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Consumption Taxes in Developing Countries - The Case of the Bangladesh VAT 发展中国家的消费税——以孟加拉国增值税为例
Pub Date : 2011-12-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2028663
Andrew M. C. Smith, A. Islam, M. Moniruzzaman
In common with many developing countries, Bangladesh faces problems in raising sufficient tax revenues to fund its economic and social development. To address this problem and to improve economic efficiency and growth, a major tax reform program was initiated in 1991 which centred on the introduction of a valued-added tax (VAT) to replace a range of narrowly-based consumption taxes. This paper revisit the basic structure of VAT system of Bangladesh and attempt to analysis the contribution and performance of VAT in Bangladesh as comparing to other developing countries and also attempt to identify and provide some suggestions in possible area where attention and improved performance are required to enhance the contribution of VAT in economic development of Bangladesh. The relevant data shows that the performance of VAT was quite satisfactory in the initial years - but subsequently VAT collection has remained stagnant at a certain level. As a result, VAT is unable to meet the objectives for which it was introduced. The reasons behind this performance are many, such as: a relatively small number of VAT tax-payers, a general lack of awareness, and a weak monitoring system etc. There is still scope for improving the revenue collection from VAT: by increasing the number of VAT taxpayers; reforming the VAT administration; creating intensive awareness among the people, revisiting the list of VAT exempted items and increasing the efficiency of the monitoring system.
与许多发展中国家一样,孟加拉国在筹集足够的税收收入以资助其经济和社会发展方面面临着问题。为了解决这个问题和提高经济效率和增长,1991年开始了一项重大的税收改革方案,其重点是实行增值税,以取代一系列基础狭窄的消费税。本文重新审视了孟加拉国增值税制度的基本结构,并试图分析增值税在孟加拉国的贡献和表现,与其他发展中国家相比,也试图确定并提供一些建议,在可能的领域,需要关注和提高绩效,以提高增值税在孟加拉国经济发展中的贡献。相关数据显示,增值税在最初几年的表现相当令人满意,但随后的增值税征收一直停滞在一定水平上。因此,增值税无法实现其引入时的目标。造成这种情况的原因有很多,例如:增值税纳税人数量相对较少,普遍缺乏意识,监控系统薄弱等。增值税征收仍有改进的余地:增加增值税纳税人的数量;改革增值税管理;提高民众意识,重新审视增值税免征项目清单,提高监控系统的效率。
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引用次数: 25
Political Connection, Bank Credits and Growth: Evidence from Turkey 政治关系、银行信贷与经济增长:来自土耳其的证据
Pub Date : 2011-06-01 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9701.2011.01342.x
Z. Onder, S. Ozyildirim
The pervasive existence of government‐owned banks in emerging economies is often justified by their provision of access to credit in remote and underdeveloped regions that are ignored by private banks. This paper analyses whether credits provided by government‐owned and private banks have a significant role in regional growth and whether this role changes in politically connected areas in Turkey. Our findings imply that private banks significantly improve the economic well‐being in all Turkish provinces regardless of their development level or their political connection with the ruling party. However, credits by government‐owned banks are found to be positively related to the per capita growth rate only in the less developed provinces that are advocates of the ruling political party and also developed but not politically connected provinces. These results suggest that government‐owned bank credits, as implied by the political view, are used for funding politically desirable projects or politically connected borrowers.
国有银行在新兴经济体的普遍存在往往是合理的,因为它们向偏远和不发达地区提供信贷,而这些地区被私人银行所忽视。本文分析了政府所有和私人银行提供的信贷是否在地区增长中发挥了重要作用,以及这种作用是否在土耳其的政治关联地区发生了变化。我们的研究结果表明,无论其发展水平或与执政党的政治联系如何,私人银行显著改善了土耳其所有省份的经济福祉。然而,只有在支持执政党的欠发达省份和经济发达但没有政治联系的省份,国有银行的信贷才被发现与人均增长率呈正相关。这些结果表明,正如政治观点所暗示的那样,政府拥有的银行信贷被用于资助政治上理想的项目或政治上有联系的借款人。
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引用次数: 16
A Call for Comparative Research: Consequences of a Rising Income Inequality for State Activities 呼吁进行比较研究:收入不平等加剧对国家活动的影响
Pub Date : 2011-04-25 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1820942
Renate Neubäumer
The aim of this discussion paper is not only to activate a debate over the interrelation between rising income inequality and economic policy measures but also to initiate comparative research in several European countries and North America. It discusses the consequences of a rising income inequality and its implications for state activities and economic policy. Using a simple model it becomes evident that an increasing income inequality leads to higher government spending, as a share of Gross Domestic Product, though the state does not take over more responsibilities. It also leads to a higher tax share though rates of taxation are not increased. This forces economic politicians to act. If they want to prevent an increase of these shares in order not to fall behind in the international competition, they must accept a rising public debt and/or must move away from socially accepted value judgments about "social standards", the degree of redistribution by taxes and/or an "adequate" supply of public goods. This might result in disenchantment with politics.
本讨论文件的目的不仅是为了引发一场关于收入不平等加剧与经济政策措施之间相互关系的辩论,而且也是为了在几个欧洲国家和北美开展比较研究。它讨论了收入不平等加剧的后果及其对国家活动和经济政策的影响。使用一个简单的模型就可以清楚地看到,收入不平等加剧导致政府支出(占国内生产总值(gdp)的比例)上升,尽管政府并未承担更多责任。尽管税率没有提高,但这也会导致更高的税收份额。这迫使经济政治家采取行动。如果他们想要阻止这些份额的增加,以便在国际竞争中不落后,他们必须接受不断上升的公共债务和/或必须摆脱社会接受的关于“社会标准”、税收再分配程度和/或公共产品“充足”供应的价值判断。这可能导致人们对政治不再抱有幻想。
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引用次数: 0
The Dual Nature of Public Goods and Congestion: The Role of Fiscal Policy Revisited 公共产品与拥堵的双重性质:再论财政政策的作用
Pub Date : 2011-03-04 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.930440
S. Chatterjee, Sugata Ghosh
The role of fiscal policy is examined when public goods provide both productive and utility services. In the presence of congestion, the consumption tax is shown to be distortionary. Optimal fiscal policy involves using consumption-based instruments in conjunction with the income tax. An income tax-financed increase in government spending dominates both lump-sum and consumption tax-financing. Replacing the lump-sum tax with an income tax to finance a given level of spending dominates introducing an equivalent consumption tax. These results contrast sharply with the literature, where the consumption tax is generally viewed as the least distortionary source of public finance.
当公共产品既提供生产性服务又提供公用事业服务时,财政政策的作用将得到检验。在交通拥堵的情况下,消费税被证明是扭曲的。最优的财政政策包括在征收所得税的同时使用以消费为基础的工具。由所得税融资增加的政府支出在一次性和消费税融资中都占主导地位。用所得税取代一次性税来为一定水平的支出提供资金,在引入同等的消费税方面占主导地位。这些结果与文献形成鲜明对比,在文献中,消费税通常被视为最不扭曲的公共财政来源。
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引用次数: 21
Exchange Rate Policy in Brazil 巴西的汇率政策
Pub Date : 2010-12-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1718601
J. Williamson
The macroeconomic regime implanted in Brazil during the second administration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and largely maintained by his successor, is typical of those of the advanced countries. The anchor is provided by an inflation-targeting regime (with a target inflation rate somewhat greater than in most advanced countries, of 4.5 percent a year, with a band around it of +/–2 percent). The exchange rate floats. The float is often described as free, but given the extent of recent reserve accumulation it would not qualify as a free float as understood by most economists. Fiscal policy has actually been more ambitious under the Lula regime, resulting for a time in a primary surplus of at least 4.25 percent of GDP (subsequently reduced to allow for a higher rate of public investment, and also temporarily reduced further to help combat the crisis). Monetary policy has then been directed at achieving the inflation target given fiscal policy, which--given history--has implied maintaining high interest rates. While the majority of the framework in Brazil is acceptable, it is a bit too laissez-faire in that the exchange rate should be targeted at a rate consistent with macroeconomic balance, which the authorities should treat as a reference rate.
费尔南多•恩里克•卡多佐(Fernando Henrique Cardoso)第二任期内在巴西植入的宏观经济体制,在很大程度上由他的继任者维持,是典型的发达国家体制。锚点由通胀目标制提供(其目标通胀率略高于大多数发达国家,为每年4.5%,其浮动区间为+/ - 2%)。汇率浮动。这种浮动通常被描述为自由浮动,但鉴于近期外汇储备积累的程度,它不符合大多数经济学家所理解的自由浮动。在卢拉政权下,财政政策实际上更加雄心勃勃,导致一段时间内基本盈余至少占GDP的4.25%(随后减少以允许更高的公共投资率,并暂时进一步减少以帮助对抗危机)。鉴于财政政策,货币政策的目标是实现通胀目标,鉴于历史,财政政策意味着维持高利率。虽然巴西框架的大部分内容是可以接受的,但它有点过于自由放任,因为汇率的目标应该与宏观经济平衡相一致,而当局应将其视为参考汇率。
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引用次数: 10
Inflation Targeting in Brazil, Chile and South Africa: An Empirical Investigation of Their Monetary Policy Framework 巴西、智利和南非的通胀目标制:货币政策框架的实证研究
Pub Date : 2010-11-17 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1727606
M. Kamal
This paper tackles the monetary policy performance in Brazil, Chile and South Africa under inflation targeting framework. Furthermore, it provides an empirical assessment through using the unrestricted Vector Auto-regression (VAR) and Structural Vector Auto-regression (SVAR) approaches depending on data spans the period from the first quarter of 1970 to the fourth quarter of 2007. On the other hand, it utilizes the Likelihood Ratio (LR) Statistic to test for possible structural changes due to the adoption of inflation targeting regime in those countries. The main findings are as follows: inflation targeting does make a difference in the performance of monetary policy in those countries. Furthermore, the experience of Brazil, Chile and South Africa provides important lessons for other emerging market economies to adopt such a framework.
本文研究了通胀目标制框架下巴西、智利和南非的货币政策绩效。此外,根据1970年第一季度至2007年第四季度的数据,本文通过使用无限制向量自回归(VAR)和结构向量自回归(SVAR)方法进行了实证评估。另一方面,它利用似然比(LR)统计来检验由于这些国家采用通货膨胀目标制而可能发生的结构性变化。主要发现如下:通胀目标制确实对这些国家的货币政策表现产生了影响。此外,巴西、智利和南非的经验为其他新兴市场经济体采用这种框架提供了重要的教训。
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引用次数: 6
Estimates of the Output Gap in Armenia with Applications to Monetary and Fiscal Policy 亚美尼亚产出缺口的估计及其在货币和财政政策上的应用
Pub Date : 2010-08-01 DOI: 10.5089/9781455205271.001
Asmaa A ElGanainy, A. Weber
This paper employs several econometric techniques to estimate the Armenian output gap. The findings indicate that the output gap is significantly positive in 2007 and 2008 and decreased dramatically in 2009. The paper uses these results to estimate a New Keynesian Phillips curve for Armenia, suggesting a significant role of the output gap and inflation expectations in determining current inflation. Finally, the underlying fiscal stance over the period 2000-09 is assessed by estimating the cyclically-adjusted fiscal balance. Most of Armenia’s fiscal deficit is found to be structural. Fiscal policy, while providing counter-cyclical support in 2009, has been largely pro-cyclical in the past.
本文采用几种计量经济学方法来估计亚美尼亚的产出缺口。结果表明,2007年和2008年产出缺口显著为正,2009年产出缺口显著减小。本文利用这些结果估计了亚美尼亚的新凯恩斯菲利普斯曲线,表明产出缺口和通胀预期在决定当前通胀方面发挥了重要作用。最后,通过估算经周期调整的财政平衡来评估2000- 2009年期间的基本财政状况。亚美尼亚的大部分财政赤字都是结构性的。财政政策虽然在2009年提供了反周期的支持,但在过去基本上是顺周期的。
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引用次数: 8
Fiscal and Migration Competition 财政与移民竞赛
Pub Date : 2010-06-14 DOI: 10.3386/w16224
A. Razin, E. Sadka
It is often argued that tax competition may lead to a "race to the bottom". Such a race may hold indeed in the case of the pure case of factor mobility (such as capital mobility). However, in this paper we emphasize the unique feature of labor migration, that may nullify the "race to the bottom" hypothesis. Labor migration is governed by net-of-tax factor rewards and the benefits that the welfare state provides. Tax rates are determined in a political economy set up which takes into account the effect of taxes and migration on factor rewards and the fiscal burden imposed by migration on the decisive voter.The paper models the host country stylistically as a member of the core of an economic union (i.e., a core EU welfare state member state), with tax financed benefits which is able to control the volume and the skill-composition of migration. The source country is modeled as an accession country to an economic union (i.e., through the EU enlargement treaty), with its own welfare (tax-benefit) policy. We let these two countries engage in fiscal competition. Using numerical simulations we examine how the migration policies are affected by whether the skilled or the unskilled are in power. We also analyze differences for tax policies between free and controlled migration, and the role of productivity gap.
人们常常认为,税收竞争可能导致“逐底竞争”。在纯粹的要素流动(如资本流动)的情况下,这种竞争可能确实存在。然而,在本文中,我们强调劳动力迁移的独特性,这可能会使“逐底竞争”假说无效。劳动力迁移受净税因素奖励和福利国家提供的福利的支配。税率是在考虑税收和移民对要素回报的影响以及移民对决定性选民施加的财政负担的政治经济体系中确定的。本文将东道国在风格上建模为经济联盟核心成员(即欧盟核心福利国家成员国),其税收资助的利益能够控制移民的数量和技能构成。来源国被建模为经济联盟的加入国(即通过欧盟扩大条约),具有自己的福利(税收-利益)政策。我们让这两个国家进行财政竞争。通过数值模拟,我们研究了移民政策是如何受到技术工人还是非技术工人掌权的影响的。本文还分析了自由移民和受管制移民在税收政策上的差异,以及生产率差距的作用。
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引用次数: 10
Budget Institutions and Fiscal Performance in Low-Income Countries 低收入国家的预算制度与财政绩效
Pub Date : 2010-03-01 DOI: 10.5089/9781451982237.001.A001
Era Dabla‐Norris, Richard I Allen, Luis-Felipe Zanna, T. Prakash, Eteri Kvintradze, V. Lledo, Irene Yackovlev, S. Gollwitzer
This paper presents, for the first time, multi-dimensional indices of the quality of budget institutions in low-income countries. The indices allow for benchmarking against the performance of middle-income countries, across regions, and according to different institutional arrangements that deliver good fiscal performance. Using the constructed indices, the paper provides preliminary empirical support for the hypotheses that strong budget institutions help improve fiscal balances and public external debt outcomes; and countries with stronger fiscal institutions have better scope to conduct countercyclical policies.
本文首次提出了低收入国家预算机构质量的多维指标。这些指数可以跨地区,并根据实现良好财政绩效的不同制度安排,以中等收入国家的绩效为基准。利用构建的指标,本文为强有力的预算制度有助于改善财政平衡和公共外债结果的假设提供了初步的实证支持;财政制度更健全的国家有更好的空间实施反周期政策。
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引用次数: 135
Institutions, Factor Prices and Taxation: Virtues of Strong States? 制度、要素价格和税收:强国的优点?
Pub Date : 2010-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.1540249
D. Acemoglu
Many of the most pernicious economic institutions and policies create entry barriers or manipulate factor prices to transfer resources from entrepreneurs and workers to groups that hold political power. These inefficiencies partly result from the fact that direct and efficient fiscal instruments that can be used for taxation and redistribution of resources are absent. One might then conclude that increasing state capacity and expanding the set of available fiscal instruments should improve the allocation of resources by preventing the use of these inefficient, indirect methods of redistribution. This reasoning ignores the effect of greater state capacity and the change in the set of available fiscal instruments on the political equilibrium, however. Because the availability of more efficient means of taxation increases the potential benefits of controlling state power, it also intensifies costly political conflict aimed at capturing the control of the state. This indirect effect counteracts the benefits from more efficient taxation and may dominate the direct benefits. The paper establishes the possibility that the allocation of resources may deteriorate substantially in response to an autonomous increase in state capacity and the set of fiscal instruments. It also argues that in the British case, which is a key historical example that points to the central role of increased state capacity in economic development, this change was not autonomous; instead, it was an equilibrium response to changes in political institutions that placed better checks on the exercise of power by the executive. This reasoning suggests that the study of the effect of fiscal capacity and the evaluation of policies aimed at increasing state capacity in less-developed economies should be done in the context of dynamic models of political economy, in which fiscal capacity and political constraints are jointly determined.
许多最有害的经济制度和政策设置进入壁垒或操纵要素价格,将资源从企业家和工人手中转移到掌握政治权力的集团手中。造成这种低效率的部分原因是缺乏可用于征税和资源再分配的直接和有效的财政工具。因此,人们可能会得出结论,通过防止使用这些效率低下的间接再分配方法,提高国家能力和扩大可用的财政工具,应能改善资源的配置。然而,这种推理忽略了更大的国家能力和可用财政工具集合的变化对政治均衡的影响。由于更有效的税收手段的可用性增加了控制国家权力的潜在利益,它也加剧了旨在夺取国家控制权的代价高昂的政治冲突。这种间接影响抵消了更有效的税收带来的好处,并可能主导直接好处。本文提出了一种可能性,即随着国家能力和财政工具的自主增加,资源配置可能会大幅恶化。它还认为,以英国为例(这是一个关键的历史例子,指出了国家能力增强在经济发展中的核心作用),这种变化不是自主的;相反,这是对政治制度变化的一种平衡反应,这些变化更好地制约了行政部门的权力行使。这一推理表明,对欠发达经济体财政能力效应的研究和旨在提高国家能力的政策的评估应该在政治经济学动态模型的背景下进行,其中财政能力和政治约束是共同确定的。
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引用次数: 80
期刊
ERN: Fiscal & Monetary Policy in Developing Economies (Topic)
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