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Round Table. Implementing the EU Directive on adequate minimum wages in the Low Countries: the case of the Netherlands 圆桌会议。在低地国家实施欧盟关于适当最低工资的指令:荷兰的案例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-12-28 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231219747
Dennie Oude nijhuis
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引用次数: 0
Promoting employed worker status on digital platforms: how France’s labour inspection and social security agencies address ‘uberisation’ 在数字平台上提升就业者地位:法国劳动监察和社会保障机构如何应对“优步化”
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231190566
Sarah Abdelnour, Émilien Julliard, Dominique Méda
In France, the growth of digital labour platforms has benefited from the support that has been provided by one section of the governing political class for the sake of the ‘employment opportunities’ that they are expected to generate. However, their operating model, which relies on outsourced labour carried out by supposedly self-employed workers, has been the subject of inspection operations and objections initiated by the social security agencies and institutions that ensure compliance with labour law. Based on interviews with these stakeholders – labour and social security inspectors – this article illustrates how they are seeking to reintegrate these workers into the employed workforce, not only for the purpose of maintaining their safety at work but also with a view to preserving the French social model. These inspectors rely on their traditional control tools but also on the framing of anti-fraud policies. Ultimately, their actions seek to inform legal disputes with a view to reclassifying the workers concerned.
在法国,数字劳动平台的发展得益于执政政治阶层的一部分人提供的支持,因为他们预计会产生“就业机会”。然而,它们的经营模式依赖于由所谓的自营职业者进行的外包劳动,一直是社会保障机构和确保遵守劳动法的机构检查和反对的对象。根据对这些利益相关者- -劳工和社会保障检查员- -的采访,本文说明了他们如何设法使这些工人重新融入就业劳动力,不仅是为了维护他们的工作安全,而且是为了维护法国的社会模式。这些检查员不仅依赖于传统的控制工具,也依赖于反欺诈政策的制定。最终,他们的行动旨在为法律纠纷提供信息,以便重新分类有关工人。
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引用次数: 2
Internalising precariousness: experiences of Georgian platform workers 内化不稳定性:格鲁吉亚平台工人的经验
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-07-13 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231186963
Ana Diakonidze
Much has been written about the precarious nature of platform work, whether in high-income or less advanced economies. The lack of alternative employment opportunities and the high level of informal work in the latter are often assumed to be the key incentive for local workers to take on platform work. There is however little research on how exactly local conditions affect workers’ choices and most importantly on the factors making them accept the precariousness of platform labour. Based on 40 interviews with ride-hailing drivers in Tbilisi, the capital of the Republic of Georgia, this article argues that, rather than the lack of alternative opportunities, the poor quality of available jobs and the lack of social protection are the factors leading workers to accept and internalise precariousness, making the inherent features of app-based work seem normal.
关于平台工作的不稳定性,无论是在高收入经济体还是在欠发达经济体,都有很多文章。缺乏替代就业机会和后者的高水平非正式工作通常被认为是当地工人从事平台工作的主要动机。然而,关于当地条件究竟如何影响工人选择的研究很少,最重要的是,关于使他们接受平台劳动不稳定的因素的研究很少。基于对格鲁吉亚共和国首都第比利斯的40名网约车司机的采访,本文认为,导致工人接受和内化不稳定性的因素不是缺乏替代机会,而是现有工作质量差和缺乏社会保障,这使得基于应用程序的工作的固有特征看起来很正常。
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引用次数: 0
From Taylorism to teams: organisational and institutional experimentation at France Télécom 从泰勒主义到团队:在法国的组织和制度实验
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231179169
Maxime Bellego, Virginia Doellgast, Elisa Pannini
In this article we examine work reorganisation in technician units at France Télécom (FT/Orange) following the social crisis associated with employee suicides in 2007–2009. As a result of trade union campaigns and changes in leadership, the company moved to a more collaborative model, relying on broadened skills and enhanced worker participation in decision-making. Drawing on the framework of organisational and institutional experimentation, we argue that the crisis provided an opportunity to shift from top-down, Taylorised practices to a high-involvement model based on multi-skilled teams. This new model fostered mutual gains for workers in terms of increased autonomy and broadened skills, and for the employer through improved efficiency and customer service. It was underpinned, however, by the strengthening of labour’s countervailing power following the social crisis, which encouraged and supported managers in prioritising psychosocial health as a key organisational objective.
在这篇文章中,我们研究了在2007-2009年与员工自杀相关的社会危机之后,法国tsamac (FT/Orange)技术部门的工作重组。由于工会的运动和领导层的变化,该公司转向了一种更加协作的模式,依靠拓宽技能和提高员工对决策的参与。根据组织和制度实验的框架,我们认为,危机提供了一个机会,从自上而下的、泰勒化的实践转变为基于多技能团队的高度参与模式。这种新模式通过提高员工的自主权和拓宽技能促进了双方的利益,同时通过提高效率和客户服务促进了雇主的利益。然而,在社会危机之后,劳工的抗衡力量得到了加强,这鼓励和支持管理人员优先考虑社会心理健康,将其作为一项关键的组织目标。
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引用次数: 3
Informal employment on domestic care platforms: a study on the individualisation of risk and unpaid labour in mature market contexts 家庭护理平台上的非正式就业:成熟市场背景下风险和无偿劳动的个体化研究
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-05-23 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231177353
V. Pulignano, Claudia Marà, Milena Franke, Karol Muszyński
This article explains how digitally mediated provision of domestic care services perpetuates the invisibility and informality of such work through individualising risk, which we operationalise by one of its dimensions, that of unpaid labour. We understand unpaid labour as the cost of the risk borne individually by workers at the intersection of the social (inter-personal) and economic (monetary) spheres. Drawing on the experiences of domestic care workers providing their services through platforms, the study shows how platforms have made their way into the labour markets and welfare structures of two mature economies, Belgium and France. Via their (digital) rules, they pursue ‘regulatory compliance’ and ‘disruption’ as distinct strategies for establishing platform dominance, albeit with country-based differences. Platform-mediated employment outcomes remain generally unrecognised, undocumented and informal, with unpaid labour characterising the cost of the individualisation of risk.
本文解释了数字媒介提供的家庭护理服务如何通过个性化风险使这种工作的不可见性和非正式性永久化,我们通过其中一个维度来操作,即无偿劳动。我们将无偿劳动理解为工人在社会(人际关系)和经济(货币)领域的交叉点上个人承担风险的成本。根据家政人员通过平台提供服务的经验,该研究展示了平台如何进入比利时和法国这两个成熟经济体的劳动力市场和福利结构。通过他们的(数字)规则,他们追求“合规”和“颠覆”作为建立平台主导地位的不同策略,尽管存在国家差异。平台介导的就业结果通常仍未得到承认、未记录和非正式,无报酬劳动是风险个性化成本的特征。
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引用次数: 3
Book Review: Arise. Power, Strategy and Union Resurgence 书评:崛起。权力、战略与工会复兴
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-05-13 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231175281
Laust Høgedahl
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Neue Europäische Arbeitspolitik. Umkämpfte Integration in der Eurokrise 《商讨欧洲就业政策》在欧元危机中艰难的一体化
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-05-09 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231174778
Ajla Rizvan
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引用次数: 0
The emerging corporate sustainability reporting system: what role for workers’ representatives? 新兴的企业可持续发展报告制度:工人代表的角色是什么?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231175607
S. Vitols
In the past few years a number of important initiatives have been launched to try to ensure that companies provide accurate information about their impacts on the environment and society. In 2022 the EU legislators approved the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD), which provides a legal basis mandating sustainability reporting by large EU companies.1 At the international level, the International Sustainability Standards Board (ISSB), a private initiative launched in 2021, has started work on voluntary reporting standards. And in the United States, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has asked for input on corporate reporting requirements on environmental, social and governance issues. These initiatives are in response to the growing societal expectation that corporate reporting should go beyond financial issues. As the dimensions and consequences of climate change become clearer, pressure on corporations to disclose not only their impacts on the environment but also their plans for reducing their negative impacts is increasing. Furthermore, growing awareness of child and forced labour in supply chains and in-work poverty has increased expectations that companies should report on human rights and working conditions. Although all of these initiatives are aimed at reducing ‘greenwashing’ and satisfying stakeholders’ needs for credible information on companies’ impacts on people and planet, there are significant differences between them regarding the role of workers’ representatives.2 These initiatives highlight three fundamental questions that are currently being debated. First, for whom is sustainability reporting intended? Is it primarily for investors or for other ‘users’, including trade unions and NGOs? Second, which stakeholders should be involved in the development of rules for sustainability reporting: auditors, investors and companies, or a broader set of stakeholders? And third, which stakeholders should be involved in sustainability reporting at the company level? How these questions are answered will be crucial for defining workers’ representatives’ role in sustainability reporting and in the relevance of sustainability reports for workers. This report focuses on the two initiatives most relevant to EU companies: the mandatory system regulated by the CSRD, and the private initiative centred on the ISSB. It starts with the ISSB, which is intended primarily for investors and defines no explicit role for trade unions and works councils. It contrasts this with the CSRD, which includes the right for workers’ representatives to 1175607 TRS0010.1177/10242589231175607TransferVitols news2023
在过去的几年里,已经启动了一些重要的举措,以确保公司提供有关其对环境和社会影响的准确信息。2022年,欧盟立法者批准了《企业可持续发展报告指令》(CSRD),该指令为欧盟大型公司的可持续发展报告提供了法律依据在国际层面,国际可持续标准委员会(ISSB)是一个于2021年启动的私人倡议,已开始制定自愿报告标准。在美国,证券交易委员会(Securities And Exchange Commission,简称SEC)已就企业在环境、社会和治理问题上的报告要求征求意见。这些举措是为了回应越来越多的社会期望,即企业报告应超越财务问题。随着气候变化的规模和后果变得更加清晰,企业不仅要披露其对环境的影响,还要披露其减少负面影响的计划,这一压力正在增加。此外,越来越多的人意识到供应链中的童工和强迫劳动以及工作中的贫困问题,这提高了人们对企业应报告人权和工作条件的期望。尽管所有这些举措都旨在减少“漂绿”,并满足利益相关者对公司对人类和地球影响的可靠信息的需求,但在工人代表的角色方面,它们之间存在显著差异这些倡议突出了目前正在辩论的三个基本问题。首先,可持续发展报告是为谁准备的?它主要是针对投资者还是其他“用户”,包括工会和非政府组织?其次,哪些利益相关者应该参与可持续发展报告规则的制定:审计师、投资者和公司,还是更广泛的利益相关者?第三,哪些利益相关者应该参与公司层面的可持续发展报告?如何回答这些问题对于确定工人代表在可持续发展报告中的作用以及可持续发展报告对工人的相关性至关重要。本报告重点关注与欧盟公司最相关的两项举措:由CSRD监管的强制性体系,以及以ISSB为中心的私人举措。首先是ISSB,它主要针对投资者,没有明确规定工会和劳资委员会的作用。它与CSRD形成对比,CSRD包括工人代表的权利,以1175607 TRS0010.1177/10242589231175607TransferVitols news2023
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引用次数: 0
Poverty and social exclusion in the EU: third-order priorities, hybrid governance and the future potential of the field 欧盟的贫困和社会排斥:第三级优先事项,混合治理和该领域的未来潜力
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231171091
P. Copeland
EU leaders have agreed to reduce the number of people who are at risk of poverty or social exclusion by 15 million (including at least five million children) by 2030. This article explores this ambitious target and analyses the positioning of the field throughout the EU’s broader governance hierarchy, as well as the governance arrangements within the field. It finds that throughout such governance arrangements, the issue of being at risk of poverty or social exclusion is largely dealt with by intergovernmental agreements and is thereby a third-order priority for the EU, with economic integration first-order and employment policy second-order. Meanwhile, within the field EU governance arrangements are currently being transformed to further encourage the Member States to take action. While this is a significant development, the overall ability of the EU to reduce the number of those at risk of poverty or social exclusion requires the field to move beyond its current third-order status.
欧盟领导人已同意到2030年将面临贫困或社会排斥风险的人数减少1500万(包括至少500万儿童)。本文探讨了这一雄心勃勃的目标,并分析了该领域在欧盟更广泛的治理层次结构中的定位,以及该领域内的治理安排。研究发现,在这样的治理安排中,面临贫困或社会排斥风险的问题在很大程度上是由政府间协议处理的,因此对欧盟来说,这是第三级的优先事项,经济一体化排在第一位,就业政策排在第二位。与此同时,在实地,欧盟的管理安排目前正在改变,以进一步鼓励会员国采取行动。虽然这是一个重大的发展,但欧盟在减少面临贫困或社会排斥风险的人数方面的整体能力要求该领域超越目前的第三级地位。
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引用次数: 1
The revival of Social Europe: is this time different? 社会欧洲的复兴:这次不同吗?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231185056
M. Keune, P. Pochet
The idea for this special issue on the future of Social Europe dates back to 2021, when it started to become apparent that we were witnessing a substantial reorientation of European social policy, and, possibly, a new expansive stage of Social Europe. How different things had looked only 10 years earlier, when the EU’s reaction to the financial crisis had been to cut down on social policy and focus on market-making and austerity. The renewed move towards more social EU policies is another phase in the development of Social Europe that has been characterised by periods of great ambition and others of deadlock or even regression (Barbier, 2008; Crespy, 2022; Pochet, 2019). The latter was indeed the case with the ‘new’ economic and social governance during the financial crisis, while now we seem to be in a new construction phase. Analysis of the social dimension of European integration has always had two aspects. One is analysis of the development of the social dimension strictly speaking, namely the articles of the Treaty concerning social policy and employment, the respective social and employment Directives, Recommendations and processes, as well as the social funds. The other concerns the extent to which social objectives have been subordinated to economic objectives. It analyses the impact of economic and monetary integration on the possibility of building a European social model, as well as the constraints that it imposes on the maintenance or strengthening of national welfare states, often articulated around Scharpf’s (1999) idea of a constitutional asymmetry between positive and negative integration. A decade ago, these dimensions were addressed in three special issues of Transfer: one on ‘EU social and employment policy under the Europe 2020 strategy’ (Transfer, 2012/3), a second on ‘Labour markets and social policy after the crisis’ (Transfer, 2014/1), and a third on ‘The economic consequences of the European monetary union: social and democratic’ (Transfer, 2013/1). Because of the historical moment in which these issues were produced – the end of the Barroso years and
本期关于社会欧洲未来的特刊的想法可以追溯到2021年,当时我们开始明显地看到欧洲社会政策的重大重新定位,并且可能是社会欧洲的一个新的扩张阶段。就在10年前,当欧盟对金融危机的反应是削减社会政策,专注于做市和紧缩政策时,事情看起来是多么的不同。向更社会的欧盟政策重新移动是社会欧洲发展的另一个阶段,其特点是雄心勃勃的时期和其他僵局甚至倒退(Barbier, 2008;Crespy, 2022;基因,2019)。金融危机时期的“新”经济社会治理确实如此,而现在我们似乎处于一个新的建设阶段。对欧洲一体化社会维度的分析一直有两个方面。一是严格地分析社会层面的发展,即《条约》关于社会政策和就业的条款、各自的社会和就业指示、建议和程序,以及社会基金。另一个问题是社会目标从属于经济目标的程度。它分析了经济和货币一体化对建立欧洲社会模式的可能性的影响,以及它对维持或加强国家福利国家施加的限制,通常围绕Scharpf(1999)关于积极和消极一体化之间的宪法不对称的观点进行阐述。十年前,这些方面在《转移》的三个特刊中得到了解决:一个是关于“欧洲2020战略下的欧盟社会和就业政策”(《转移》,2012/3),第二个是关于“危机后的劳动力市场和社会政策”(《转移》,2014/1),第三个是关于“欧洲货币联盟的经济后果:社会和民主”(《转移》,2013/1)。因为这些问题产生的历史时刻——巴罗佐时代的结束和
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research
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