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International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity最新文献

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Small-Scale Agriculture, Land Reform, and Government Support in South Africa: Identifying Moral Hazard, Opportunistic Behaviour, and Adverse Selection 南非的小规模农业、土地改革和政府支持:识别道德风险、机会主义行为和逆向选择
S. Zantsi, Stephen Mulanda, Lunathi Hlakanyane
Abstract In the post-apartheid era, agricultural support has been focused on small-scale farmers. Although the support manifests through an array of initiatives, the largest expenditure is on land reform and the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme (CASP). However, the impact has been minimal, with few farmers benefiting. This systematic literature review study argues that the design of the government initiatives directed at small-scale farmers contains loopholes that allow the manifestation of certain behaviours explainable by three theoretical concepts from the field of economics of information, namely adverse selection, moral hazard, and opportunistic behaviour. After a comprehensive review and discussion of these concepts, we identify, through a systematic literature review, cases that illustrate the behaviour explained by these concepts within CASP and in the land redistribution programme. Our findings show that agents (service providers, farmers, and government officials) involved in the process of rendering support to small-scale farmers act on these existing loopholes in a manner that is beneficial to themselves. We recommend that efforts be made to minimise such behaviours in order to reduce transaction costs and improve the effectiveness of the support initiatives. We also identify potential future research avenues and how they can be approached.
在后种族隔离时代,农业支持一直集中在小农身上。虽然通过一系列倡议提供了支助,但最大的支出是用于土地改革和综合农业支助方案。然而,影响很小,几乎没有农民从中受益。这项系统的文献综述研究认为,针对小农的政府举措的设计存在漏洞,这些漏洞允许通过信息经济学领域的三个理论概念(即逆向选择、道德风险和机会主义行为)来解释某些行为的表现。在对这些概念进行全面的回顾和讨论之后,我们通过系统的文献综述,确定了在CASP和土地再分配计划中说明这些概念所解释的行为的案例。我们的研究结果表明,参与向小农提供支持过程的代理人(服务提供者、农民和政府官员)以对自己有利的方式对这些现有漏洞采取行动。我们建议尽量减少此类行为,以降低交易成本,提高支持措施的有效性。我们还确定了潜在的未来研究途径以及如何接近它们。
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引用次数: 5
The Renaissance Re-members 文艺复兴时期的成员
Siphamandla Zondi, Nokuthula Hlabangane, Z. Cakata
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引用次数: 0
In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power 《在美国世纪的阴影下:美国全球实力的兴衰
Anton M. Pillay, C. Landsberg
In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power is an essential text for understanding geopolitics shaped by American hegemony. A professor of history at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, Alfred W. McCoy has produced a well-researched book that often reads like a good detective novel instead of a serious historical structural analysis of the rise and fall of empires. The writing style is simple, transforming complex and multi-layered issues and dynamics into an easily understandable text accessible to all—an impressive feat considering the author’s focus on 100 years of American foreign policy. What makes McCoy’s knowledge of US foreign policy stand out among his contemporaries is that two of his research interests, the illegal drug trade and CIA covert operations, are, as he shows, two pillars which have solidified the USA’s hard-powered hegemony.
《在美国世纪的阴影下:美国全球权力的兴衰》是理解美国霸权所塑造的地缘政治的重要文本。作为威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校(University of Wisconsin-Madison)的历史学教授,阿尔弗雷德·w·麦考伊(Alfred W. McCoy)写了一本研究深入的书,读起来更像是一本优秀的侦探小说,而不是对帝国兴衰的严肃历史结构分析。写作风格简单,将复杂的、多层次的问题和动态转化为易于理解的文本——考虑到作者关注的是100年来美国外交政策,这是一项令人印象深刻的壮举。使麦考伊对美国外交政策的了解在他的同龄人中脱颖而出的是,他的两个研究兴趣,非法毒品交易和中央情报局的秘密行动,正如他所展示的那样,是巩固美国硬实力霸权的两大支柱。
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引用次数: 9
The United Nations, the Political Economy of International Organisations, and Managing Self-Determination Struggles in Africa 联合国,国际组织的政治经济,以及管理非洲的自决斗争
O. Ikeanyibe, Chuka E. Ugwu, I. Nzekwe, J. Obioji
Abstract Self-determination campaigns remain a critical cause of ethno-linguistic conflicts and resultant humanitarian crises in many countries in Africa and other parts of the world. While the United Nations (UN), its agencies, and the international community at large are ever ready to intervene in humanitarian crises arising from self-determination conflicts, it has remained difficult to adopt criteria and procedures to proactively decide and resolve self-determination campaigns in a way that encourages non-violent approaches, and to nip violent approaches to self-determination agitation in the bud. This article argues that the role of the UN in the maintenance of international peace and security should include adopting certain criteria for implementing its declarations relating to the right to self-determination. The article avers that such measures would better enhance peace and nation-building in Africa than the current approach of non-action, which consists of waiting to intervene in ethno-linguistic conflicts and the consequent humanitarian crises. The article is based on the use of documentary data and desk research.
自决运动仍然是非洲许多国家和世界其他地区种族语言冲突和由此产生的人道主义危机的一个重要原因。虽然联合国及其各机构和整个国际社会随时准备干预由自决冲突引起的人道主义危机,但仍然难以采用标准和程序,以鼓励非暴力方法的方式主动决定和解决自决运动,并将自决鼓动的暴力方法扼杀在萌芽状态。本文认为,联合国在维持国际和平与安全方面的作用应包括采用某些标准来执行其有关自决权的宣言。该条断言,这些措施将比目前的不行动办法更好地促进非洲的和平和国家建设,目前的不行动办法是等待干预种族-语言冲突和由此产生的人道主义危机。本文是基于使用文献资料和案头研究。
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引用次数: 0
Lekgotla and Idiomatic Expressions in Traditional Dispute Resolution: The Case of Makapanstad, North West Province, South Africa 传统纠纷解决中的Lekgotla与习惯表达:以南非西北省马卡潘斯塔德为例
M. Rammala
Abstract The importance of traditional dispute resolution is embedded in the culture of a people. Idiomatic expressions seek to harmonise the process of lekgotla and to heal the families involved in disputes. As a cultural system and a process that is different from the Western courts, lekgotla relies heavily on the use of idiomatic expressions as important guidelines and tenets that are utilised to unravel the complexities and challenges presented by participants in the lekgotla processes. Lekgotla is an African system of dispute resolution in its own right; however, it is subsumed in the South African national legal system, which is colonial in letter and spirit. This article aims to discuss the interrelations between lekgotla and idiomatic expressions in traditional dispute resolution as used by the Bakgatla Ba Mosetlha traditional council in Makapanstad village, North West province, South Africa. The interrelations between lekgotla and idiomatic expressions constitute a complex process with the aim of bringing families together to negotiate, confess, forgive, compensate, heal, and engage in a ceremony that restores harmony in the community. Culture is at the core of this interaction between lekgotla and idiomatic expressions, with the goal of enhancing traditional dispute resolution. Fifteen key village leaders (traditional council members) in the community of Makapanstad were the primary sources for this study. The key idiomatic expressions shared in this article, and as utilised by these village leaders, focus on maintaining the human relationships in the community.
传统纠纷解决的重要性根植于一个民族的文化之中。习惯用语旨在协调和解进程,并治愈卷入纠纷的家庭。作为一种不同于西方法院的文化体系和过程,法律诉讼在很大程度上依赖于使用成语表达作为重要的指导方针和原则,用来揭示法律诉讼过程中参与者所面临的复杂性和挑战。Lekgotla本身就是一个非洲争端解决机制;然而,它被纳入南非的国家法律体系,在文字和精神上都是殖民主义的。本文旨在探讨南非西北省Makapanstad村Bakgatla Ba Mosetlha传统理事会在传统争端解决中使用的lekgotla和习语表达之间的相互关系。lekgotla和习语表达之间的相互关系构成了一个复杂的过程,其目的是将家庭聚集在一起协商、忏悔、原谅、补偿、治愈,并参与一个恢复社区和谐的仪式。文化是语法和习惯表达之间互动的核心,其目的是增强传统的争端解决方式。Makapanstad社区的15位关键村长(传统理事会成员)是本研究的主要来源。本文中分享的关键习语,以及这些村领导使用的习语,重点是维护社区中的人际关系。
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引用次数: 2
Rethinking Pan-Africanism: The Quest for Supra-State Formation and Authentic Development in Africa 反思泛非主义:对非洲超国家形成与真正发展的追求
Thomas Adino Taye
Abstract Pan-African ideology assisted African people to realise political independence and achieve national sovereignty in the time of colonialism. From 1900 to 1960, Pan-African ideology brought a dramatic change in the social, political, and cultural lives of African people and black diasporans who were living in Europe and North America. Pan-African ideology resolved the cultural and political questions of black people at the time of slavery and colonialism. However, since the 1960s the cultural, political, psychological, social, and scientific movements of Pan-Africanism have ceased and become stagnant, without the ability to properly address the economic and governance problems of the continent. And today, neo-colonial tendencies, from both the West and the East, continue to challenge the continent. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is three-fold: first, to suggest the possibility and potential of the neo-Pan-African movement for realising supra-national sovereignty in Africa; second, to show how rethinking Pan-African ideology can help to overcome the apparent economic crisis of Africa; and third, to capitalise on the significance of Pan-Africanism as a panacea to block neo-colonial tendencies in contemporary Africa. The study used interviews with key informants, books, and published articles as sources from which to draw important inferences.
泛非意识形态在殖民主义时期帮助非洲人民实现了政治独立,实现了国家主权。从1900年到1960年,泛非意识形态给生活在欧洲和北美的非洲人和黑人侨民的社会、政治和文化生活带来了巨大的变化。泛非意识形态解决了奴隶制和殖民主义时期黑人的文化和政治问题。然而,自20世纪60年代以来,泛非主义的文化、政治、心理、社会和科学运动已经停止并停滞不前,没有能力适当地解决非洲大陆的经济和治理问题。今天,来自西方和东方的新殖民主义倾向继续挑战着非洲大陆。因此,本研究的目的有三个方面:第一,提出新泛非运动在非洲实现超国家主权的可能性和潜力;第二,展示反思泛非意识形态如何有助于克服非洲明显的经济危机;第三,利用泛非主义作为阻止当代非洲新殖民主义倾向的灵丹妙药的重要性。该研究使用了对关键线人的采访、书籍和发表的文章作为得出重要推论的来源。
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引用次数: 2
The Reality of Youth Unemployment and Unsuitable Development Models in the Global South: Evidence from Morocco 全球南方青年失业的现实和不适当的发展模式:来自摩洛哥的证据
Omar Ben Haman
Abstract This article draws on the existing literature to critically analyse the issue of youth unemployment in Morocco. The author argues that youth unemployment policy has to be understood in the context of neoliberalism and its austerity policies, as youth unemployment can never be overcome while the state keeps decreasing public expenditure and privatising public resources. And more importantly, it is the World Bank and other international development agencies that design and control models of development, establishing rankings, metrics, norms, and best practices of development in Morocco. They look at the Global South through their eyes rather than through local eyes. These models, unsuitable for the realities of the Global South, have always resulted in a distorted development model, due to the failure to take into consideration the conditions of the Global South's societies, cultures, and history.
本文借鉴现有文献,批判性地分析了摩洛哥青年失业问题。作者认为,青年失业政策必须在新自由主义及其紧缩政策的背景下理解,因为在国家不断减少公共支出和公共资源私有化的情况下,青年失业问题永远无法解决。更重要的是,是世界银行和其他国际发展机构设计和控制发展模式,在摩洛哥建立发展排名、指标、规范和最佳实践。他们用自己的眼光而不是当地的眼光来看待全球南方。由于没有考虑到发展中国家的社会、文化和历史条件,这些不适合发展中国家现实的模式总是导致扭曲的发展模式。
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引用次数: 0
State–Civil Society Relations in Zimbabwe’s “Second Republic” 津巴布韦“第二共和国”的国家与民间社会关系
Itai Kabonga, K. Zvokuomba
Abstract The greater part of Robert Mugabe’s reign was characterised by attempts to silence and curtail civil activism. His rule crystallised in the banning of civil society organisations (CSOs) and wanton arrests of CSO representatives. The fall of Mugabe marked the genesis of the “Second Republic”, led by President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Euphoria gripped Zimbabweans as the new president promised a significant break with the old regime through re-engaging with the international community and opening up the democratic space. However, an analysis of relations between civil society and the state in the Second Republic reveals continuous threats against CSOs, the maintenance of restrictive laws, and superficial reforms. The Second Republic seems to be sympathetic to development- and welfare-oriented CSOs, considering those focusing on advocacy and governance as enemies bent on destabilising the state.
罗伯特·穆加贝(Robert Mugabe)统治的大部分时间都以压制和限制公民活动为特征。他的统治体现在禁止公民社会组织(CSO)和肆意逮捕公民社会组织代表。穆加贝的倒台标志着埃默森·姆南加古瓦总统领导的“第二共和国”的诞生。津巴布韦人民欢欣鼓舞,因为新总统承诺与旧政权决裂,重新与国际社会接触,开放民主空间。然而,对第二共和国公民社会与国家关系的分析表明,公民社会组织受到持续的威胁,限制性法律的维持和肤浅的改革。第二共和国似乎对以发展和福利为导向的公民社会组织表示同情,认为那些专注于倡导和治理的公民社会组织是决意破坏国家稳定的敌人。
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引用次数: 1
Digital Elections and the Problem of Liquid Trust in the Kenyan Electoral Management Institution 数字选举与肯尼亚选举管理机构流动信任问题
George Katete
Abstract This article is inspired by studies on digital trust at the workplace. The article seeks to bridge the gap created by the lack of explanations in academic studies and theorising on why, even though elections can be held in African countries using technology and digital tools, the outcomes continue to be contested, as in the past. Blame is laid on the electoral institution, the people running the institution, and the technology applied during the election process. The study provides background regarding the Kenyan context, and benefits from a wide theorisation and generalisations taken from the literature on trust in the functions of institutions, people, and technology. The article also links these three in the broader framework of the project of digital trust at the workplace. It concludes that the holding of elections using digital technology did not yield the desired results of solidifying trust in the Kenyan electoral process and in the political domain as a whole. The context of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) involves liquid trust and a great deal of frustration, meaning that the decision to make use of technology does not necessarily lead to better results. Liquid trust is a type of trust which is short-lived, ephemeral, access-based, and dematerialised, while solid trust is an enduring and materialised type of trust. Modern liquid trust generates its other: the digital non-trustworthy or ethics-less design of a digital world.
本文的灵感来自于对工作场所数字信任的研究。这篇文章试图弥合学术研究中缺乏解释所造成的差距,并从理论上解释为什么即使非洲国家可以利用技术和数字工具举行选举,其结果仍像过去一样受到质疑。选举制度和运行选举制度的人,以及在选举过程中使用的技术,都有责任。该研究提供了肯尼亚背景,并受益于广泛的理论和概括,这些理论和概括来自于对机构、人员和技术功能的信任的文献。本文还将这三者与工作场所数字信任项目的更广泛框架联系起来。它的结论是,使用数字技术举行选举并没有产生巩固对肯尼亚选举过程和整个政治领域信任的预期结果。独立选举和边界委员会(IEBC)的背景涉及流动的信任和大量的挫折,这意味着利用技术的决定不一定会带来更好的结果。流动信任是一种短暂的、易逝的、基于获取的、非物质化的信任,而坚实信任是一种持久的、物质化的信任。现代流动信托产生了另一个问题:数字世界的数字不可信或道德缺失设计。
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引用次数: 0
Continuity and Consolidation 连续性和巩固
Siphamandla Zondi, Z. Cakata, Nokuthula Hlabangane
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity
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