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Poverty and social exclusion in the EU: third-order priorities, hybrid governance and the future potential of the field 欧盟的贫困和社会排斥:第三级优先事项,混合治理和该领域的未来潜力
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231171091
P. Copeland
EU leaders have agreed to reduce the number of people who are at risk of poverty or social exclusion by 15 million (including at least five million children) by 2030. This article explores this ambitious target and analyses the positioning of the field throughout the EU’s broader governance hierarchy, as well as the governance arrangements within the field. It finds that throughout such governance arrangements, the issue of being at risk of poverty or social exclusion is largely dealt with by intergovernmental agreements and is thereby a third-order priority for the EU, with economic integration first-order and employment policy second-order. Meanwhile, within the field EU governance arrangements are currently being transformed to further encourage the Member States to take action. While this is a significant development, the overall ability of the EU to reduce the number of those at risk of poverty or social exclusion requires the field to move beyond its current third-order status.
欧盟领导人已同意到2030年将面临贫困或社会排斥风险的人数减少1500万(包括至少500万儿童)。本文探讨了这一雄心勃勃的目标,并分析了该领域在欧盟更广泛的治理层次结构中的定位,以及该领域内的治理安排。研究发现,在这样的治理安排中,面临贫困或社会排斥风险的问题在很大程度上是由政府间协议处理的,因此对欧盟来说,这是第三级的优先事项,经济一体化排在第一位,就业政策排在第二位。与此同时,在实地,欧盟的管理安排目前正在改变,以进一步鼓励会员国采取行动。虽然这是一个重大的发展,但欧盟在减少面临贫困或社会排斥风险的人数方面的整体能力要求该领域超越目前的第三级地位。
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引用次数: 1
The revival of Social Europe: is this time different? 社会欧洲的复兴:这次不同吗?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231185056
M. Keune, P. Pochet
The idea for this special issue on the future of Social Europe dates back to 2021, when it started to become apparent that we were witnessing a substantial reorientation of European social policy, and, possibly, a new expansive stage of Social Europe. How different things had looked only 10 years earlier, when the EU’s reaction to the financial crisis had been to cut down on social policy and focus on market-making and austerity. The renewed move towards more social EU policies is another phase in the development of Social Europe that has been characterised by periods of great ambition and others of deadlock or even regression (Barbier, 2008; Crespy, 2022; Pochet, 2019). The latter was indeed the case with the ‘new’ economic and social governance during the financial crisis, while now we seem to be in a new construction phase. Analysis of the social dimension of European integration has always had two aspects. One is analysis of the development of the social dimension strictly speaking, namely the articles of the Treaty concerning social policy and employment, the respective social and employment Directives, Recommendations and processes, as well as the social funds. The other concerns the extent to which social objectives have been subordinated to economic objectives. It analyses the impact of economic and monetary integration on the possibility of building a European social model, as well as the constraints that it imposes on the maintenance or strengthening of national welfare states, often articulated around Scharpf’s (1999) idea of a constitutional asymmetry between positive and negative integration. A decade ago, these dimensions were addressed in three special issues of Transfer: one on ‘EU social and employment policy under the Europe 2020 strategy’ (Transfer, 2012/3), a second on ‘Labour markets and social policy after the crisis’ (Transfer, 2014/1), and a third on ‘The economic consequences of the European monetary union: social and democratic’ (Transfer, 2013/1). Because of the historical moment in which these issues were produced – the end of the Barroso years and
本期关于社会欧洲未来的特刊的想法可以追溯到2021年,当时我们开始明显地看到欧洲社会政策的重大重新定位,并且可能是社会欧洲的一个新的扩张阶段。就在10年前,当欧盟对金融危机的反应是削减社会政策,专注于做市和紧缩政策时,事情看起来是多么的不同。向更社会的欧盟政策重新移动是社会欧洲发展的另一个阶段,其特点是雄心勃勃的时期和其他僵局甚至倒退(Barbier, 2008;Crespy, 2022;基因,2019)。金融危机时期的“新”经济社会治理确实如此,而现在我们似乎处于一个新的建设阶段。对欧洲一体化社会维度的分析一直有两个方面。一是严格地分析社会层面的发展,即《条约》关于社会政策和就业的条款、各自的社会和就业指示、建议和程序,以及社会基金。另一个问题是社会目标从属于经济目标的程度。它分析了经济和货币一体化对建立欧洲社会模式的可能性的影响,以及它对维持或加强国家福利国家施加的限制,通常围绕Scharpf(1999)关于积极和消极一体化之间的宪法不对称的观点进行阐述。十年前,这些方面在《转移》的三个特刊中得到了解决:一个是关于“欧洲2020战略下的欧盟社会和就业政策”(《转移》,2012/3),第二个是关于“危机后的劳动力市场和社会政策”(《转移》,2014/1),第三个是关于“欧洲货币联盟的经济后果:社会和民主”(《转移》,2013/1)。因为这些问题产生的历史时刻——巴罗佐时代的结束和
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引用次数: 2
Lost in transition? Social justice and the politics of the EU green transition 在转型中迷失?社会正义与欧盟绿色转型的政治
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231173072
Amandine Crespy, Mario Munta
Focusing on two key instruments, the Just Transition Fund and the Social Climate Fund, this article assesses to what extent the EU’s pledge for a ‘just transition’ has the potential to foster greater social justice while implementing the European Green Deal. We analyse the related objectives, policy tools and patterns of political conflict and find that both Funds have narrow objectives anchored in a reactive logic complementing existing social investment initiatives with a focus on reskilling the workforce hit by decarbonisation. Both instruments rely on multi-level investment aiming to generate green growth, combined with targeted compensation for the more vulnerable. This, we argue, is not conducive to a just transition that addresses the intersection of environmental and social problems in a holistic way. Finally, various political fault lines pose the threat that EU action will be insufficient to tackle exacerbated inequalities in the future.
本文着眼于两个关键工具,即公正过渡基金和社会气候基金,评估了欧盟在实施《欧洲绿色协议》的同时,对“公正过渡”的承诺在多大程度上有可能促进更大的社会正义。我们分析了相关的目标、政策工具和政治冲突的模式,发现这两个基金的目标都很狭隘,都是基于反应性逻辑,与现有的社会投资计划相辅相成,重点是重新培训受脱碳影响的劳动力。这两种工具都依赖于旨在实现绿色增长的多层次投资,并结合对弱势群体的有针对性补偿。我们认为,这不利于以整体方式解决环境和社会问题交叉点的公正过渡。最后,各种政治断层带来的威胁是,欧盟的行动将不足以解决未来加剧的不平等问题。
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引用次数: 3
Round Table. Implementing the EU Directive on adequate minimum wages in southern Europe: the odd case of Italy 圆桌。在南欧实施欧盟关于适当最低工资的指令:意大利的奇怪案例
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231175259
Giovanni Orlandini, G. Meardi
Southern European countries, with their apparently high degree of collective bargaining centralisation and state regulations, may seem to be little affected by the EU Directive on adequate minimum wages. This article looks at the case of Italy, the EU country generally reported to have the highest collective bargaining coverage in Europe, to show how the situation on the ground is more problematic than conventional indicators suggest. Not only does Italy lack a national minimum wage and a legal framework for collective bargaining extension, but its apparent high level of collective bargaining coverage is vulnerable to wage dumping practices. The article identifies the weaknesses of the Italian system and proposes some possible lines of reform.
南欧国家显然具有高度的集体谈判集中化和国家监管,似乎很少受到欧盟关于适当最低工资的指令的影响。这篇文章着眼于意大利的案例,意大利通常被报道为欧洲集体谈判覆盖率最高的欧盟国家,以显示实际情况如何比传统指标所显示的更有问题。意大利不仅缺乏全国最低工资标准和扩大集体谈判的法律框架,而且其明显较高的集体谈判覆盖范围很容易受到工资倾销行为的影响。这篇文章指出了意大利体制的弱点,并提出了一些可能的改革路线。
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引用次数: 0
EU employment policy and social citizenship (2009–2022): an inclusive turn after the Social Pillar? 欧盟就业政策与社会公民身份(2009-2022):社会支柱之后的包容性转向?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231169683
Robin Huguenot-Noël, F. Corti
When does the EU employment growth agenda also serve social progress? Scholars concerned with the equality/efficiency trade-off generally look at the EU as an agenda-setter. Little attention has yet been paid to its role as direct provider of social rights. Building on a data set of 71 EU measures and 317 judgments of the Court of Justice of the EU, this article evaluates the extent to which EU employment policies helped to advance social citizenship by assessing the scope and distribution of individual entitlements over time (2009–2022). Our findings show that, after almost two decades of silence, the EU not only expanded the scope of its influence over individual social rights but also took an inclusive turn, driven by more ‘universalising’ and ‘capacitating’ initiatives. Looking ahead, better monitoring of the distributive profile of EU initiatives indirectly affecting rights production (such as SURE or the Recovery and Resilience Facility) would help to ensure that this shift increasingly benefits those needing it the most.
欧盟的就业增长议程何时也服务于社会进步?关注平等/效率权衡的学者通常将欧盟视为议程制定者。它作为社会权利的直接提供者的作用还很少受到重视。本文以欧盟71项措施和欧盟法院317项判决的数据集为基础,通过评估个人权利的范围和分布(2009-2022年),评估了欧盟就业政策在多大程度上有助于提高社会公民意识。我们的研究结果表明,经过近二十年的沉默,欧盟不仅扩大了对个人社会权利的影响范围,而且在更多的“普遍化”和“容纳化”倡议的推动下,也出现了包容性的转变。展望未来,更好地监测间接影响权利产生的欧盟倡议的分布情况(如SURE或恢复和弹性基金)将有助于确保这种转变越来越多地惠及最需要它的人。
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引用次数: 3
The Roaring 20s for Social Europe. The European Pillar of Social Rights and burgeoning EU legislation 社会欧洲繁荣的20年代。欧洲社会权利支柱和迅速发展的欧盟立法
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-04-21 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231169664
C. Kilpatrick
Social Europe is not only back but, we aim to show, bigger and bolder than ever before. Through historical comparison we make the case that, rather than being a false dawn, legislative developments linked to the 2017 European Pillar of Social Rights (Pillar or EPSR) beckon such a significant and broad-based burgeoning of Social Europe that it can be characterised as the ‘Roaring 20s’ for Social Europe. This is quite a surprise based on recent Social Europe history, the Pillar itself and established EU competence limits and practices. How Social Europe has defied these justifiably low expectations is the primary focus of this analysis. It aims to characterise and illustrate what we see as a new and quite dramatic turn for Social Europe.
社交欧洲不仅回来了,而且我们要展示的是,它比以往任何时候都更大、更大胆。通过历史比较,我们认为,与2017年欧洲社会权利支柱(支柱或EPSR)相关的立法发展不是一个虚假的黎明,而是召唤着社会欧洲如此重要和广泛的蓬勃发展,它可以被描述为社会欧洲的“咆哮的20年代”。基于最近的社会欧洲历史,支柱本身以及建立的欧盟权限限制和实践,这是相当令人惊讶的。“社会欧洲”如何顶住这些合理的低预期,是本分析的主要焦点。它旨在描述和说明我们所看到的社会欧洲的一个新的和相当戏剧性的转变。
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引用次数: 4
Book Review: Luigi Burroni, Emmanuele Pavolini and Marino Regini (eds) Mediterranean Capitalism Revisited 书评:Luigi Burroni, Emmanuele Pavolini和Marino Regini(编)《地中海资本主义重访》
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231152409
Niccolo Durazzi
partnership across Europe. Crisis management is dominated either by the respective government (for example, in Poland), or social partnership, social pacts or social concertation are used by governments to increase legitimacy (for example, Spain). Likewise, they also prove a renaissance of corporatism (neo-corporatism) in times of crisis (for example, Germany) despite neoliberal developments. In addition, they show the limitations of social partnership with regard to crisis management at the European level. Although the European Commission officially promotes the idea of a Social Europe and structures that resemble national social partnership, the authors show that in times of crisis it is the European Commission that is unilaterally in charge of crisis management. Taking into consideration the different levels of European social dialogue, one could argue that the sectoral perspective at the European level would have enriched the overall picture. During the Great Recession some sectors were affected more by the economic repercussions (such as the metal sector) than others (such as the textile sector). Therefore, different sectors needed different crisis management approaches. It would have been interesting to examine the crisis management carried out by the trade union and employer umbrella organisations representing specific sectors, especially the banking sector, in direct reaction to the banking crisis. Altogether, in terms of the theoretical perspective of crisis corporatism, this anthology offers a lot of potential for further research, such as crisis management during the COVID-19 pandemic at the different levels of social dialogue (companies, Member States and EU social dialogue).
整个欧洲的伙伴关系。危机管理要么由各自的政府主导(例如,在波兰),要么由政府利用社会伙伴关系、社会协定或社会协商来增加合法性(例如,西班牙)。同样,尽管新自由主义发展,它们也证明了在危机时期(例如,德国)社团主义(新社团主义)的复兴。此外,它们显示了在欧洲一级处理危机方面社会伙伴关系的局限性。虽然欧盟委员会正式提出了“社会欧洲”的概念和类似国家社会伙伴关系的结构,但作者表明,在危机时刻,欧盟委员会单方面负责危机管理。考虑到欧洲社会对话的不同层次,人们可以争辩说,欧洲一级的部门观点将丰富整个情况。在大衰退期间,一些行业(如金属行业)比其他行业(如纺织行业)受经济影响更大。因此,不同的行业需要不同的危机管理方法。考察代表特定行业(尤其是银行业)的工会和雇主保护伞组织对银行业危机的直接反应所进行的危机管理,将是一件有趣的事情。总而言之,就危机社团主义的理论视角而言,该选集提供了许多进一步研究的潜力,例如在不同层面的社会对话(公司,成员国和欧盟社会对话)中进行COVID-19大流行期间的危机管理。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Bernhard Ebbinghaus and J Timo Weishaupt The role of social partners in managing Europe’s great recession. Crisis corporatism or corporatism in crisis? 书评:伯恩哈德·艾宾浩斯和J·蒂莫·魏斯豪特社会伙伴在管理欧洲大衰退中的作用。危机社团主义还是危机中的社团主义?
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231160419
Franziska Laudenbach
The financial crisis of 2008 unleashed a serious economic crisis across the globe and, accordingly, across the European Union (EU). The so-called Great Recession hit Europe severely and caused both short-term and long-term consequences at different levels for economic growth and employment, but also with regard to income inequality (Brzezinski, 2018). The EU’s policy responses to this crisis focused strongly on European actors, which promoted structural reforms at the national level (De la Porte and Pochet, 2014). In this multi-level context, however, it is also the Member States’ duty to respond to such a crisis in order to absorb the economic, political and social consequences. When reading about EU Member State policy responses, the relevance of the respective institutional contexts becomes evident (Kiess et al., 2017). It is this institutional context in which the social partners come into play. Policy-making by governments together with collective actors in neo-corporatist settings is not new. However, neo-corporatist structures seem to be especially relevant in times of crisis. It is this perspective of collective crisis management and policymaking that the anthology The role of social partners in managing Europe’s great recession. Crisis corporatism or corporatism in crisis? (edited by Bernhard Ebbinghaus and J Timo Weishaupt) draws together. By means of a comparative analysis, they aim at understanding crossnational variations in Europe with regard to government involvement of the social partners in crisis management. Moreover, the authors ask ‘what have been the main consequences of such concertation efforts (or their failure or their absence) on labour relations and the future of neocorporatist policymaking?’ (p. 5). In this book, the authors make use of the traditional concept of crisis corporatism, which was initially theorised by Schmitter and Lehmbruch (1979). By including socio-economic, political (politics, elections, institutions) and power-resource factors in industrial relations, they analyse the involvement of social partners across European countries during the financial and economic crisis in 2008/2009 and afterwards. In the space of 293 pages, the book covers national as well as European perspectives on corporatism in times of crises, as analysed by 17 authors. The country chapters1 explain in detail the political situation, the economic context and the respective industrial relations systems. They thus systematically shed light on the role of corporatist actors in crisis management processes, the prompt establishment of social pacts between actors in the respective social dialogues, but also government activities without social partnership. 1160419 TRS0010.1177/10242589231160419TransferBook Reviews book-review2023
2008年的金融危机在全球范围内引发了一场严重的经济危机,因此也波及了整个欧盟(EU)。所谓的大衰退严重打击了欧洲,在不同程度上对经济增长和就业以及收入不平等造成了短期和长期后果(布热津斯基,2018)。欧盟对这场危机的政策反应主要集中在欧洲参与者身上,这促进了国家层面的结构性改革(De la Porte and Pochet, 2014)。然而,在这种多层次的情况下,会员国也有责任对这种危机作出反应,以便吸收其经济、政治和社会后果。在阅读欧盟成员国的政策反应时,各自制度背景的相关性变得明显(Kiess等人,2017)。正是在这种制度背景下,社会伙伴开始发挥作用。在新社团主义背景下,政府与集体行动者共同制定政策并不新鲜。然而,新社团主义结构似乎在危机时期尤为重要。正是这种集体危机管理和政策制定的视角,造就了《社会伙伴在管理欧洲大衰退中的作用》这本选集。危机社团主义还是危机中的社团主义?(由Bernhard Ebbinghaus和J Timo Weishaupt编辑)。通过比较分析,他们的目的是了解在欧洲关于政府参与危机管理的社会伙伴的跨国差异。此外,作者还提出了这样的问题:“这种协调努力(或它们的失败或缺失)对劳资关系和新社团主义政策制定的未来产生了什么主要后果?”(第5页)。在这本书中,作者利用了危机社团主义的传统概念,该概念最初是由Schmitter和Lehmbruch(1979)提出的。通过将社会经济、政治(政治、选举、机构)和权力资源因素纳入工业关系,他们分析了2008/2009年及之后金融和经济危机期间欧洲国家社会伙伴的参与情况。在293页的篇幅里,本书涵盖了17位作者对危机时期社团主义的国家和欧洲视角的分析。国家章节1详细解释了政治形势、经济背景和各自的劳资关系制度。因此,它们系统地揭示了社团主义行动者在危机管理过程中的作用,在各自的社会对话中行动者之间迅速建立社会契约,以及没有社会伙伴关系的政府活动。1160419 trs0010.1177 /10242589231160419 transferbookreviews bookreview2023
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引用次数: 0
It takes two to code: a comparative analysis of collective bargaining and artificial intelligence 编码需要两个方面:集体谈判和人工智能的比较分析
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231156515
O. Molina, Florian Butollo, C. Mako, A. Godino, Ursula Holtgrewe, Anna Illsoe, Sander Junte, T. Larsen, Miklós Illésy, Jószef Pap, Philip Wotschack
The extension of artificial intelligence (AI) and algorithmic management mechanisms by companies has led to growing trade union demands to regulate their use. This article explores the role of collective bargaining and employee participation mechanisms in regulating the use by companies of AI and algorithms. This is done through a comparative analysis of institutional developments at EU level, as well as in four countries with different industrial relations models (Denmark, Germany, Hungary and Spain). The article shows that there are remarkable differences between countries in the roles of social partners and in the combination of protective and participative mechanisms used to respond to the challenges of AI and algorithmic management. However, the analysis also serves to highlight the limits of existing institutions and practices to cope with the complexity of challenges associated with AI and algorithmic management. This calls for institutional adaptation and additional regulatory efforts at EU and national levels to support collective bargaining.
企业对人工智能(AI)和算法管理机制的扩展,导致工会要求规范其使用的呼声日益高涨。本文探讨了集体谈判和员工参与机制在规范公司使用人工智能和算法方面的作用。这是通过对欧盟一级以及四个具有不同劳资关系模式的国家(丹麦、德国、匈牙利和西班牙)的制度发展进行比较分析来完成的。文章表明,在社会伙伴的角色以及用于应对人工智能和算法管理挑战的保护机制和参与机制的组合方面,各国之间存在显著差异。然而,该分析也有助于强调现有制度和实践在应对与人工智能和算法管理相关的挑战的复杂性方面的局限性。这就需要在欧盟和国家层面进行制度调整和额外的监管努力,以支持集体谈判。
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引用次数: 3
Introduction to the Transfer special issue. Regulating AI at work: labour relations, automation, and algorithmic management Transfer特刊简介。规范工作中的人工智能:劳资关系、自动化和算法管理
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/10242589231157656
V. De Stefano, Virginia Doellgast
Recent innovations in artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning, enabled by the shift to cloud computing and increasing internet speeds
最近人工智能(AI)和机器学习方面的创新,得益于向云计算的转变和互联网速度的提高
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引用次数: 3
期刊
Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research
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