Pub Date : 2021-11-29DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1994863
Itai Kabonga, K. Zvokuomba, Enock Musara
Abstract This study analysed the socio-legal framework for civil society in Zimbabwe in the changed context of the Second Republic. It exposes the continued reliance by the new government, dubbed the Second Republic, on laws that were used by the previous regime to silence civil society organisations. This is happening against the backdrop of promises made by the new President of the Republic, Emmerson Mnangagwa, to open up the democratic space and promote associational life. Where attempts have been made to repeal restrictive laws, new laws contain similar or even more restrictive provisions. Using qualitative data generation and collection compounded with the classical Gramscian theory of hegemony, the study argues that civil society-state relations in the Second Republic are characterised by the exerting of pressure and hegemonic power to influence political trajectories. The state-civil society relations represent a worsened state in the Second Republic underpinned by maintenance of restrictive laws.
{"title":"Legislative Framework for Civil Society in Zimbabwe’s “Second Republic”: A Sociological Review","authors":"Itai Kabonga, K. Zvokuomba, Enock Musara","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1994863","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1994863","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study analysed the socio-legal framework for civil society in Zimbabwe in the changed context of the Second Republic. It exposes the continued reliance by the new government, dubbed the Second Republic, on laws that were used by the previous regime to silence civil society organisations. This is happening against the backdrop of promises made by the new President of the Republic, Emmerson Mnangagwa, to open up the democratic space and promote associational life. Where attempts have been made to repeal restrictive laws, new laws contain similar or even more restrictive provisions. Using qualitative data generation and collection compounded with the classical Gramscian theory of hegemony, the study argues that civil society-state relations in the Second Republic are characterised by the exerting of pressure and hegemonic power to influence political trajectories. The state-civil society relations represent a worsened state in the Second Republic underpinned by maintenance of restrictive laws.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"2012 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127387600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-08DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1993077
Joseph Makanda, Emmanuel Matambo
Abstract South Africa‘s declaration of a state of pandemic on 27 March 2020 to combat the spread of the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has elicited debates on the impact of government's policy responses, such as national lockdowns, on the economy of the country. Some pundits support lockdown measures by arguing that they save many lives. Others acknowledge the efficacy of lockdowns in combating the spread of COVID-19 but argue that they have a devastating impact on the economy and livelihoods. However, both pro- and anti-lockdown commentators neglect African indigenous approaches in combatting the spread of infectious diseases such as COVID-19. The current paper offers a consolidated approach on how African indigenous approaches might be practically and pragmatically integrated with South Africa‘s COVID-19 policy responses. Drawing on Afrocentric theory, this paper argues that a combination of Western and African indigenous approaches can be more successful in combating the spread of COVID-19 if they are incorporated into a synthesis that adopts useful elements of each. This paper argues that by insisting on national lockdowns, social distancing, self-isolation, and the use of facemasks and vaccines as the only means of combating COVID-19, the South African government is discrediting the use of indigenous African knowledge.
{"title":"Indigenising and Africanising South Africa's Approaches to Curbing COVID-19 in South Africa: An Integrated Approach","authors":"Joseph Makanda, Emmanuel Matambo","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1993077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1993077","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract South Africa‘s declaration of a state of pandemic on 27 March 2020 to combat the spread of the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) has elicited debates on the impact of government's policy responses, such as national lockdowns, on the economy of the country. Some pundits support lockdown measures by arguing that they save many lives. Others acknowledge the efficacy of lockdowns in combating the spread of COVID-19 but argue that they have a devastating impact on the economy and livelihoods. However, both pro- and anti-lockdown commentators neglect African indigenous approaches in combatting the spread of infectious diseases such as COVID-19. The current paper offers a consolidated approach on how African indigenous approaches might be practically and pragmatically integrated with South Africa‘s COVID-19 policy responses. Drawing on Afrocentric theory, this paper argues that a combination of Western and African indigenous approaches can be more successful in combating the spread of COVID-19 if they are incorporated into a synthesis that adopts useful elements of each. This paper argues that by insisting on national lockdowns, social distancing, self-isolation, and the use of facemasks and vaccines as the only means of combating COVID-19, the South African government is discrediting the use of indigenous African knowledge.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128487980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-16DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1957694
Jean-Marie Kuzituka Did’ho
Abstract The improvised speech of Patrice Emery Lumumba on June 30, 1960, the day the Democratic Republic of Congo gained its independence from Belgium, was criticised by Western media as being unwise and ungrateful towards the so-called civilising mission of Belgium in the Congo. Yet it was acclaimed by many Pan-Africanists and black power movements. In this article, the author systematically observes, reflects on, and analyses the speech. The author finds that it is a life-giving and hope-filled speech that called for a restoration of dignity and respect to black Congolese who suffered decades of oppression and exploitation at the hands of the colonial power.
{"title":"In Memory of Patrice Emery Lumumba: His Speech at the Proclamation of the DRC’s Independence—A Systematic Reflection","authors":"Jean-Marie Kuzituka Did’ho","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1957694","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1957694","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The improvised speech of Patrice Emery Lumumba on June 30, 1960, the day the Democratic Republic of Congo gained its independence from Belgium, was criticised by Western media as being unwise and ungrateful towards the so-called civilising mission of Belgium in the Congo. Yet it was acclaimed by many Pan-Africanists and black power movements. In this article, the author systematically observes, reflects on, and analyses the speech. The author finds that it is a life-giving and hope-filled speech that called for a restoration of dignity and respect to black Congolese who suffered decades of oppression and exploitation at the hands of the colonial power.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114585919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.2023595
Ompha Tshikhudo Malima
Abstract Writing from an African and philosophical position, we argue that intellectual activists require an unfoldment, because they have been hindered by different factors such as co-option and exile. The African philosophy of ubuntu, particularly its epistemic dimension, is used as the basis for unfoldment. We depart from the justified but extremely combative critique of (neo)colonialism, and posit that there is the potential to solve African problems without perpetually blaming colonialism. Using the African Renaissance theory, we emphasise a shift towards becoming better through development and by analysing the question of poverty. Poverty is worsened by development policies, which often remain unchallenged. African philosophy can simultaneously fight colonial discourses on Africa while contributing towards human well-being by situating intellectual activism in the African condition of poverty. Intellectual activists should participate, together with citizens, in the formulation of relevant and practical policies. This requires a reframing of the intellectual landscape in order to stimulate a participatory intellectual project. It enables alternative understandings of what it means to be an intellectual, beyond the usual role of writer. Reframing intellectual activism offers an opportunity to use indigenous languages to make sense of local and lived realities on the ground.
{"title":"The Unfolding of the Intellectual Activist: An African Philosophical Perspective","authors":"Ompha Tshikhudo Malima","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.2023595","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.2023595","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Writing from an African and philosophical position, we argue that intellectual activists require an unfoldment, because they have been hindered by different factors such as co-option and exile. The African philosophy of ubuntu, particularly its epistemic dimension, is used as the basis for unfoldment. We depart from the justified but extremely combative critique of (neo)colonialism, and posit that there is the potential to solve African problems without perpetually blaming colonialism. Using the African Renaissance theory, we emphasise a shift towards becoming better through development and by analysing the question of poverty. Poverty is worsened by development policies, which often remain unchallenged. African philosophy can simultaneously fight colonial discourses on Africa while contributing towards human well-being by situating intellectual activism in the African condition of poverty. Intellectual activists should participate, together with citizens, in the formulation of relevant and practical policies. This requires a reframing of the intellectual landscape in order to stimulate a participatory intellectual project. It enables alternative understandings of what it means to be an intellectual, beyond the usual role of writer. Reframing intellectual activism offers an opportunity to use indigenous languages to make sense of local and lived realities on the ground.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129184739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1979896
Chidochashe Nyere, Siphamandla Zondi
Abstract The article analyses the Arab Spring protests that started in Tunisia in 2010 and spread into more than thirteen other countries across two continents. Of the more than thirteen countries affected by the Arab Spring, only four countries are analysed: Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan, and Libya. The principal objectives of this article are threefold. Firstly, the article critically explores the reasons for the uprisings in the four countries that form part of this analysis. Secondly, the article analyses the respective governments’ responses to the protests in their domains. Thirdly, the article analyses the so-called international community's responses to the cases discussed. Qualitative methodology, which seeks to interpret the reasons behind the actions and responses by the respective actors during the Libyan invasion, is used. A decolonial interpretation of the events in Libya suggests a global coloniality that sought to entrap Libya and, indeed, all of the Global South. The findings are that the Libyan invasion was a targeted and selective application of legal instruments such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, quasi-insulated from legal reproach because the so- called intervention was a UN-gazetted operation. As such, the UN continues to be used as a vehicle for the powerful located in the Global North to punish the weak in the Global South.
{"title":"The Asymmetry, Disparity, Inconsistency, and Double Standards of Global Coloniality: The Case of Libya in 2011","authors":"Chidochashe Nyere, Siphamandla Zondi","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1979896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1979896","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article analyses the Arab Spring protests that started in Tunisia in 2010 and spread into more than thirteen other countries across two continents. Of the more than thirteen countries affected by the Arab Spring, only four countries are analysed: Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan, and Libya. The principal objectives of this article are threefold. Firstly, the article critically explores the reasons for the uprisings in the four countries that form part of this analysis. Secondly, the article analyses the respective governments’ responses to the protests in their domains. Thirdly, the article analyses the so-called international community's responses to the cases discussed. Qualitative methodology, which seeks to interpret the reasons behind the actions and responses by the respective actors during the Libyan invasion, is used. A decolonial interpretation of the events in Libya suggests a global coloniality that sought to entrap Libya and, indeed, all of the Global South. The findings are that the Libyan invasion was a targeted and selective application of legal instruments such as the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, quasi-insulated from legal reproach because the so- called intervention was a UN-gazetted operation. As such, the UN continues to be used as a vehicle for the powerful located in the Global North to punish the weak in the Global South.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121513123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1962726
Moorosi Leshoele
Abstract The military has for a long time been used to crush dissent and to silence and stifle democratic principles in Lesotho. This small enclave country (fully surrounded by South Africa) has had, since 1966, a history of political instability, mainly triggered by skewed civil-military relations. This has impacted negatively on its economic growth and development. The central argument of this article is that stagnant and even regressive socio-economic development in Lesotho has a strong correlation with the untenable political situation, fuelled by the involvement of the military in politics. It has been found that Lesotho’s military is too entrapped, like many militaries in Africa, in the post-colonial “colonial” mentality in that it is too inward-looking and therefore sees and treats its own citizens as enemies instead of allies. The incidence of human rights abuses and meddling by the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) in civilian matters is staggering. Fundamentally, these are institutional problems that warrant an overhaul of the entire system of governance, beginning with radical amendments to the constitution. To this end, various reforms have been suggested by civil society organisations and political parties, including constitutional reforms, security sector reforms, electoral reforms, and many others. If these reforms could be implemented, Lesotho might transition into a stable, peaceful, and developmental state in the southern African region.
{"title":"The Political History of Military-Induced Conflict and Instability in Lesotho and Its Economic and Developmental Implications","authors":"Moorosi Leshoele","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1962726","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1962726","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The military has for a long time been used to crush dissent and to silence and stifle democratic principles in Lesotho. This small enclave country (fully surrounded by South Africa) has had, since 1966, a history of political instability, mainly triggered by skewed civil-military relations. This has impacted negatively on its economic growth and development. The central argument of this article is that stagnant and even regressive socio-economic development in Lesotho has a strong correlation with the untenable political situation, fuelled by the involvement of the military in politics. It has been found that Lesotho’s military is too entrapped, like many militaries in Africa, in the post-colonial “colonial” mentality in that it is too inward-looking and therefore sees and treats its own citizens as enemies instead of allies. The incidence of human rights abuses and meddling by the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) in civilian matters is staggering. Fundamentally, these are institutional problems that warrant an overhaul of the entire system of governance, beginning with radical amendments to the constitution. To this end, various reforms have been suggested by civil society organisations and political parties, including constitutional reforms, security sector reforms, electoral reforms, and many others. If these reforms could be implemented, Lesotho might transition into a stable, peaceful, and developmental state in the southern African region.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123332467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1993076
S. Kumalo
I come to the reading of Ubuntu for Warriors by Colin Chasi as a native speaker of the isiZulu language and an Indigene of South Africa, who appreciates the challenges inaugurated by the arbitrary borders instituted on the continent by colonial greed and imposition. Moreover, I come to this book plagued by anxiety, owing to the disclaimer given below. On a theoretical level, I often am confronted by the question of whether I can claim to own ubuntu, seeing as it has been theorised in ways that I cannot understand, or more pragmatically, that are foreign to me. This alienation from a concept that is rooted in the language of my ancestors began in 2016, reading for a course on ubuntu with Leonhard Praeg—as he was teaching his Report on Ubuntu (2014). Having engaged the course and developed a paper that used African intellectuals and sought to think through the concept from my ontological position, I was given a grade of 50% by my professor. In my paper, aptly titled Contestations of Ontologies: An Aporia of Juridical Adjudication, the comments given to me read as follows:
{"title":"Inkatha neButho: Linguistically Situating Ubuntu and Its Theorisation","authors":"S. Kumalo","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1993076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1993076","url":null,"abstract":"I come to the reading of Ubuntu for Warriors by Colin Chasi as a native speaker of the isiZulu language and an Indigene of South Africa, who appreciates the challenges inaugurated by the arbitrary borders instituted on the continent by colonial greed and imposition. Moreover, I come to this book plagued by anxiety, owing to the disclaimer given below. On a theoretical level, I often am confronted by the question of whether I can claim to own ubuntu, seeing as it has been theorised in ways that I cannot understand, or more pragmatically, that are foreign to me. This alienation from a concept that is rooted in the language of my ancestors began in 2016, reading for a course on ubuntu with Leonhard Praeg—as he was teaching his Report on Ubuntu (2014). Having engaged the course and developed a paper that used African intellectuals and sought to think through the concept from my ontological position, I was given a grade of 50% by my professor. In my paper, aptly titled Contestations of Ontologies: An Aporia of Juridical Adjudication, the comments given to me read as follows:","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"381 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124739142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1982649
T. Ojo
Abstract Southern African Development Community (SADC) economies have tried to enable access for women and girls to finance and gender equality within their constitutional rights, yet the effort seems futile. Women in the SADC region are currently creating opportunities to claim their space through liberal models of solidifying collectives on economic fronts. However, SADC communities still have a long way to go to achieve sustainable development in gender equality, financial security, and economic rights. The article focuses explicitly on women entrepreneurs and the growth of SMEs which are women-led in South Africa, Namibia, and Lesotho, debating on how beneficial this has been in terms of financial inclusion for women across the SADC member countries. The study engaged an exploratory qualitative analysis from secondary data to project the findings in the study, specifying the contextual overview on financial sector development in SADC countries and its significance to gender financial inclusion. The results yield significant insights into the trajectories of Southern economies in terms of gender politics and the importance of further research into gender economic policies affecting these economies.
{"title":"Gendered Finance and Economic Opportunities in SADC Communities: An Overview of Challenges and Prospects","authors":"T. Ojo","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1982649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1982649","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Southern African Development Community (SADC) economies have tried to enable access for women and girls to finance and gender equality within their constitutional rights, yet the effort seems futile. Women in the SADC region are currently creating opportunities to claim their space through liberal models of solidifying collectives on economic fronts. However, SADC communities still have a long way to go to achieve sustainable development in gender equality, financial security, and economic rights. The article focuses explicitly on women entrepreneurs and the growth of SMEs which are women-led in South Africa, Namibia, and Lesotho, debating on how beneficial this has been in terms of financial inclusion for women across the SADC member countries. The study engaged an exploratory qualitative analysis from secondary data to project the findings in the study, specifying the contextual overview on financial sector development in SADC countries and its significance to gender financial inclusion. The results yield significant insights into the trajectories of Southern economies in terms of gender politics and the importance of further research into gender economic policies affecting these economies.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125565610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2025873
C. Hungwe
Abstract The rise in deaths due to the combined effects of the Covid-19 pandemic and other communicable and non-communicable diseases has made it difficult for Zimbabweans to dignify death and offer decent burials to the deceased. Funeral parlours and other players in the death industry have become overwhelmed. This article explains the behaviour of Zimbabweans in the diaspora who continue to repatriate dead bodies into the country even when repatriation poses challenges to all involved, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic. Concepts such as “the living dead”, “death in and out of place”, and “good death versus bad death” are used to analyse perceptions of death among Zimbabweans. For the Shona and Ndebele (the biggest ethnic groups in Zimbabwe), the living and the dead form part of the same community. Repatriation of the dead is an attempt to dignify death and offer a decent send-off to the deceased, whose spirit must be placated lest they become vengeful. Burial location signifies an affirmation of belonging to the kin group. The grave site, and its accessibility, gives kin members the opportunity to perform the necessary rituals at any time.
{"title":"A Stubborn Culture? Zimbabwean Migrants and the Quest for a Decent Burial during the Covid-19 Pandemic","authors":"C. Hungwe","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2025873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2025873","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The rise in deaths due to the combined effects of the Covid-19 pandemic and other communicable and non-communicable diseases has made it difficult for Zimbabweans to dignify death and offer decent burials to the deceased. Funeral parlours and other players in the death industry have become overwhelmed. This article explains the behaviour of Zimbabweans in the diaspora who continue to repatriate dead bodies into the country even when repatriation poses challenges to all involved, especially during the Covid-19 pandemic. Concepts such as “the living dead”, “death in and out of place”, and “good death versus bad death” are used to analyse perceptions of death among Zimbabweans. For the Shona and Ndebele (the biggest ethnic groups in Zimbabwe), the living and the dead form part of the same community. Repatriation of the dead is an attempt to dignify death and offer a decent send-off to the deceased, whose spirit must be placated lest they become vengeful. Burial location signifies an affirmation of belonging to the kin group. The grave site, and its accessibility, gives kin members the opportunity to perform the necessary rituals at any time.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124313814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-03DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.1979895
S. Zantsi, Stephen Mulanda, Lunathi Hlakanyane
Abstract In the post-apartheid era, agricultural support has been focused on small-scale farmers. Although the support manifests through an array of initiatives, the largest expenditure is on land reform and the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme (CASP). However, the impact has been minimal, with few farmers benefiting. This systematic literature review study argues that the design of the government initiatives directed at small-scale farmers contains loopholes that allow the manifestation of certain behaviours explainable by three theoretical concepts from the field of economics of information, namely adverse selection, moral hazard, and opportunistic behaviour. After a comprehensive review and discussion of these concepts, we identify, through a systematic literature review, cases that illustrate the behaviour explained by these concepts within CASP and in the land redistribution programme. Our findings show that agents (service providers, farmers, and government officials) involved in the process of rendering support to small-scale farmers act on these existing loopholes in a manner that is beneficial to themselves. We recommend that efforts be made to minimise such behaviours in order to reduce transaction costs and improve the effectiveness of the support initiatives. We also identify potential future research avenues and how they can be approached.
{"title":"Small-Scale Agriculture, Land Reform, and Government Support in South Africa: Identifying Moral Hazard, Opportunistic Behaviour, and Adverse Selection","authors":"S. Zantsi, Stephen Mulanda, Lunathi Hlakanyane","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.1979895","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1979895","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the post-apartheid era, agricultural support has been focused on small-scale farmers. Although the support manifests through an array of initiatives, the largest expenditure is on land reform and the Comprehensive Agricultural Support Programme (CASP). However, the impact has been minimal, with few farmers benefiting. This systematic literature review study argues that the design of the government initiatives directed at small-scale farmers contains loopholes that allow the manifestation of certain behaviours explainable by three theoretical concepts from the field of economics of information, namely adverse selection, moral hazard, and opportunistic behaviour. After a comprehensive review and discussion of these concepts, we identify, through a systematic literature review, cases that illustrate the behaviour explained by these concepts within CASP and in the land redistribution programme. Our findings show that agents (service providers, farmers, and government officials) involved in the process of rendering support to small-scale farmers act on these existing loopholes in a manner that is beneficial to themselves. We recommend that efforts be made to minimise such behaviours in order to reduce transaction costs and improve the effectiveness of the support initiatives. We also identify potential future research avenues and how they can be approached.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122672768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：