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Agricultural Subsidies: Resurging Interest in a Perennial Debate 农业补贴:长期争论中重新燃起的兴趣
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/AG.ECON.229968
M. Gautam
Subsidies have a long history of use – and abuse. Food security has historically been a high priority for policy makers, providing the core justification for agricultural subsidies. Interest in agricultural subsidies has resurged in recent years driven by two factors: (i) the global food price spikes of 2007, with sustained high prices in subsequent years, have renewed concerns about food security, and (ii) the frustration with slow progress in agricultural growth in several parts of the world, including several countries of Africa and Asia where food security remains a major concern, has increased calls for input subsidies, especially for fertilisers to stimulate productivity growth. Faced with the slow pace of structural transformation, persistent rural poverty, and a widening gap between the incomes of rural and urban populations, political and social imperatives compel policy makers to find ways to boost the incomes of a large share of the population engaged in agriculture, and subsidies are often seen as a convenient way of doing so. Past subsidies resulted mostly from trade policies and output price supports. Most current subsidies in developing countries are direct input subsidies, at times complemented by price supports (backed by public procurement) and trade policies. Despite their widespread use, or perhaps because of it, subsidies continue to be vigorously debated amongst policy analysts and researchers, often taking seemingly political and ideological overtones. Subsidies (and the specific forms they take) have their justifications but also some serious drawbacks. The costs relative to the benefits associated with different subsidies are at the heart of this debate. The conceptual arguments in favour of subsidies have appeal (see Bardhan and Moorkherjee, 2011; World Bank, 2007), but a poor track record of implementation and the historical legacy of subsidies, particularly the high opportunity costs of scarce budgetary
补贴的使用和滥用历史悠久。粮食安全历来是政策制定者优先考虑的问题,为农业补贴提供了核心理由。近年来,人们对农业补贴的兴趣在两个因素的推动下重新抬头:(1) 2007年全球粮食价格飙升,随后几年价格持续高企,重新引起了人们对粮食安全的关注;(2)世界上一些地区,包括粮食安全仍是主要问题的非洲和亚洲的一些国家,农业增长进展缓慢令人沮丧,这增加了对投入补贴的呼吁,特别是对化肥的补贴,以刺激生产率增长。面对缓慢的结构转型、持续的农村贫困和不断扩大的城乡人口收入差距,政治和社会的迫切需要迫使政策制定者找到提高大部分从事农业的人口收入的方法,而补贴往往被视为一种方便的方法。过去的补贴主要来自贸易政策和产出价格支持。发展中国家目前的大多数补贴是直接投入补贴,有时还辅之以价格支持(以公共采购为后盾)和贸易政策。尽管补贴被广泛使用,或者可能正因为如此,政策分析人士和研究人员之间仍在激烈辩论,往往带有政治和意识形态的色彩。补贴(及其采取的具体形式)有其正当理由,但也有一些严重的缺点。与不同补贴相关的收益相比,成本是这场辩论的核心。支持补贴的概念论点具有吸引力(见巴德汉和穆尔克吉,2011;世界银行(World Bank), 2007年),但实施的不良记录和补贴的历史遗留问题,特别是稀缺预算的高机会成本
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引用次数: 19
An Implication of Groundwater Institutions on Reducing Negative Externality, Enhancing Economic Efficiency and Welfare in Karnataka 卡纳塔克邦地下水制度对减少负外部性、提高经济效率和福利的启示
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/AG.ECON.230063
K. R. Patil
The economic benefits and costs involved in an informal institutional arrangement of groundwater resource was analysed against control farm situation (non sharing farmers) in the present study. The sharing of well water among siblings was considered as an informal institution. Accordingly, a sample of thirty farmers sharing well water using snow ball sampling technique and a sample of seventeen farmers using simple random sampling were selected from central dry zone of Karnataka. In this study transaction costs and benefits of sharing water in irrigation well among siblings are estimated. The marginal productivity of groundwater irrigation due to the institution of sharing well water is estimated using linear regression with intercept dummy variable. The sustainable extraction path of groundwater is estimated using optimal control theory. The results indicated the absence of transaction cost in collective action, since sharing (a form of collective action which involves the cost of bringing siblings together providing information regarding importance of sharing water and the cost of convincing regarding sharing well water and the corresponding sustainable crop pattern, instead of drilling new well, which may result in reduced water in original well(s)) was among the siblings. Farmers who were sharing well water, experienced lower rate of failure of wells (23 per cent) when compared with farmers who were not sharing well water (for whom failure rate of wells was 46 per cent); had higher proportion of functioning wells (77 per cent) when compared with those not sharing (54 per cent). Similarly they experienced longer age of wells of 12.32 years, instead of 8.68 years; reduced negative externality (Rs. 1293 per well against Rs. 6692 per well), reduced cost of irrigation water per acre inch (Rs. 358 per acre inch against Rs. 599 per acre inch). Farmers who were sharing well water also realised higher net returns per rupee of functioning well (Rs.2,79,795 as against Rs.2,40,102) and net returns per rupee of irrigation water (Rs.10.83 against Rs. 7.23). The life of borewell could also enhance by 45 years instead of 8 years, by maintaining depth of wells.
本文分析了地下水资源非正式制度安排所涉及的经济效益和成本在控制农场(非共享农民)的情况下。兄弟姐妹之间共享井水被认为是一种非正式的制度。因此,在卡纳塔克邦中部干旱地区,采用雪球抽样技术选取了30名共用井水的农民样本,采用简单随机抽样方法选取了17名农民样本。本研究估算了兄弟姐妹共用灌溉井水的交易成本和收益。采用带截距虚拟变量的线性回归方法估计了井水共享制度下地下水灌溉的边际生产力。利用最优控制理论对地下水的可持续开采路径进行了估计。结果表明,在集体行动中不存在交易成本,因为共享(一种集体行动形式,涉及将兄弟姐妹聚集在一起的成本,提供有关共享水的重要性的信息,以及关于共享井水和相应的可持续作物模式的说服成本,而不是钻新井,这可能导致原始井的水减少)是兄弟姐妹之间的交易成本。与不共享井水的农民相比,共享井水的农民的井失失率(23%)较低(后者的井失失率为46%);与不共享井的比例(54%)相比,具有更高的功能井比例(77%)。同样,他们的井龄也从8.68年延长到了12.32年;减少负外部性(Rs 1293每对Rs。6692),减少灌溉用水成本每英亩英尺每英亩(Rs 358英寸对Rs。每英亩599英寸)。共享井水的农民也实现了更高的每卢比运行井的净回报(2,79,795卢比对2,40,102卢比)和灌溉用水的净回报(10.83卢比对7.23卢比)。通过保持井深,井的寿命也可以延长45年,而不是8年。
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引用次数: 3
Indian Agriculture at the Crossroads 十字路口的印度农业
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.1142/9789814282116_0013
M. Swaminathan
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引用次数: 5
Livelihood Concerns in Water Resources Management Regimes in Scarce Conditions 稀缺条件下水资源管理制度中的生计问题
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/AG.ECON.204360
Dalbir Singh
Irrigation provides a source of livelihood to millions of people both in developed and developing countries. In parts of South Asia, where there has been a massive thrust on rural development, extensive networks co-exist with the greatest concentration of rural poverty in the world. Production and livelihoods are linked with poverty alleviation. However, generation of employment and income and support of livelihoods is a high priority than production (Chambers, 1988). Generally, the poor stand to gain from better management of irrigation schemes through generation of employment and income, security against impoverishment and enhancement in their quality of life. In dry regions, irrigation projects need special attention towards its efficient management through people’s participation that may bring the desirable result to meet the ultimate objectives of the schemes. Rajasthan is an extremely water scarce region. Only one per cent of the country's water is available for 5 per cent of the population living in 10 per cent of the total geographical area. The rainfall is generally low and uncertain. A major part of the state is arid and semi-arid. Irrigation on a large scale is absolutely necessary for achieving an economically viable level of agricultural production. Irrigation works are not only a source of water for its crops but also are the only source of water for meeting drinking water requirements for millions of human and livestock population. The agriculture sector is the major consumer of water where as high as 90 per cent of the total availability is used for irrigation purpose. The domestic demand is fulfilled by about 9 per cent of the total supply while only one per cent is allocated for other uses. The economy of Rajasthan is mainly dependent on the agriculture sector, which supports about 70 per cent of the population and contributes 40 per cent to gross domestic product. Presently, irrigated agriculture accounts for one-third of agricultural production and irrigation is increasingly becoming one of the critical factors for increased production. The productivity of irrigated land is low as compared to its potential. The major factors responsible for low agricultural productivity and food insecurity are insufficient and insecure water availability and lack of efficient irrigation management. Besides other factors that have caused food insecurity are small size of landholdings and lack of off-farm employment.
灌溉为发达国家和发展中国家数百万人提供了生计来源。在大力推动农村发展的南亚部分地区,广泛的网络与世界上农村贫困最集中的地区并存。生产和生计与减贫联系在一起。然而,创造就业和收入以及支持生计比生产更重要(Chambers, 1988)。一般来说,穷人可以从灌溉计划的更好管理中获益,因为他们可以创造就业机会和收入,保证不陷入贫困,提高生活素质。在干旱地区,灌溉项目需要特别注意通过人民的参与进行有效管理,这可能会带来理想的结果,以实现计划的最终目标。拉贾斯坦邦是一个极度缺水的地区。居住在占总地理面积10%的地区的5%的人口只能获得该国1%的水。降雨量通常很低,而且不确定。该州大部分地区是干旱和半干旱地区。要达到经济上可行的农业生产水平,大规模灌溉是绝对必要的。灌溉工程不仅是农作物的水源,也是满足数百万人口和牲畜饮水需求的唯一水源。农业部门是水的主要消费者,其中高达90%的总可用水量用于灌溉目的。国内需求约占总供应量的9%,而分配给其他用途的只有1%。拉贾斯坦邦的经济主要依赖农业部门,该部门养活了约70%的人口,贡献了40%的国内生产总值。目前,灌溉农业占农业生产的三分之一,灌溉日益成为提高产量的关键因素之一。灌溉土地的生产力与其潜力相比很低。造成农业生产力低下和粮食不安全的主要因素是供水不足和不安全以及缺乏有效的灌溉管理。造成粮食不安全的其他因素还包括土地拥有量小和缺乏非农就业机会。
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引用次数: 4
Research Note: Changing Climate Pattern and Its Impact on Paddy Productivity in Ludhiana District of Punjab 研究说明:旁遮普邦卢迪亚纳地区气候格局变化及其对水稻生产力的影响
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/AG.ECON.206372
D. K. Grover, Deepack Upadhya
Relevant time series data/information on temperature, rainfall and relative humidity over considerable period of about 4 decades has been analysed using simple statistical tools such as periodic mean, mean deviation and t-test to ascertain the changing climate pattern in Ludhiana district of Punjab. During past 40 years, the region experienced significant increase in average minimum temperature for all months in kharif season in the range of 1.4-2.1°C. The average maximum temperature has increased only for the month of August (0.5°C), while it decreased for the months of June (1.4°) and September (0.6°C). In totality, rise in average monthly temperature during kharif season has enhanced the level of warming. The average rainfall of the region showed an increasing trend with significant results for September (46.7 mm) and October (15.2 mm). The average relative humidity during the study period has been consistently and significantly increased in the range of 1.5-10 per cent during all these months. Climate change has the ability to influence the crops productivity either positively or negatively. Most of the studies have utilised various simulation models to estimate the likely impact of climate change on paddy productivity, while very few studies have considered how rising temperature and erratic rainfall or as a whole changing climatic factors have actually affected crop productivity and production. Weekly correlation between each climatic factor and periods of the crop season were computed to develop the empirical relationship and to identify all potential weeks climate affecting paddy productivity. The study identified climatecomposite technological index model as a better fitted model to describe the impact of climate as well as technology on paddy productivity in Ludhiana district of Punjab. Increase in the maximum temperature has negative impact on paddy productivity, while increase in the minimum temperature, rainfall and relative humidity has positive impact though non-significant.
本文利用周期平均值、平均偏差和t检验等简单的统计工具,分析了近40年相当长一段时间内的温度、降雨和相对湿度的相关时间序列数据,以确定旁遮普卢迪亚纳地区的气候变化模式。在过去的40年里,该地区在丰收季节所有月份的平均最低气温显著上升,在1.4-2.1°C的范围内。平均最高温度仅在8月份(0.5°C)有所上升,而在6月份(1.4°C)和9月份(0.6°C)有所下降。总的来说,丰收季节月平均气温的上升加剧了气候变暖的程度。9月(46.7 mm)和10月(15.2 mm)的平均降雨量呈明显增加趋势。研究期间的平均相对湿度在这几个月持续显著增加,范围为1.5%至10%。气候变化有能力对作物生产力产生积极或消极的影响。大多数研究都利用各种模拟模型来估计气候变化对水稻生产力的可能影响,而很少有研究考虑到气温上升和降雨不稳定或整体气候因素变化如何实际影响作物生产力和产量。计算了每个气候因子与作物季节周期之间的周相关性,以建立经验关系,并确定所有可能影响水稻生产力的周气候。该研究发现气候复合技术指数模型是一个更好的模型来描述气候和技术对旁遮普邦Ludhiana地区水稻生产力的影响。最高温度的增加对水稻产量有负向影响,最低温度、降雨量和相对湿度的增加对水稻产量有正向影响,但影响不显著。
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引用次数: 8
Impact of Out-Migration on Agriculture and Women Work Load: An Economic Analysis of Hilly Regions of Uttarakhand India 外迁对农业和妇女工作负荷的影响:印度北阿坎德邦丘陵地区的经济分析
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/AG.ECON.230218
G. Bhandari, B. V. C. Reddy
Agriculture is intimately connected with migration and at the primary instance out-migration simply aggravates the problem of agriculture. But migration and remittances can also foster household farm investment and agricultural production. Besides agriculture, male out-migration has a bearing on farm women also due to transfer of responsibilities. The present study has assessed the impact of out-migration on agriculture and workload of women. Primary data were collected from 90 migrant and 60 non-migrant member households in Pithoragarh district, Uttarakhand. Regression, conventional economic and tabular analyses were used to analyse the data. None of the migrant households made any attempt to create productive assets on the farm through remittances, though they spent some amount for hiring labour and for purchasing material inputs and cattle feed. In migrant member households a larger percentage of land was kept fallow and the number of livestock was also lower. The magnitude of workload of farm women was more in the case of migrant member households than in non-migrant households due to additional burden of non-households and non-farm works in the absence of male members (migrants).
农业与人口迁移密切相关,首先,向外迁移只会加剧农业问题。但移民和汇款也可以促进家庭农业投资和农业生产。除农业外,男性的外迁也由于责任的转移而对农业妇女产生影响。本研究评估了向外移徙对农业和妇女工作量的影响。主要数据收集自北阿坎德邦Pithoragarh区的90个移民和60个非移民成员家庭。采用回归分析、常规经济分析和表格分析等方法对数据进行分析。没有一个移民家庭试图通过汇款在农场上创造生产性资产,尽管他们花了一些钱雇用劳动力和购买物质投入和牛饲料。在移民成员家庭中,休耕的土地比例较大,牲畜数量也较低。由于在没有男性成员(移徙者)的情况下,非家庭和非农业工作的额外负担,移徙成员家庭的农业妇女工作量比非移徙家庭的要大。
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引用次数: 18
Agricultural Policy In India Since Independence 印度独立以来的农业政策
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/AG.ECON.182350
M. L. Dantwala
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引用次数: 19
Agrarian Relations: A Study on Some Aspects of Land Tenancy System in Assam 土地关系:阿萨姆邦土地租赁制度若干方面的研究
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/AG.ECON.275064
H. Gautam
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引用次数: 5
Nature and Role of Risk and Uncertainty in Agriculture 农业风险和不确定性的性质和作用
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/ag.econ.231680
S. Jatar
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引用次数: 0
Estimation of the Negative Externalities of Textile Dyeing Industry Effluents on Crop Productivity and Value of Farm Lands in Tamil Nadu 泰米尔纳德邦印染工业废水对作物生产力和农田价值的负外部性估计
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.22004/AG.ECON.204588
T. Devi, C. Ramasamy, S. Gurunathan, S. Menaka
Environmental problems due to rapid industrialisation are very common in areas where polluting industries like textile dyeing units, tanneries, pulp and paper processing units and sugar factories are located. The effluents discharged by these industrial units have led to severely polluted surface, ground water sources and soils, which has ultimately affected the livelihood of the common man. Agricultural practices with uncontrolled extensive use of agrochemicals and fertilisers, urbanisation and industrialisation discharge untreated industrial effluents and dump domestic wastes on large scale. The flow of sewage into waterways leads to water pollution. The Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI) ranks countries on 21 elements of environmental sustainability covering natural resource endowments, past and present pollution levels, environmental management efforts, contributions to protection of the global commons, and a society's capacity to improve its environmental performance over time (Sherbinin et al., 2005). India ranks 101 in the list. Generally the highmiddle ranking reflects top performance on issues such as water quality and environmental protection capacity. India comes under bottom-rung results on issues, such as waste generation and greenhouse gas emissions (Appendix). India has comparative advantage in certain export industries, such as textiles, and leather because of its raw materials adundance and cheap labour. These agro-based industries cause various forms of pollution, which contaminate the air, water and land resources. Often they turn out to be ‘water consuming’ industries since they require large quantities of water for processing. These industries discharge the untreated or partially treated effluents on land or water bodies which end up in polluting the environment (Appasamy, 2001). The negative externalities of these industries are leading to loss in crop area and production, changes in cropping pattern, health problems, and socio-economic imbalance in the regions. Moreover industrial pollution causes labour migration, unemployment or changes in employment pattern and decrease in share of farm income to the total household income (Govindarajalu, 2003).
在纺织染色厂、制革厂、纸浆和纸张加工单位以及制糖厂等污染工业所在的地区,快速工业化造成的环境问题非常普遍。这些工业单位排放的污水导致地表、地下水源和土壤受到严重污染,最终影响到普通人的生活。无节制地大量使用农用化学品和化肥的农业做法、城市化和工业化排放未经处理的工业废水和大规模倾倒生活废物。污水流入水道导致水污染。环境可持续性指数(ESI)根据环境可持续性的21个要素对各国进行排名,这些要素包括自然资源、过去和现在的污染水平、环境管理努力、对保护全球公地的贡献以及一个社会随着时间的推移改善其环境绩效的能力(Sherbinin et al., 2005)。印度排在第101位。一般来说,中高排名反映了在水质和环境保护能力等问题上的最佳表现。印度在废物产生和温室气体排放等问题上排名垫底(附录)。由于原材料丰富和廉价劳动力,印度在某些出口行业(如纺织品和皮革)具有比较优势。这些以农业为基础的工业造成各种形式的污染,污染空气、水和土地资源。它们往往是“耗水”行业,因为它们需要大量的水来进行加工。这些工业向陆地或水体排放未经处理或部分处理的废水,最终污染环境(Appasamy, 2001年)。这些工业的负面外部性正在导致这些地区作物面积和产量的损失、种植方式的变化、健康问题和社会经济不平衡。此外,工业污染导致劳动力迁移、失业或就业模式的变化,并导致农业收入占家庭总收入的比例下降(Govindarajalu, 2003)。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Indian journal of agricultural economics
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