EU. The scope and tone of the new Directive sets out an unam-biguous purpose and direction, to protect workers and support collective bargaining. This sets it apart from other recent directives, such as the so-called ‘Enforcement Directive’ (2014/67), which just seeks to enforce existing law, and the Posted Workers Directive (revised) (2018/927), which seeks to ‘balance’ the rights of firms and workers rather than to protect workers. Just as impor-tantly, its sets out processes for calculating what constitutes an adequate minimum wage (60 per cent of median and 50 per cent of average wages), and mandates that Member States with under 80 per cent collective bargaining coverage should set out implementation plans to increase their coverage. The assent of Nordic unions is testament to the clever design of the compromise behind the proposal. It shows sensitivity to their desire to head off any possibility of Brussels interfering with Nordic collective bargaining systems, while also providing useful mechanisms to push for higher minimum wages and stronger collective bargaining in countries where that is needed. Also notable is the way the Nordic unions overcame their long-held scepticism towards European labour regulations, and specifically their opposition to any mention of a minimum wage manifesting in
新的欧盟最低工资指令(2022/2041)被许多人理所当然地视为欧洲劳工的胜利。它将保护低收入工人,促进集体谈判(Schulten和m ller, 2022)。Hassel(2023)认为这标志着欧盟政治方向的变化,从广泛的新自由主义市场制定到社会保护和伙伴关系。该指令明确鼓励集体谈判,并设定了提高集体谈判的目标,同时还提供了提高最低工资的指导方针和目标,这些指导方针和目标承认欧盟各地工资确定实践的多样性。新指令的范围和基调明确了保护工人和支持集体谈判的目标和方向。这将其与最近的其他指令区分开来,例如所谓的“执行指令”(2014/67),该指令仅旨在执行现有法律,以及“张贴工人指令”(修订)(2018/927),该指令旨在“平衡”公司和工人的权利,而不是保护工人。同样重要的是,它规定了计算适当最低工资(中位数工资的60%和平均工资的50%)的程序,并规定集体谈判覆盖率低于80%的会员国应制定执行计划,以增加其覆盖率。北欧联盟的同意证明了提案背后的折衷方案设计巧妙。这表明,他们希望阻止布鲁塞尔干预北欧集体谈判制度的任何可能性,同时也提供有用的机制,在需要的国家推动提高最低工资和加强集体谈判。同样值得注意的是,北欧工会克服了长期以来对欧洲劳工法规的怀疑态度,特别是他们对任何提及最低工资的反对态度
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Organizing Women: Gender Equality Policies in French and British Trade Unions 《组织妇女:法国和英国工会的性别平等政策》
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221123623a
D. Adam
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引用次数: 1
Round Table. Mission impossible? How to increase collective bargaining coverage in Germany and the EU 圆桌。不可能的任务?如何在德国和欧盟增加集体谈判的覆盖面
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589221149513
Anke Hassel
The Directive on fair and adequate minimum wages represents a paradigm shift in EU economic governance. It marks a profound reorientation away from an economic growth strategy that priori-tises liberalisation of labour markets and decentralisation of collective bargaining, which has dom-inated the policy orientation of most EU Member States and the European Commission for at least 20 years. The Directive reinforces the governance and the level of statutory minimum wages in EU Member States. In a second step, the Directive requests that Member States support collective bargaining and find concrete measures to increase bargaining coverage for those countries where coverage is less than 80 per cent. This second aspect is just as relevant to the Directive and even more ambitious than the first. While statutory minimum wages are in the control of governments, collective bargaining is based on voluntary negotiations between trade unions and employers’ associations. The role of governments and public policy towards collective bargaining is limited and only indirect. In this comment I will focus on the latter aspect of increasing collective bargaining coverage, but will argue first that the wider picture of a changing EU growth strategy is important to understand the significance of the shift. I will, secondly, discuss ways of strengthening collective bargaining, with a focus on the German case.
关于公平和适当的最低工资的指令代表了欧盟经济治理的范式转变。它标志着一种深刻的重新定位,摆脱了优先考虑劳动力市场自由化和集体谈判权力分散的经济增长战略,这种战略主导了大多数欧盟成员国和欧盟委员会至少20年的政策取向。该指令加强了欧盟成员国的管理和法定最低工资水平。第二步,该指令要求会员国支持集体谈判,并找到具体措施,为那些谈判覆盖率低于80%的国家增加谈判覆盖率。这第二方面与该指令同样相关,甚至比第一个方面更具雄心。虽然法定最低工资由政府控制,但集体谈判是基于工会和雇主协会之间的自愿谈判。政府和公共政策对集体谈判的作用是有限的,而且只是间接的。在这篇评论中,我将重点关注增加集体谈判覆盖面的后一个方面,但首先要指出的是,欧盟增长战略变化的更广泛图景对于理解这一转变的意义很重要。其次,我将讨论加强集体谈判的方法,重点是德国的情况。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research
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