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Climatizzazione della sicurezza: il caso delle migrazioni climatiche nelle agende di Stati Uniti e Australia 气候控制:美国和澳大利亚议程中的气候迁移
Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/20513
Agata Lavorio
Today, the natural, social and political effects of the “climate crisis” are intensifying, bringing back the debate on the relationship between non-traditional phenomena, national security and democracy. Indeed, it is widely perceived that the involvement of traditional security actors (the executive branch, the military, government professionals) into non-traditional phenomena, such as climate migrations, can have severe effects on democratic values, as explained by studies on securitization (and its variations) and militarization. Mostly from a perspective of “practical geopolitics”, this article argues that climatization can help build a comprehensive adaptation to climate change effects, avoiding single target emergencies characterized by existential threats and military response, as demonstrated by the evolving case of the United States (where climatization has been recently launched) and Australia (where, in the absence of a political debate on climate security, climate migrations are evidently handled in undemocratic ways).
今天,“气候危机”对自然、社会和政治的影响正在加剧,重新引发了关于非传统现象、国家安全和民主之间关系的辩论。事实上,人们普遍认为,传统安全行为者(行政部门、军队、政府专业人员)参与非传统现象,如气候迁移,可能对民主价值观产生严重影响,正如证券化(及其变化)和军事化研究所解释的那样。本文主要从“实用地缘政治”的角度出发,认为气候化可以帮助建立对气候变化影响的全面适应,避免以生存威胁和军事反应为特征的单一目标紧急情况,正如美国(最近启动了气候化)和澳大利亚(在缺乏气候安全政治辩论的情况下)不断演变的案例所证明的那样。气候移民显然是以不民主的方式处理的)。
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引用次数: 0
Recensione. Marina Miranda, Ideologia e riforma politica in Cina. Una democratizzazione elusa dagli anni Ottanta in poi, Limena, Libreriauniversitaria.it, 2022 评论。玛丽娜·米兰达,中国的意识形态和政治改革。自20世纪80年代以来,大学图书馆一直在逃避民主化。it, 2022年
Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/20511
S. Dossi
.
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引用次数: 0
The End of a Great Era: Post-Soviet Transformation in a Historical Perspective 一个伟大时代的终结:历史视角下的后苏联转型
Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/20507
M. Minakov
This article offers a conceptual and methodological apparatus for assessing periods of contemporary history. Using this apparatus and empirical data from the development of Eastern European and northern Eurasian countries over the last forty years, the article analyzes the establishment, evolution, and decline of the post-Soviet period. These developmental processes are conceptualized in terms of five categories: democratization, autocratization, marketization, nationalization, and Europeanization. The article concludes that the post-Soviet period and its structural processes have ended, and Europe and Eurasia must undergo the process of remapping their geography and adjusting their regional temporalities.
这篇文章为评估当代史时期提供了一个概念性和方法论的工具。本文利用这一工具和东欧和欧亚北部国家过去40年发展的经验数据,分析了后苏联时期的建立、演变和衰落。这些发展过程可归纳为五类:民主化、独裁化、市场化、国有化和欧洲化。文章的结论是,后苏联时期及其结构过程已经结束,欧洲和欧亚大陆必须经历重新绘制其地理和调整其区域时间性的过程。
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引用次数: 0
A Foot in Two Camps? South Sudan’s Relations with China in a Historical Perspective 脚踏两只船?历史视角下的南苏丹与中国关系
Pub Date : 2023-05-09 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/20093
Sara de Simone
Relations between South Sudan and China are not a new phenomenon. However, since 2011 they have been steadily growing in terms of trade and investments, cultural exchanges, development and humanitarian aid. The breakout of the civil war in December 2013 has contributed to this trend. Amidst the disenchantment of traditional Western partners of South Sudan, massive shifts of aid flows from development to humanitarian response, and the flight of foreign capitals scared by the war, not only did China keep its presence in the country, it also took a more active stance by sending its first combat troops ever in the framework of the UN Mission, and engaging in the peace negotiations. What consequences has China’s growing presence had on South Sudan’s capacity of determining its own political agenda? This article argues that it has provided an opportunity of expanding the space for agency of the South Sudanese governing elite to make choices in opposition to the requests of traditional donors. At the same time, since relations with China are bound to pragmatic considerations from both sides, there is evidence that China’s will to partner with the country is only as strong as the potential benefits accruing from this partnership.
南苏丹与中国的关系并不是一个新现象。然而,自2011年以来,两国在贸易和投资、文化交流、发展和人道主义援助方面稳步增长。2013年12月爆发的内战助长了这一趋势。在南苏丹传统的西方合作伙伴不再抱有幻想、援助资金大规模从发展转向人道主义应对、外国资本因战争而逃离的背景下,中国不仅保持了在南苏丹的存在,而且采取了更为积极的姿态,在联合国特派团的框架内派遣了第一支作战部队,并参与了和平谈判。中国日益增长的存在对南苏丹决定自己政治议程的能力有何影响?本文认为,它提供了一个机会,扩大了南苏丹统治精英机构的空间,使其能够做出反对传统捐助者要求的选择。与此同时,由于与中国的关系必然是双方务实的考虑,有证据表明,中国与中国合作的意愿只有与这种伙伴关系所带来的潜在利益一样强烈。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of Transnational Regulatory Standards regarding the Control of Air Pollution on the Decisions of the US Supreme Court and the Supreme Court of Brazil in a Time of Populism 关于空气污染控制的跨国监管标准对民粹主义时代美国最高法院和巴西最高法院判决的影响
Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/19996
Márcio Ricardo Staffen
This scientific article analyses the arguments and opinions used by the US Supreme Court and the Supreme Court of Brazil about air pollution control and the influence of transnational legal foundations in times of populist governments. For the development of this research, the comparative method was used, operationalized by the operational concept techniques, bibliographic research, and jurisprudential analysis. The product of the succinct comparative analysis performed allows us to classify the decision-making standard in the case of West Virginia v. EPA completely uncharted to foreigner law, while the Direct Action of Unconstitutionality n. 6.148/2019, constantly mentions transnational legal agreements and, in the case of regulatory omission by the Brazilian State, indicates the prevalence of World Health Organization standards.
这篇科学文章分析了美国最高法院和巴西最高法院关于空气污染控制和跨国法律基金会在民粹主义政府时代的影响的论点和观点。本研究采用比较法,运用操作概念技术、文献研究和法理分析等方法进行操作。所进行的简明比较分析的结果使我们能够对西弗吉尼亚州诉美国环保署一案中的决策标准进行分类,这一标准完全不属于外国法律,而第6.148/2019号“违宪直接诉讼”则不断提到跨国法律协议,并且在巴西国家监管遗漏的情况下,表明世界卫生组织标准的普遍性。
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引用次数: 0
Nationalistic Propaganda as a Strategy for Patriotic Upbringing in Russian Education 民族主义宣传:俄罗斯教育中的爱国主义教育策略
Pub Date : 2023-03-28 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/19960
Iuliia Iashchenko
This article outlines the radical transformation of educational policies in Russia since 2020, displaying the timing of the individual stages of the rooting of state propaganda in schools, the militarization of school education, and the spread of neo-nationalist ideology among schoolchildren aged 6 to 19. This paper aims to raise awareness of the extreme instrumentalization of historical narratives for state propaganda goals in national education. It also intends to illustrate the extent of the militarization of education and the destructive nature of any propaganda during one’s upbringing. Emphasis will be given to the actions made by the Russian government to develop the whole complex of state-build patriotism, which is about militarization, neo-nationalistic propaganda and rewritten history.
本文概述了自2020年以来俄罗斯教育政策的根本转变,展示了国家宣传在学校扎根、学校教育军事化以及新民族主义意识形态在6至19岁学童中传播的各个阶段的时间。本文旨在提高人们对国家教育中极端工具化历史叙事以达到国家宣传目的的认识。它还旨在说明教育军事化的程度以及在一个人的成长过程中任何宣传的破坏性。重点将放在俄罗斯政府为发展国家建设爱国主义的整个综合体所采取的行动,这是关于军事化,新民族主义宣传和改写历史。
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引用次数: 0
Gli sciiti afghani e il secondo emirato islamico 阿富汗什叶派和第二个伊斯兰酋长国
Pub Date : 2023-03-27 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/19958
E. Giunchi, Mir Ahmad Joyenda
After the return to power of the Taliban in August 2021, many analysts wondered if the new Islamic emirate would be different from the one that had controlled much of the country between 1996-2001. The treatment of women since then, which has received extensive coverage, seems to indicate that their ideological stand has not changed. But there is one aspect that has been overlooked and that would help us answer that question: the policies towards the Shi‘a minority. In the paper we will summarize the status of Afghan Shi‘as through the decades and assess whether it has changed over the course of two periods of Taleban rule
2021年8月塔利班重新掌权后,许多分析人士想知道,新的伊斯兰酋长国是否会与1996年至2001年期间控制该国大部分地区的酋长国不同。从那时起,妇女的待遇得到了广泛的报道,这似乎表明她们的意识形态立场没有改变。但有一个方面被忽视了,而这将有助于我们回答这个问题:对什叶派少数民族的政策。在本文中,我们将总结几十年来阿富汗什叶派的地位,并评估它是否在塔利班统治的两个时期发生了变化
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引用次数: 0
Environment-Conflict Nexus in the Sahel Region: Lake Chad as a Case in Point 萨赫勒地区的环境冲突关系:以乍得湖为例
Pub Date : 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/19469
Arushi Singh
Lake Chad in the Sahel region has emerged as the epicenter of the widening conflict that is, in part, attributed to climate change-induced factors along with natural resource instability and intra-state pressures exacerbated by exploitative past colonial policies. The resulting environment-conflict nexus has given rise to violence, state fragility, communal breakdown, displacement of the local population, the proliferation of violent non-state actors, and a vicious cycle of poverty in countries surrounding Lake Chad. These factors, in turn, have made the individuation, establishing, and sustaining of institutions, and aid mechanisms to alleviate climate-change-related hardships extremely difficult. Furthermore, the environment-conflict nexus has disrupted inter- and intra-state migration patterns in Lake Chad, thereby adversely affecting agricultural yields and water resources. Additionally, there is a limited political representation and inadequate access to governmental services in the worst affected regions, which negatively accrue several contributing factors of the environment-conflict nexus.  
萨赫勒地区的乍得湖已成为日益扩大的冲突的中心,部分原因是气候变化引发的因素、自然资源的不稳定以及过去的剥削性殖民政策加剧的国内压力。由此产生的环境冲突关系导致了暴力、国家脆弱、社区破裂、当地人口流离失所、暴力非国家行为体的扩散,以及乍得湖周边国家贫困的恶性循环。这些因素反过来又使得个性化、建立和维持缓解气候变化相关困难的机构和援助机制变得极其困难。此外,环境冲突关系破坏了乍得湖国家间和国家内的迁移模式,从而对农业产量和水资源产生不利影响。此外,在受影响最严重的地区,政治代表人数有限,获得政府服务的机会不足,这产生了环境-冲突关系的几个不利因素。
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引用次数: 0
The Battle on the Second Amendment. The Issue of Private Ownership of Guns in the United States 第二修正案之战美国私人拥有枪支的问题
Pub Date : 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/19465
L. Corti
The Second Amendment of the American Constitution arguably contains the formulation of the citizen’s right to a private ownership of guns. This amendment, however, has been the protagonist of interpretative battles that have reached the Supreme Court of the United States, and that continue today despite the decision of the Court. The issue of private gun ownership presents itself as a multifaceted interweaving of political, legislative, and social motivations, and is destined to increasingly become one of the factors that highlight the internal fracture of the American society. The essay explores the main elements related to the issue and its socio-political motivations, developments, and consequences.
可以说,美国宪法第二修正案包含了公民私人拥有枪支的权利。然而,这一修正案一直是解释性斗争的主角,这些斗争已经到达美国最高法院,尽管法院作出了决定,但今天仍在继续。私人拥有枪支的问题表现为政治、立法和社会动机的多方面交织,注定会日益成为凸显美国社会内部分裂的因素之一。这篇文章探讨了与这个问题及其社会政治动机、发展和后果相关的主要因素。
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引用次数: 0
“Greening” Speculative Urbanism? Space Politics and Model Circulation in South Korea and Vietnam’s Special Economic Zones “绿化”投机性城市主义?韩国和越南经济特区的空间政治与模式流通
Pub Date : 2022-12-23 DOI: 10.54103/2612-6672/19468
Marco Zappa
As products of the waves of deregulation and liberalization of trade and investments in the region in the 1980s and mid-1990s, special economic zones (SEZs) have emerged as an important tool of economic governance in East and Southeast Asia. Recently, governments and investors around the region, have favored multi-purpose SEZs conceived for land and real estate development which exhibit several similarities such as eliciting tourism as the main driver of local development and a declared “eco” and “green” configuration. The Incheon Free Economic Zone (IFEZ) in the Republic of Korea (ROK) and the Van Don SEZ in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV) are two illustrative cases of urban policy diffusion as a complex phenomenon combining the ROK’s increased international activism and SRV’s own institutional structure and preferences in terms of development goals. Based on a close reading of reports, official documents, qualitative interviews and site visits, this article will further contribute to the debate on the complexity of urban policy diffusion in contemporary East and Southeast Asia.
作为20世纪80年代和90年代中期该地区贸易和投资放松管制和自由化浪潮的产物,经济特区(SEZs)已成为东亚和东南亚经济治理的重要工具。最近,该地区的政府和投资者青睐土地和房地产开发的多用途经济特区,这些特区有几个相似之处,比如将旅游业作为当地发展的主要驱动力,以及宣称的“生态”和“绿色”配置。韩国仁川自由经济区(IFEZ)和越南社会主义共和国Van Don经济特区(SRV)是城市政策扩散的两个典型案例,这是一种复杂的现象,结合了韩国日益增强的国际行动主义和越南社会主义共和国自身的制度结构和发展目标偏好。基于对报告、官方文件、定性访谈和实地考察的仔细阅读,本文将进一步促进关于当代东亚和东南亚城市政策扩散复杂性的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
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Nuovi Autoritarismi e Democrazie: Diritto, Istituzioni, Società (NAD-DIS)
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