Pub Date : 2022-06-28DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2085420
Anslem Wongibeh Adunimay
Abstract This article aims to examine the role of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) in peacebuilding in the Great Lakes Region (GLR) by focusing on its conflict transformation approach to peacebuilding. The region is made up of a complex network of political and economic resources that have had tremendous effects on peace and security. The region has experienced many atrocities, caused by heavy violations of human rights and the violation of the state sovereignty principle. This has opened avenues for illegal armed groups from within and outside the region, encouraged illegal mining, and led to conflicts becoming intractable in nature. The GLR has also registered intercommunal conflicts in Uganda and South Sudan which continue to compromise peace and security, affecting the safety and livelihoods of people. These intractable intercommunal conflicts do not affect the GLR alone but also the entire continent. This has led scholars, non-governmental organisations, international organisations, and intergovernmental organisations such as the ICGLR to seek to end the conflict in the region. This article finds that conflict persists because the ICGLR's structures are ineffective. Furthermore, despite the strides made in areas such as the illegal exploitation of mineral resources, human rights violations, sexual gender-based violence, and democracy, there are factors that hamper progress, including understaffing and unqualified personnel, coupled with a lack of political consensus in decision making and implementation, which has led to malfunctioning in the ICGLR.
{"title":"The Role of Regional Organisations in Peacebuilding: The Case of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region","authors":"Anslem Wongibeh Adunimay","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2085420","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2085420","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article aims to examine the role of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) in peacebuilding in the Great Lakes Region (GLR) by focusing on its conflict transformation approach to peacebuilding. The region is made up of a complex network of political and economic resources that have had tremendous effects on peace and security. The region has experienced many atrocities, caused by heavy violations of human rights and the violation of the state sovereignty principle. This has opened avenues for illegal armed groups from within and outside the region, encouraged illegal mining, and led to conflicts becoming intractable in nature. The GLR has also registered intercommunal conflicts in Uganda and South Sudan which continue to compromise peace and security, affecting the safety and livelihoods of people. These intractable intercommunal conflicts do not affect the GLR alone but also the entire continent. This has led scholars, non-governmental organisations, international organisations, and intergovernmental organisations such as the ICGLR to seek to end the conflict in the region. This article finds that conflict persists because the ICGLR's structures are ineffective. Furthermore, despite the strides made in areas such as the illegal exploitation of mineral resources, human rights violations, sexual gender-based violence, and democracy, there are factors that hamper progress, including understaffing and unqualified personnel, coupled with a lack of political consensus in decision making and implementation, which has led to malfunctioning in the ICGLR.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122851301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-06DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2073246
Bhaso Ndzendze
Abstract This article investigates the prevalence of interstate war as a theme in African countries’ national anthems and seeks to identify whether there is any correlation between themes of interstate enmity in anthems and having experienced interstate war. The article links literature on postcolonial identity-building, nation-building, interstate relations, and interstate war in Africa. Findings indicate that countries without interstate war-themed lyrics are more prevalent (35/54) compared with those with such lyrics (19/54). Proportionally, states with interstate war themes in their lyrics have seen more interstate conflict (75% compared with 54.05% for those without). Brief analyses of the three conventionally defined interstate wars in the continent’s history show that those conflicts were all initiated by states with interstate war as a theme in their lyrics against states without such themes. Similarly, the majority of militarised interstate disputes (MIDs) were initiated by states with this theme in their lyrics. Importantly, however, within this group, only those with lyrics with themes that are pro-war were more likely to initiate interstate conflicts. Thus, anthems are a useful predicter of military aggression; they reflect part of the political psyche of a country and the boundary-related conditions under which it attained sovereignty.
{"title":"Declarations of Intent: Themes of Interstate War in African National Anthems","authors":"Bhaso Ndzendze","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2073246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2073246","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the prevalence of interstate war as a theme in African countries’ national anthems and seeks to identify whether there is any correlation between themes of interstate enmity in anthems and having experienced interstate war. The article links literature on postcolonial identity-building, nation-building, interstate relations, and interstate war in Africa. Findings indicate that countries without interstate war-themed lyrics are more prevalent (35/54) compared with those with such lyrics (19/54). Proportionally, states with interstate war themes in their lyrics have seen more interstate conflict (75% compared with 54.05% for those without). Brief analyses of the three conventionally defined interstate wars in the continent’s history show that those conflicts were all initiated by states with interstate war as a theme in their lyrics against states without such themes. Similarly, the majority of militarised interstate disputes (MIDs) were initiated by states with this theme in their lyrics. Importantly, however, within this group, only those with lyrics with themes that are pro-war were more likely to initiate interstate conflicts. Thus, anthems are a useful predicter of military aggression; they reflect part of the political psyche of a country and the boundary-related conditions under which it attained sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133747584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2075279
G. Dzinesa
Abstract Mozambique has suffered two major conflicts in the past decade: localised intermittent armed conflict between the government and the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) movement between 2013 and 2019 and violent extremism (VE) in the gas-rich northern Cabo Delgado province since 2017. In the former, violence mainly manifested itself in direct physical and structural terms, while the latter conflict has been characterised by cultural violence on top of structural violence, as religion has served to justify and legitimise direct violence. Using the Infrastructures for Peace (I4P) and adaptive peacebuilding concepts, this article examines the peacebuilding efforts of the Military Affairs Commission and faith-based organisations (FBOs), specifically the Christian Council of Mozambique and the Islamic Council of Mozambique. This exploratory empirical study argues that key issues and lessons from these efforts may serve as inputs for potential adaptive Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation, and Reintegration (DDRR), which can contribute to preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) in Cabo Delgado. As there has been no umbrella peacebuilding body, the article asserts that the Military Affairs Commission and FBOs can be crucial players in creating a potential National Peace Architecture (NPA) for sustaining peace in Mozambique.
{"title":"Mozambique’s Forever Wars: Can the Military Affairs Commission, Christian Council, and Islamic Council Be Key Players in Building a National Peace Architecture?","authors":"G. Dzinesa","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2075279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2075279","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Mozambique has suffered two major conflicts in the past decade: localised intermittent armed conflict between the government and the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) movement between 2013 and 2019 and violent extremism (VE) in the gas-rich northern Cabo Delgado province since 2017. In the former, violence mainly manifested itself in direct physical and structural terms, while the latter conflict has been characterised by cultural violence on top of structural violence, as religion has served to justify and legitimise direct violence. Using the Infrastructures for Peace (I4P) and adaptive peacebuilding concepts, this article examines the peacebuilding efforts of the Military Affairs Commission and faith-based organisations (FBOs), specifically the Christian Council of Mozambique and the Islamic Council of Mozambique. This exploratory empirical study argues that key issues and lessons from these efforts may serve as inputs for potential adaptive Disarmament, Demobilisation, Rehabilitation, and Reintegration (DDRR), which can contribute to preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) in Cabo Delgado. As there has been no umbrella peacebuilding body, the article asserts that the Military Affairs Commission and FBOs can be crucial players in creating a potential National Peace Architecture (NPA) for sustaining peace in Mozambique.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122712745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-27DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2073245
C. Isike, O. Olasupo
Abstract The colonial disruption of organic state formation in Africa through the imposition of an alien state system adversely influenced state-building in the continent with consequences for good governance, belonging, and development in its holistic sense. Looking at the case of Nigeria, the adverse manifestations of the postcolonial state are signposted in the prevalent high level of insecurity that brings the state to the point of failure. This study used a mix of qualitative and quantitative research methods to interrogate the origins of the Nigerian state, the perverse character it manifests, and her future trajectory. The findings show that Nigeria is in self-destruct mode unless, for once, the fundamental problem of its imposed origin and essence is addressed. Doing so will require a political mechanism that enables Nigerians to participate in negotiating a social contract between the state and its citizens as equal stakeholders.
{"title":"Rethinking the State in Africa: Perceptions of Nigerians on State Formation, State-Building, and a Negotiated Social Contract in the Nigerian Case","authors":"C. Isike, O. Olasupo","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2073245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2073245","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The colonial disruption of organic state formation in Africa through the imposition of an alien state system adversely influenced state-building in the continent with consequences for good governance, belonging, and development in its holistic sense. Looking at the case of Nigeria, the adverse manifestations of the postcolonial state are signposted in the prevalent high level of insecurity that brings the state to the point of failure. This study used a mix of qualitative and quantitative research methods to interrogate the origins of the Nigerian state, the perverse character it manifests, and her future trajectory. The findings show that Nigeria is in self-destruct mode unless, for once, the fundamental problem of its imposed origin and essence is addressed. Doing so will require a political mechanism that enables Nigerians to participate in negotiating a social contract between the state and its citizens as equal stakeholders.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"140 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132970660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-25DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2042706
N. Radebe
Abstract Indigenous communities have preserved knowledges that can address modern challenges. However, these knowledges are often misunderstood and misinterpreted because of the Western methods that are employed when indigenous communities are studied. It is in this context that we can appreciate the call to decolonise these methodologies. This article discusses experiences from the field to show other ways of studying indigenous communities so that their knowledges are understood in their own accord. More salient is the role of indigenous researchers who have innate skills that are critical in making sense of these knowledges. This article argues that decolonising methodologies requires a decolonial turn where researchers move away from Western methods and pay serious attention to indigenous systems that are central to the preservation of knowledges, namely languages, cultural practices, and belief systems.
{"title":"Learning from Indigenous Communities: The Case of Esihlengeni in Vryheid, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa","authors":"N. Radebe","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2042706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2042706","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Indigenous communities have preserved knowledges that can address modern challenges. However, these knowledges are often misunderstood and misinterpreted because of the Western methods that are employed when indigenous communities are studied. It is in this context that we can appreciate the call to decolonise these methodologies. This article discusses experiences from the field to show other ways of studying indigenous communities so that their knowledges are understood in their own accord. More salient is the role of indigenous researchers who have innate skills that are critical in making sense of these knowledges. This article argues that decolonising methodologies requires a decolonial turn where researchers move away from Western methods and pay serious attention to indigenous systems that are central to the preservation of knowledges, namely languages, cultural practices, and belief systems.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123852146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-25DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2042705
Matthew Sabbi
Abstract The cancellation of Ghana’s 2019 referendum provoked a public furore after depriving citizens of the promised constitutional right to affect the recruitment of district mayors. The consequent recriminations between the opposition and the incumbent effectively focused on the content of the poll, especially a vicious infiltration of party politics into the municipal councils. Drawing on multiple strands of data and fieldwork experience, this article presents an alternative view that unearths the inherent political equilibrium that undergirded the cancellation of the planned poll. Embedded in the political sociology of referendum, I show that despite their ostensibly competing views on local government, both parties had the end goal of maintaining the status quo, as they implicitly agreed to initiate and terminate the poll. This offered a basis for them to display their varying views on the exercise publicly while cloaking a long-standing convention to safeguard the municipal hierarchy and patronage.
{"title":"“Staged Dilemma”: Hidden Political Intents in Ghana’s Botched Referendum of 2019","authors":"Matthew Sabbi","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2042705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2042705","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The cancellation of Ghana’s 2019 referendum provoked a public furore after depriving citizens of the promised constitutional right to affect the recruitment of district mayors. The consequent recriminations between the opposition and the incumbent effectively focused on the content of the poll, especially a vicious infiltration of party politics into the municipal councils. Drawing on multiple strands of data and fieldwork experience, this article presents an alternative view that unearths the inherent political equilibrium that undergirded the cancellation of the planned poll. Embedded in the political sociology of referendum, I show that despite their ostensibly competing views on local government, both parties had the end goal of maintaining the status quo, as they implicitly agreed to initiate and terminate the poll. This offered a basis for them to display their varying views on the exercise publicly while cloaking a long-standing convention to safeguard the municipal hierarchy and patronage.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132145986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-25DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2035785
M. Matlala, M. Rammala
Abstract This paper examined the brutal tactics used by security forces in the early days of the COVID-19 lockdown in South Africa. Key questions raised relate to the philosophical (dis)connectedness of their actions. The paper posits that the way in which some police and soldiers conducted themselves in black communities is reminiscent of colonial-apartheid hermeneutics. Their conduct, devoid of Ubuntu, relegates the culprits to “mere symbols with no substance,” in a deeply conditioned state of mental subjugation. Though black, the culprits remain largely unAfrikan in thought. The paper concludes that training for security forces needs to inculcate philosophies of Afrikanism. Furthermore, the paper highlights key lessons to be embraced. Recommendations made include the professionalisation of the security forces, enabling public dialogue, and bringing the culprits to book faster to restore the image of the country, the government, and the security agencies. This paper used a qualitative desktop design that applied inductive analyses.
{"title":"Le Re Le Ma-Afrika, Baena Ma-Africa Tena? The unAfrikan Policing Tactics Used During the COVID-19 Lockdown in South Africa","authors":"M. Matlala, M. Rammala","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2035785","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2035785","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examined the brutal tactics used by security forces in the early days of the COVID-19 lockdown in South Africa. Key questions raised relate to the philosophical (dis)connectedness of their actions. The paper posits that the way in which some police and soldiers conducted themselves in black communities is reminiscent of colonial-apartheid hermeneutics. Their conduct, devoid of Ubuntu, relegates the culprits to “mere symbols with no substance,” in a deeply conditioned state of mental subjugation. Though black, the culprits remain largely unAfrikan in thought. The paper concludes that training for security forces needs to inculcate philosophies of Afrikanism. Furthermore, the paper highlights key lessons to be embraced. Recommendations made include the professionalisation of the security forces, enabling public dialogue, and bringing the culprits to book faster to restore the image of the country, the government, and the security agencies. This paper used a qualitative desktop design that applied inductive analyses.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133858092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2073243
M. O. Kisaka, I. Nyadera, Felix Shihundu
Abstract South Sudan has not escaped the world’s attention even after the signing of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS) in September 2018. This agreement brought the main antagonists— President Salva Kiir and Vice-President Dr Riek Machar—to the negotiation table for the twelfth time since the conflict began in 2013. Even with the aura of a shaky peace, the main question is whether the new agreement will stand the test of time in light of the history of the failed implementation of peace agreements. This paper recognises the vital nature of the prevailing peace and examines whether consociational democracy can be propped up during this period of relative peace. The discussion hinges on consociationalism theory that contains a broad array of principles, including power sharing, requisite for consociational democracy. We argue that although South Sudan’s context could favour consociational democracy, there are several barriers characterising Sudan’s social and political spheres that should be alleviated. We elucidate on the barriers and suggest in broad strokes the need for strong independent institutions and vibrant civil society amongst others. We also recognise that overreliance on individuals in resolving the conflict is detrimental to the young nation, and there is a need for a citizen-centred approach that entrenches consociational principles in South Sudan’s political sphere.
{"title":"Examining the Prospects of Consociational Power Sharing as a Conflict Resolution Strategy in South Sudan","authors":"M. O. Kisaka, I. Nyadera, Felix Shihundu","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2073243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2073243","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract South Sudan has not escaped the world’s attention even after the signing of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS) in September 2018. This agreement brought the main antagonists— President Salva Kiir and Vice-President Dr Riek Machar—to the negotiation table for the twelfth time since the conflict began in 2013. Even with the aura of a shaky peace, the main question is whether the new agreement will stand the test of time in light of the history of the failed implementation of peace agreements. This paper recognises the vital nature of the prevailing peace and examines whether consociational democracy can be propped up during this period of relative peace. The discussion hinges on consociationalism theory that contains a broad array of principles, including power sharing, requisite for consociational democracy. We argue that although South Sudan’s context could favour consociational democracy, there are several barriers characterising Sudan’s social and political spheres that should be alleviated. We elucidate on the barriers and suggest in broad strokes the need for strong independent institutions and vibrant civil society amongst others. We also recognise that overreliance on individuals in resolving the conflict is detrimental to the young nation, and there is a need for a citizen-centred approach that entrenches consociational principles in South Sudan’s political sphere.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125013273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2021.2018340
Ibrahim Steven Ekyamba
Abstract Whilst the role of various peace efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was to restore sustainable stability in the eastern parts of the country, the protracted armed conflicts and increase of armed groups in the Kivu region raises concerns and poses peace and security problems not for the DRC alone, but also for the Great Lakes region. To stabilise and neutralise armed groups in this region, the DRC government and its international partners have implemented various peace efforts since the escalation of wars in 1996 to the present, including the six-country ceasefire signed in July 1999 in Lusaka, the July 2002 peace deal between the DRC and Rwanda for the withdrawal of Rwandan troops and the disarmament of Rwandan Hutu militias in eastern DRC, the January 2008 accord between the DRC government and rebel groups, and a series of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programmes to neutralise non-state armed groups. However, despites these efforts, armed groups have increased and the situation in the Kivu region remains precarious. Using theories such as the human needs theory of conflict and the economic theory of conflict, this study investigated various factors behind the increase and resistance of armed groups in the Kivu region. The study reveals that long-standing grievances and unresolved crises are behind the resistance of armed groups in the Kivu region, and delineates better approaches to address the problem of armed groups such as the establishment of a long-term reconciliation mechanism to address ethnic resentment and a national development plan to address socio-economic deprivation and hardships of life. This qualitative study used the documentary review method for data collection and analysis.
{"title":"Assessing the Challenges of Armed Groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo's Kivu Region","authors":"Ibrahim Steven Ekyamba","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2021.2018340","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.2018340","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Whilst the role of various peace efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was to restore sustainable stability in the eastern parts of the country, the protracted armed conflicts and increase of armed groups in the Kivu region raises concerns and poses peace and security problems not for the DRC alone, but also for the Great Lakes region. To stabilise and neutralise armed groups in this region, the DRC government and its international partners have implemented various peace efforts since the escalation of wars in 1996 to the present, including the six-country ceasefire signed in July 1999 in Lusaka, the July 2002 peace deal between the DRC and Rwanda for the withdrawal of Rwandan troops and the disarmament of Rwandan Hutu militias in eastern DRC, the January 2008 accord between the DRC government and rebel groups, and a series of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programmes to neutralise non-state armed groups. However, despites these efforts, armed groups have increased and the situation in the Kivu region remains precarious. Using theories such as the human needs theory of conflict and the economic theory of conflict, this study investigated various factors behind the increase and resistance of armed groups in the Kivu region. The study reveals that long-standing grievances and unresolved crises are behind the resistance of armed groups in the Kivu region, and delineates better approaches to address the problem of armed groups such as the establishment of a long-term reconciliation mechanism to address ethnic resentment and a national development plan to address socio-economic deprivation and hardships of life. This qualitative study used the documentary review method for data collection and analysis.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130860337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/18186874.2022.2042707
Bongani Nyoka
Abstract Archie Mafeje believes that intellectual liberation is a struggle worth fighting and that it is as legitimate as any other. Accordingly, African intellectuals have to make their mark and cease to be dominated by their Euro-American counterparts. Mafeje believes, too, that knowledge production is not only ideological, but also political. In his early work on epistemological and methodological issues in the social sciences, he allows his scholarship to lead his politics. Yet, in his later work on knowledge decolonisation as Africa’s “second independence,” he allows his politics to lead his scholarship. Focusing on Mafeje’s notion of Africanity, I discuss these issues in greater detail.
{"title":"Mafeje’s Search for Africanity","authors":"Bongani Nyoka","doi":"10.1080/18186874.2022.2042707","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2022.2042707","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Archie Mafeje believes that intellectual liberation is a struggle worth fighting and that it is as legitimate as any other. Accordingly, African intellectuals have to make their mark and cease to be dominated by their Euro-American counterparts. Mafeje believes, too, that knowledge production is not only ideological, but also political. In his early work on epistemological and methodological issues in the social sciences, he allows his scholarship to lead his politics. Yet, in his later work on knowledge decolonisation as Africa’s “second independence,” he allows his politics to lead his scholarship. Focusing on Mafeje’s notion of Africanity, I discuss these issues in greater detail.","PeriodicalId":256939,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133583666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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