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The US Military Bases in the Post-9/11 Horn of Africa 9/11后美国在非洲之角的军事基地
Mossa Hussen Negash, M. Salih
Abstract Once entangled in an intense ideological contest and power play with the Soviet Union in the Horn of Africa (HOA) during the Cold War, the US saw little geopolitical interest to defend in the sub-region in the first decade of the post-Cold War period. Terrorism-induced security threats since the late 1990s, and particularly the 9/11 incident, have drawn the US's attention back to the geostrategic Horn region. This article explores the factors behind the US's return to the Horn in the aftermath of the new millennium with a militarised and securitised presence involving the establishment of permanent and ad hoc military bases. The study employs a qualitative research approach, with data drawn from articles, books, and reports. The study reveals that although the war on terror was the immediate reason for the US's focus and militarised presence, subsequent developments such as piracy, economic interest, and the advent of rival powers increased the strategic importance of Africa to the US. The US foreign and security policy priorities are currently shifting away from the war on terror to containing strategic and economic competitors, notably China and Russia, across the globe, including in the HOA.
冷战期间,美国曾与苏联在非洲之角(HOA)陷入激烈的意识形态竞争和权力博弈,在后冷战时期的第一个十年,美国在该地区几乎没有什么地缘政治利益需要捍卫。自上世纪90年代末以来,恐怖主义引发的安全威胁,尤其是9/11事件,将美国的注意力重新拉回了具有地缘战略意义的合恩角地区。本文探讨了美国在新千年之后以军事化和证券化的存在(包括建立永久性和临时军事基地)重返非洲之角背后的因素。该研究采用定性研究方法,数据来自文章、书籍和报告。该研究表明,尽管反恐战争是美国关注和军事化存在的直接原因,但随后的发展,如海盗、经济利益和竞争对手的出现,增加了非洲对美国的战略重要性。目前,美国外交和安全政策的重点正在从反恐战争转向遏制战略和经济竞争对手,特别是中国和俄罗斯,在全球范围内,包括在联合国。
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引用次数: 0
A Reflection on the Nexus between South African Land Reform Struggles and the Unresolved National Question 反思南非土地改革斗争与未解决的民族问题之间的联系
Mzingaye Brilliant Xaba, A. Akinola
Abstract The post-apartheid South African government continues to struggle with its transformation posture, including the quest to redress the racially based land inequalities that have plagued the country since its colonial past. The Covid-19 pandemic, the 2015 #RhodesMustFall and #FeesMustFall movements, and the July 2021 #FreeZuma violence have highlighted both the fragility and the resilience of South African political institutions. Since the formation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), a left-leaning and militant political party, in 2013, the South African land question has become more vociferously contested within government purview and in the public domain. Unresolved land issues have exposed the failure of the state to resolve one of its most sensitive national questions. We interrogate the land conflict and locate it within the broader national questions that have continued to haunt post-apartheid South Africa. Indeed, the South African land question must be understood holistically, and not solely as an agrarian question. Although the ANC-led government has implemented a land reform scheme under four pillars—land restitution, land redistribution, tenure security, and land development—there are still compelling cases of land hunger and conflict, as well as widespread confusion about the proposed land expropriation without compensation. Despite the rhetoric by government officials, we hold that the land debacle is a manifestation of a failing national question, state fragility, and an incomplete decolonisation process wherein the so-called “political power” held by the majority has not transformed into economic power and the effective redistribution of land to meet the targets of successive administrations.
后种族隔离时代的南非政府仍在努力改变其转型姿态,包括寻求纠正自殖民时期以来一直困扰该国的基于种族的土地不平等。2019冠状病毒病大流行、2015年#罗德必须下台#和#学费必须下台#运动以及2021年7月#释放祖马暴力事件凸显了南非政治机构的脆弱性和复原力。自2013年左倾激进政党“经济自由战士”(EFF)成立以来,南非的土地问题在政府职权范围和公共领域变得更加激烈。未解决的土地问题暴露出该州未能解决其最敏感的国家问题之一。我们对土地冲突进行调查,并将其置于继续困扰种族隔离后的南非的更广泛的国家问题之中。的确,必须从整体上理解南非的土地问题,而不仅仅是一个土地问题。尽管非国大领导的政府已经实施了一项土地改革计划,该计划有四大支柱——土地归还、土地再分配、权属保障和土地开发——但仍然存在令人信服的土地饥饿和冲突,以及对拟议的无偿征地的普遍困惑。尽管政府官员有这样的说辞,但我们认为,土地崩溃是一个失败的民族问题、国家脆弱性和一个不完整的非殖民化过程的表现,在这个过程中,多数人持有的所谓“政治权力”没有转化为经济权力,也没有有效地重新分配土地,以满足历届政府的目标。
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引用次数: 0
Towards an Intellectual Adwa, the Isandlwana of Today 走向知识的Adwa,今天的islandlwana
Siphamandla Zondi
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引用次数: 0
Constructing a New Worldview: A Collection of Essays Reflecting on a Rapidly Changing World, by Anton M. Pillay 安东·皮莱《构建新世界观:反思快速变化的世界
Koffi Kouakou
This book is an eclectic collection of beautiful essays. It is a surprisingly delectable mosaic of incisive essays from corners of neglected intellects—surprising because of the seemingly unrelated essay topics that are bound by a common thread, namely the communication of a set of diverse worldviews. Anton Pillay, the editor, has carefully selected meaningful essays that at first glance have little to do with each other. But the embedded stories reflect a rapidly changing world, as the title teaser snaps at the reader.
这本书是一本兼收并蓄的优美散文合集。这本书是一本由被忽视的知识分子的角落里的精辟文章组成的令人惊讶的令人愉快的拼图——令人惊讶的是,这些看似无关的文章主题被一条共同的线索所束缚,即一系列不同世界观的交流。编辑安东·皮莱(Anton Pillay)精心挑选了一些有意义的文章,这些文章乍一看彼此之间没有什么联系。但正如标题的预告片对读者所言,书中嵌入的故事反映了一个快速变化的世界。
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引用次数: 0
The Influence of Frames of Reference in Understanding Covid-19 in Zimbabwe 参考框架对了解津巴布韦Covid-19的影响
Ashton Mudzingiri, Hugh Mangeya
Abstract The study unpacks some of the frames of reference that people use to explain and understand Covid-19 in Zimbabwe. The study used a qualitative research approach to explore participants’ frames of reference. A phenomenological research design was adopted. Purposive sampling was used to select research participants, whilst two online focus group discussions were held. Data were collected through the use of semi-structured interview questions, which were administered online. The study revealed five salient themes as frames of reference, each with its own sub-themes. These are religion, politics, race, the rural–urban dichotomy, and age. The study concluded that people use their frames of reference to understand pandemics. Certain myths about Covid-19 emanate from people's frames of reference, without any scientific basis. It was also noted that frames of reference give rise to the construction and perpetuation of misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories. It is recommended that stakeholders take a systematic and integrated approach which appeals to all people's frames of reference when disseminating information.
该研究揭示了人们用来解释和理解津巴布韦Covid-19的一些参考框架。本研究采用定性研究方法探讨参与者的参照系。采用现象学研究设计。有目的的抽样用于选择研究参与者,同时举行了两次在线焦点小组讨论。数据是通过使用半结构化的访谈问题收集的,这些问题是在线管理的。该研究揭示了五个突出的主题作为参考框架,每个主题都有自己的子主题。这些因素包括宗教、政治、种族、城乡二分法和年龄。该研究得出结论,人们使用他们的参考框架来理解流行病。关于Covid-19的某些误解来自人们的参考框架,没有任何科学依据。还有人指出,参照系导致误传、假消息和阴谋论的形成和延续。建议利益攸关方在传播信息时采取系统和综合的方法,呼吁所有人的参考框架。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Palm Oil and Ecology Towards Poverty Alleviation in Rumonge District, Burundi: Challenges and Prospects 布隆迪鲁蒙格地区棕榈油与生态政治对扶贫的影响:挑战与展望
Nzokizwa Benoit
Abstract Although palm oil production and commoditisation has grown tremendously over the years, issues of deforestation, exploitation of locals, limited access to palm oil markets, administrative costs, land rights, and continued loss of natural capital (ecological resources) continue to obscure its contribution to sustainable development in rural areas. Amid these tensions, smallholder farming enterprises have been identified as key to reducing poverty and erosion of natural capital. A key challenge is how to balance the needs of small farmers, palm oil producers, and local communities without compromising ecological resources. Combining quantitative and qualitative methods, this paper examined the politics of palm oil and its impact on poverty alleviation efforts in Rumonge District, Burundi. Survey respondents included 100 farmers and 300 stakeholders purposively selected from the local palm oil sector. Findings revealed that farmers’ contribution to poverty alleviation and nature conservation efforts is constrained by power relations, land tenure insecurity, inadequate support systems, and limited access to financial and technological resources. The paper contributes to development literature by contextualising the sociopolitical dynamics affecting small farmers’ contribution to livelihoods and natural capital. The paper recommends a phased approach to transform and integrate smallholder farming as part of agrarian reforms.
虽然棕榈油的生产和商品化在过去几年里有了巨大的增长,但森林砍伐、对当地人的剥削、进入棕榈油市场的机会有限、行政成本、土地权利以及自然资本(生态资源)的持续损失等问题继续掩盖了棕榈油对农村地区可持续发展的贡献。在这些紧张局势中,小农企业被认为是减少贫困和自然资本侵蚀的关键。一个关键的挑战是如何在不损害生态资源的情况下平衡小农、棕榈油生产商和当地社区的需求。本文结合定量和定性方法,考察了棕榈油的政治及其对布隆迪鲁蒙格地区扶贫工作的影响。调查对象包括100名农民和300名有目的地从当地棕榈油行业挑选的利益相关者。调查结果显示,农民对扶贫和自然保护工作的贡献受到权力关系、土地保有权不安全、支持系统不足以及获得财政和技术资源的机会有限的制约。本文通过对影响小农生计和自然资本贡献的社会政治动态进行背景分析,为发展文献做出了贡献。该报告建议采取分阶段的方法,将小农农业转型和整合作为土地改革的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Perceptions of Ectogenesis among Prominent African and Western Feminists 杰出的非洲和西方女权主义者对外胚发生的看法
B. Dasaolu, E. Ofuasia, Ibiyemi Sheriff Olasunkanmi
Abstract Medical and technological breakthroughs opened the way for ectogenesis as a way of carrying to full term foetuses that would otherwise have been lost to death. Subsequently, most Western feminists have found in ectogenesis a plausible tool for combating patriarchy. Hence, some Western feminist scholars have recently started questioning the essence of natural birth and whether it is even necessary at all, considering the bodily and psychological discomforts it entails for women. Using comparative analysis, this article engages prominent Western feminists’ arguments on ectogenesis in the light of what some African feminists maintain. This article concludes that the position of most Western feminists—that ectogenesis is potentially a tool for liberation from patriarchy— is not a position held among African feminists. This article explores the positions of some prominent African feminists on ectogenesis and its implications for motherhood. The article concludes that the scholars in these two orientations have divergent views on ectogenesis because of the ideologies underlying their strands of feminism.
摘要医学和技术上的突破为体外受精开辟了道路,使其成为一种携带足月胎儿的方式,否则胎儿就会死亡。随后,大多数西方女权主义者在体外生殖中发现了一种对抗父权制的合理工具。因此,一些西方女权主义学者最近开始质疑自然分娩的本质,以及考虑到自然分娩给女性带来的身体和心理上的不适,自然分娩是否必要。本文运用比较分析的方法,结合一些非洲女性主义者的观点,对西方著名女性主义者关于生殖生殖的观点进行了梳理。这篇文章的结论是,大多数西方女权主义者的立场——体外生殖是从父权制中解放出来的潜在工具——并不是非洲女权主义者所持有的立场。本文探讨了一些杰出的非洲女权主义者的立场,在体外发生及其对母性的影响。文章的结论是,这两个流派的学者由于其女权主义思潮背后的意识形态而对异卵发生产生了不同的看法。
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引用次数: 0
Unmasking the Whiteness of Development Discourse 揭露发展话语的白色
Pumlani Majavu
Abstract A careful reading of the literature reveals that the significance of race in development discourse is something that is hardly mentioned or discussed. In response to this gap in the literature, this article firstly builds on and contributes to the available literature—albeit scarce—that critically analyses the significance of race in development. Secondly, the article argues that the absence of critical race analysis is due to the dominant white-centric ideology of “colour-blindness”, which serves as an ideological and institutional tool to mask the whiteness that remains central to development discourse. The centrality of white racial ideology, namely whiteness, in development translates into a sophisticated maintenance of long-established racial hierarchies, which translates into white privilege and the preservation of white racial projects. The article maintains that, rather than a phenomenon of the past, the white racial project continues to be central to development discourse, albeit under the guise of colour-blindness. The key argument of the article is that critical analysis of race, rather than being dismissed or marginalised, should be central in efforts to dismantle white racial development discourse. As a discourse that is seemingly concerned with addressing inequality, freedom, and the empowerment of societies, critical race analysis is needed in order to dismantle entrenched racial inequalities.
仔细阅读文献就会发现,种族在发展话语中的重要性是很少被提及或讨论的。为了回应这一文献空白,本文首先以现有文献为基础,并对这些文献做出了贡献,尽管这些文献很少,但它们批判性地分析了种族在发展中的重要性。其次,文章认为缺乏批判性的种族分析是由于主流的以白人为中心的“色盲”意识形态,它作为一种意识形态和制度工具来掩盖白人仍然是发展话语的核心。白人种族意识形态,即白人性,在发展中的中心地位转化为对长期建立的种族等级制度的复杂维护,这转化为白人特权和对白人种族项目的保留。这篇文章坚持认为,白人种族项目不是过去的现象,而是继续成为发展话语的核心,尽管是在有色盲目性的幌子下。这篇文章的关键论点是,对种族的批判性分析,不应该被忽视或边缘化,而应该成为拆除白人种族发展话语的核心。作为一种似乎与解决不平等、自由和赋予社会权力有关的话语,为了消除根深蒂固的种族不平等,需要批判性的种族分析。
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引用次数: 1
Nation-Building in Madagascar: The Place and Role of Fihavanana in the Reconciliation Process 马达加斯加的国家建设:斐济在和解进程中的地位和作用
F. Lekaba
Abstract This article argues that SADC (the Southern African Development Community) and local role players in Madagascar missed the opportunity to use the notion of fihavanana in the country’s reconciliation process. Literature on Madagascar’s post-2009 instability predominantly deals with the successes and failures of SADC’s mediation. Less focus is placed on how fihavanana can serve as a political tool in addressing issues of nation-building. This article employs a critical literature review and a discussion of the African philosophy of fihavanana to analyse the utility of fihavanana in Madagascar’s reconciliation and mediation processes. Madagascar is a country with vast and varying ethnic groups, categorised as the Côtiers (coastal ethnic groups) and the Merina. The island has a history of ethnic divisions and polarisation, exacerbated by the consolidation of the Merina kingdom and French colonisation. The reconciliation process is analysed in the broader context of nation-building. The aim of this article is to contribute an analysis of how endogenous concepts and principles could contribute to the body of knowledge on peacebuilding from below.
摘要本文认为,南部非洲发展共同体(SADC)和马达加斯加当地的角色参与者错过了在该国和解进程中使用fihavanana概念的机会。关于马达加斯加2009年后不稳定的文献主要涉及南部非洲发展共同体调解的成功和失败。对哈瓦那如何作为解决国家建设问题的政治工具的关注较少。本文采用批判性的文献综述和对非洲菲哈瓦纳纳哲学的讨论来分析菲哈瓦纳纳在马达加斯加和解与调解过程中的效用。马达加斯加是一个拥有众多不同民族的国家,分为Côtiers(沿海民族)和Merina。该岛有种族分裂和两极分化的历史,梅里纳王国的巩固和法国的殖民统治加剧了这一历史。在更广泛的国家建设背景下分析和解进程。本文的目的是分析内生的概念和原则如何能够促进自下而上的建设和平知识体系。
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引用次数: 0
Africanisation and Community-Based Water Resource Governance 非洲化和基于社区的水资源治理
E. Shoko, Maheshvari Naidu
Abstract To optimise water as a “vehicle” for development, strategies are necessary that are appropriate in a situated African setting. On the one hand, many African scholars advocate public governance that is rooted in African philosophy and culture. This type of governance is viewed as potentially capable of employing indigenous knowledge systems that are familiar to African people and local communities. On the other hand, some scholars posit that Africanisation should not be a total rejection of certain progressive western concepts. This article, in turn, attempts to demonstrate the importance of community-based water resource governance as a resource for Africanisation and the basis for community development, while acknowledging the challenges to the realisation of this goal. Using rhizomatic discourse analysis, the article connects seemingly diverse arguments to suggest the efficacy of Africanising water resource governance. Citing several examples from the African continent, the article argues for using locally available indigenous and scientific methods of water use and distribution. The article provides a rationale for using storytelling to shape the narratives and actions that enable communities to solve their water conflicts or challenges. The article concludes that while localising water governance and peacebuilding is key, due to technological advances it is practical to merge some western methods of water governance with locally based initiatives.
为了优化水作为发展的“工具”,有必要制定适合非洲环境的战略。一方面,许多非洲学者主张植根于非洲哲学和文化的公共治理。这种类型的治理被认为有可能采用非洲人民和当地社区所熟悉的土著知识系统。另一方面,一些学者认为,非洲化不应该是对某些进步的西方概念的完全拒绝。反过来,本文试图证明以社区为基础的水资源治理作为非洲化的资源和社区发展的基础的重要性,同时承认实现这一目标面临的挑战。本文使用根茎话语分析,将看似不同的论点联系起来,以表明非洲化水资源治理的有效性。这篇文章引用了非洲大陆的几个例子,主张使用当地可用的土著和科学的用水和分配方法。这篇文章提供了使用讲故事来塑造叙事和行动的基本原理,使社区能够解决他们的水冲突或挑战。这篇文章的结论是,虽然水治理和和平建设的本地化是关键,但由于技术的进步,将一些西方的水治理方法与基于地方的倡议结合起来是可行的。
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引用次数: 1
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International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity
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