This article has as its aim to follow the development of a sub-genre called nāyikābheda s through the kāmaśātra s and alaṅkāraśāstra s of Sanskrit literature, Bhānudatta’s Rasamañjarī , vernacular literature and the example of the Braj author Dev. Drawing on a few examples from the works of Dev, a skilled poet concerning the descriptions of the nāyikā s, we will see from where the poet takes his inspiration, how he transgresses genre boundaries and the way he creates typologies of women. Nadia Cattoni: Université de Lausanne. E-mail: Nadia.Cattoni@unil.ch
{"title":"Le développement des nāyikābhedas de la littérature sanskrite à la littérature braj: la naissance d'un genre","authors":"Nadia Cattoni","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0002","url":null,"abstract":"This article has as its aim to follow the development of a sub-genre called nāyikābheda s through the kāmaśātra s and alaṅkāraśāstra s of Sanskrit literature, Bhānudatta’s Rasamañjarī , vernacular literature and the example of the Braj author Dev. Drawing on a few examples from the works of Dev, a skilled poet concerning the descriptions of the nāyikā s, we will see from where the poet takes his inspiration, how he transgresses genre boundaries and the way he creates typologies of women. Nadia Cattoni: Université de Lausanne. E-mail: Nadia.Cattoni@unil.ch","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133602189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Sondersektion: Bedeutungen von „Schutz‟ in den japanischen Religionen Einleitende Bemerkungen","authors":"Katja Triplett","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0018","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"284 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121514741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article presents an analysis and a typology of traveling sayings commonly encountered in Early Chinese texts. Building on examples from both excavated and transmitted texts, and focusing on the Guodian *Yucong 1–3 in particular, it argues that some of these sayings travel from text to text because they were more likely to be remembered and transmitted than others. Much like the Wanderanekdote and lines from the Odes, these traveling sayings appear in alternated form across a variety of early texts. They were remembered because they provide a brief, highly structured and esthetically pleasing expression of an important philosophical problem. As a common resource in the cultural memory of Early China, traveling sayings were adapted to meet different argumentative agendas and tapped into a wide network of remembered, intertextual, associations to imbue them with meaning. I argue that the different ways in which these sayings were integrated into arguments, either through adaptation or by using definitions, reveal differences in interpretive strategy and changes in the mode in which early authors engaged with cultural memory. The paper concludes with implications for the study of early collections and the conceptualization of authorship and audience in Early China.
{"title":"Traveling sayings as carriers of philosophical debate: From the intertextuality of the *Yucong 語叢 to the dynamics of cultural memory and authorship in Early China","authors":"R. Krijgsman","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article presents an analysis and a typology of traveling sayings commonly encountered in Early Chinese texts. Building on examples from both excavated and transmitted texts, and focusing on the Guodian *Yucong 1–3 in particular, it argues that some of these sayings travel from text to text because they were more likely to be remembered and transmitted than others. Much like the Wanderanekdote and lines from the Odes, these traveling sayings appear in alternated form across a variety of early texts. They were remembered because they provide a brief, highly structured and esthetically pleasing expression of an important philosophical problem. As a common resource in the cultural memory of Early China, traveling sayings were adapted to meet different argumentative agendas and tapped into a wide network of remembered, intertextual, associations to imbue them with meaning. I argue that the different ways in which these sayings were integrated into arguments, either through adaptation or by using definitions, reveal differences in interpretive strategy and changes in the mode in which early authors engaged with cultural memory. The paper concludes with implications for the study of early collections and the conceptualization of authorship and audience in Early China.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124738185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is a characteristic of ethnographic field research that it seldom evolves according to plan. Once in the field, researchers must adapt their research designs in response to circumstances and people they encounter. This paper exemplifies this by discussing actual research carried out for the project presented in this paper. The project examines social and spatial transformation in Tibetan nomad communities related to motorized mobility and mobile telecommunication. Geographically, research was located in a contested region of Western China and carried out without official permission. The resulting difficulties and challenges were negotiated by doing guerilla-fieldwork, a term introduced to describe fieldwork pursued without state authorization. This article exposes some of the challenges, both practical and methodological, of guerilla-fieldwork and discusses their implications regarding research ethics. It contributes to current discussions on research ethics and argues that guerilla-fieldwork requires a heightened measure of transparency, openness and reflexivity of the researcher to maintain ethical integrity.
{"title":"Guerilla-Feldforschung im tibetischen Hochland: Ethische und praktische Herausforderungen","authors":"Lilian Iselin","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0016","url":null,"abstract":"It is a characteristic of ethnographic field research that it seldom evolves according to plan. Once in the field, researchers must adapt their research designs in response to circumstances and people they encounter. This paper exemplifies this by discussing actual research carried out for the project presented in this paper. The project examines social and spatial transformation in Tibetan nomad communities related to motorized mobility and mobile telecommunication. Geographically, research was located in a contested region of Western China and carried out without official permission. The resulting difficulties and challenges were negotiated by doing guerilla-fieldwork, a term introduced to describe fieldwork pursued without state authorization. This article exposes some of the challenges, both practical and methodological, of guerilla-fieldwork and discusses their implications regarding research ethics. It contributes to current discussions on research ethics and argues that guerilla-fieldwork requires a heightened measure of transparency, openness and reflexivity of the researcher to maintain ethical integrity.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"2016 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114783669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article focuses on administrative efforts through acts of benevolent or virtuous governance (tokusei) as means to secure divine protection from the Buddhas and kami in early medieval Japan. This aspect of tokusei has hitherto been neglected in this regard mainly because the term came to be associated primarily with economical regulations, especially debt relief. This narrow understanding originated most notably with the “Regulations of the Einin era”, Einin no tokuseirei 永仁の徳政令, issued in 1297, and has continued through the following centuries until the present day. However, tokusei – as will be argued – was part of the symbolic politics and religious justification of power, especially for the Tennō and his court in Kyōto, and later for the warrior governments and Shōgun in Kamakura. These acts of virtuous rule, manifesting in several ways, served along with religious rituals as emergency measures for divine protection against natural disasters like earthquakes, floods, crop failure or even astronomical phenomena such as comets. At the turn of the 12th century, tokusei began to be used for general political reforms as well, and with the dual government between Kyōto and Kamakura taking shape, the focus shifted to hardships of the rural population. In this context benevolent measures taken for the people came to be deeply connected with divine protection for the powerful.
这篇文章的重点是在中世纪早期的日本，通过仁慈的行为或美德的治理(tokusei)作为获得佛和神的神圣保护的手段的行政努力。在这方面，tokusei的这一方面迄今为止一直被忽视，主要是因为这个术语主要与经济法规，特别是债务减免联系在一起。这种狭隘的理解最明显地起源于1297年颁布的“eiinin no tokuseirei”，并一直持续到接下来的几个世纪，直到今天。然而，德成——正如我们将要讨论的——是权力的象征性政治和宗教正当性的一部分，特别是对于Kyōto的天王和他的宫廷，以及后来的武士政府和Shōgun的镰仓。这些美德统治的行为以多种方式表现出来，与宗教仪式一起作为神圣保护的紧急措施，以抵御地震、洪水、作物歉收等自然灾害，甚至是彗星等天文现象。在12世纪之交，德收也开始被用于一般的政治改革，随着Kyōto和镰仓之间的双重政府的形成，焦点转移到农村人口的苦难上。在这种情况下，为人民采取的仁慈措施与神对权贵的保护密切相关。
{"title":"Zu den religiösen Aspekten tugendhafter Politik (tokusei) zum Schutz von Herrscher und Volk im frühen Mittelalter","authors":"Daniel F. Schley","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0017","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on administrative efforts through acts of benevolent or virtuous governance (tokusei) as means to secure divine protection from the Buddhas and kami in early medieval Japan. This aspect of tokusei has hitherto been neglected in this regard mainly because the term came to be associated primarily with economical regulations, especially debt relief. This narrow understanding originated most notably with the “Regulations of the Einin era”, Einin no tokuseirei 永仁の徳政令, issued in 1297, and has continued through the following centuries until the present day. However, tokusei – as will be argued – was part of the symbolic politics and religious justification of power, especially for the Tennō and his court in Kyōto, and later for the warrior governments and Shōgun in Kamakura. These acts of virtuous rule, manifesting in several ways, served along with religious rituals as emergency measures for divine protection against natural disasters like earthquakes, floods, crop failure or even astronomical phenomena such as comets. At the turn of the 12th century, tokusei began to be used for general political reforms as well, and with the dual government between Kyōto and Kamakura taking shape, the focus shifted to hardships of the rural population. In this context benevolent measures taken for the people came to be deeply connected with divine protection for the powerful.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127036302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the Meiji period, traditional Chinese learning (kangaku) in Japan went through a reorganization process under the influence of Western modern structures of knowledge that led to the establishment of a new discipline close to Western-style sinology. The Imperial University of Tokyo and the Imperial University of Kyoto both played an important role in this process. The former is often described as defending a more traditionalist view of Chinese studies whereas the latter is associated with Shinagaku, name of the supposedly Western oriented Kyoto school of Sinology. This paper examines the validity of this common understanding through the analysis of some of the “fathers” of Shinagaku. Samuel Guex: Université de Genève. E-mail: Samuel.Guex@unige.ch
{"title":"Le Shinagaku et la modernisation de la sinologie japonaise","authors":"S. Guex","doi":"10.1515/ASIA-2014-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ASIA-2014-0005","url":null,"abstract":"During the Meiji period, traditional Chinese learning (kangaku) in Japan went through a reorganization process under the influence of Western modern structures of knowledge that led to the establishment of a new discipline close to Western-style sinology. The Imperial University of Tokyo and the Imperial University of Kyoto both played an important role in this process. The former is often described as defending a more traditionalist view of Chinese studies whereas the latter is associated with Shinagaku, name of the supposedly Western oriented Kyoto school of Sinology. This paper examines the validity of this common understanding through the analysis of some of the “fathers” of Shinagaku. Samuel Guex: Université de Genève. E-mail: Samuel.Guex@unige.ch","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129515883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The new handbook of modern Japanese studies is a voluminous work that contains five parts (land, history and culture; society; medicine and health care; politics and foreign relations; economy), 33 individual articles and 672 pages in total. To get such a work together is a huge achievement and we have to congratulate James D. Babb as the single editor and the involved staff of SAGE for their immense work and successful persistence. Anybody who ever edited a special issue or an edited volume will feel sympathetic with the editor when he mentions in the acknowledgements that the project has taken a long time and had to get back on track, as well as when he thanks his wife, hoping that she “will hopefully never have to hear [him] talk about this project again” (p. xvii). Still, beyond its biblical dimensions, we have to congratulate James D. Babb foremost for this new handbook because of the quality of its contributors and content. The list of authors reads like a who’s who of leading scholars who have greatly contributed in recent years to our current understanding of Japanese society, economy, and politics. Hence, it is hardly surprising that the articles are, in general, well-balanced introductions to their topics and include at the same time up-to-date information about new developments as well as recent research results and current scholarly debates. It is not possible to do full justice to this state-of-the-art handbook and its many articles in a short book review, but arguably the best way to evaluate this handbook is by comparing its structure with other handbooks, reference works, and scholarly introductions on Japan. After all, in recent years, a large number of such books and new editions have been published in English on Japan’s society (Bester et al. 2011; Hendry 2013; Kreiner et al. 2004; Sugimoto 2014), its economy (Flath 2014), and its politics (Gaunder 2011; Hayes 2009; Hook et al. 2012; Inoguchi/Jain 2011; Shinoda 2013). Moreover, handbooks and introductions on current Japan have also been published in other languages (in German, for example: Kevenhörster et al. 2010) or on specific topics like, for example, Japan’s demographic development (Coulmas et al. 2008), its current critical issues (Kingston 2014) or its contemporary religions (Prohl/Nelson 2012; Swanson/Chilson ASIA 2015; 69(4): 1069–1073
新出版的《近代日本研究手册》是一部包含五部分(土地、历史、文化;社会;医药和保健;政治与外交关系;经济)，33篇个别文章，共计672页。完成这样的工作是一项巨大的成就，我们必须祝贺James D. Babb作为唯一的编辑和SAGE的相关工作人员的巨大工作和成功的坚持。当编辑在致谢中提到这个项目花了很长时间，不得不回到正轨，以及当他感谢他的妻子，希望她“希望永远不要再听到[他]谈论这个项目”(第xvii页)时，任何曾经编辑过特刊或编辑过的卷的人都会同情编辑。我们首先要祝贺James D. Babb的这本新手册，因为它的贡献者和内容的质量。这份作者名单读起来就像一个名人录，收录了近年来对我们目前对日本社会、经济和政治的理解做出了巨大贡献的顶尖学者。因此，一般来说，这些文章都是对其主题的平衡介绍，同时包括有关新发展的最新信息，以及最近的研究成果和当前的学术辩论，这一点也不足为奇。在一篇简短的书评中，不可能完全公正地评价这本最先进的手册和它的许多文章，但可以说，评价这本手册的最好方法是将其结构与其他手册、参考著作和关于日本的学术介绍进行比较。毕竟，近年来，日本社会已经出版了大量的英文书籍和新版本(Bester et al. 2011;亨德利2013;Kreiner et al. 2004;Sugimoto 2014)，经济(Flath 2014)和政治(Gaunder 2011;海耶斯2009;Hook et al. 2012;猪/ Jain 2011;信田2013)。此外，关于当前日本的手册和介绍也以其他语言出版(德语，例如:Kevenhörster et al. 2010)或特定主题，例如日本的人口发展(Coulmas et al. 2008)，其当前的关键问题(Kingston 2014)或其当代宗教(Prohl/Nelson 2012;Swanson/Chilson ASIA 2015;69 (4): 1069 - 1073
{"title":"Rezensionen – Comptes rendus – Reviews","authors":"E. L. Lange","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0012","url":null,"abstract":"The new handbook of modern Japanese studies is a voluminous work that contains five parts (land, history and culture; society; medicine and health care; politics and foreign relations; economy), 33 individual articles and 672 pages in total. To get such a work together is a huge achievement and we have to congratulate James D. Babb as the single editor and the involved staff of SAGE for their immense work and successful persistence. Anybody who ever edited a special issue or an edited volume will feel sympathetic with the editor when he mentions in the acknowledgements that the project has taken a long time and had to get back on track, as well as when he thanks his wife, hoping that she “will hopefully never have to hear [him] talk about this project again” (p. xvii). Still, beyond its biblical dimensions, we have to congratulate James D. Babb foremost for this new handbook because of the quality of its contributors and content. The list of authors reads like a who’s who of leading scholars who have greatly contributed in recent years to our current understanding of Japanese society, economy, and politics. Hence, it is hardly surprising that the articles are, in general, well-balanced introductions to their topics and include at the same time up-to-date information about new developments as well as recent research results and current scholarly debates. It is not possible to do full justice to this state-of-the-art handbook and its many articles in a short book review, but arguably the best way to evaluate this handbook is by comparing its structure with other handbooks, reference works, and scholarly introductions on Japan. After all, in recent years, a large number of such books and new editions have been published in English on Japan’s society (Bester et al. 2011; Hendry 2013; Kreiner et al. 2004; Sugimoto 2014), its economy (Flath 2014), and its politics (Gaunder 2011; Hayes 2009; Hook et al. 2012; Inoguchi/Jain 2011; Shinoda 2013). Moreover, handbooks and introductions on current Japan have also been published in other languages (in German, for example: Kevenhörster et al. 2010) or on specific topics like, for example, Japan’s demographic development (Coulmas et al. 2008), its current critical issues (Kingston 2014) or its contemporary religions (Prohl/Nelson 2012; Swanson/Chilson ASIA 2015; 69(4): 1069–1073","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"331 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122390173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1: Little research has been done so far on the subject of a group of Ḫoǧās of southern Xinjiang who claimed descent from the Prophet Muhammad and who were based in a village called Egiz Eriq in the Ḫotän region, whence they became known as the Egiz Eriq Ḫoğilar. Usually, when Ḫoǧās in Xinjiang are touched upon, two rivalling groups are referred to, namely the Aqtaġliq (“White mountain folk”; Chinese: Bai shan pai 白山派) and the Qarataġliq (“Black mountain folk”; Chinese: Hei shan pai 黑山派), all of which are factions belonging to the Naqšbandiyya Sufi network and which – in the wake of the controversial figure of Āfāq Ḫoǧā (d. 1694) – have had a decisive impact on the religious, social and political life of the population of Xinjiang from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. The article of Ǧappar Rähimi, by contrast, focuses on the small aristocratic group of Ḫoǧās who had exerted a feudalistic rule over Qarqaš in the wilayät Ḫotän2 and who by the evidence of their silsila (in which occurs the name of the Sufi Nağm al-Dīn al-Kubrā of Ḫwārazm [d. 1221]) have oriented themselves to authorities other than the Naqšbandiyya. The article translated into German by Bahargül Hamut in close cooperation with Florian Sobieroj may be considered the first serious study of this group of Ḫoğas in China by any Uyghur language author. It offers some valuable insights from an ethnological as well as historiographical point of view (matters discussed include the question of an involvement of the Egiz Eriq Ḫoğilar in the uprisings against the Chinese rule of the Qing dynasty and during the Republic) into a little-known area of Uyghur Islamic culture in the Chinese periphery. Übersetzung, Einleitung und Annotation: Bahargül Hamut: Universität Xinjiang/Universität Bern. E-mail: baharguel.hamut@islam.unibe.ch Florian Sobieroj: Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena. E-mail: florian.sobieroj@uni-jena.de 1 Den Gutachtern, die den vorliegenden Aufsatz einer Prüfung unterzogen haben, sei für ihre Anregungen und Verbesserungsvorschläge, die von uns soweit wie möglich berücksichtigt wurden, herzlich gedankt. 2 Qarqaš (chinesisch: 墨玉 Moyu) ist ein Landkreis (nahiyä) des Regierungsbezirks (wilayät) Ḫotän in Süd-Xinjiang. Dieser liegt ca. 1506 km südlich von Urumchi. 118 Ǧappar Rähimi (Rohlani)
1:到目前为止，关于新疆南部一个自称是先知穆罕默德后裔的Ḫoǧās群体的研究很少，他们居住在Ḫotän地区一个叫Egiz Eriq的村庄，在那里他们被称为Egiz Eriq Ḫoğilar。通常，当谈到新疆的Ḫoǧās时，指的是两个对立的群体，即Aqtaġliq(“白山民间”);中文:白山派白山族)和Qarataġliq(“黑山民间”;这些都是属于Naqšbandiyya苏菲派网络的派系，在有争议的Āfāq Ḫoǧā(1694年)之后，他们对16世纪到19世纪新疆人口的宗教、社会和政治生活产生了决定性的影响。相比之下，Ǧappar Rähimi的文章关注的是Ḫoǧās的小贵族群体，他们在wilayät Ḫotän2对加尔卡什实施了封建统治，并通过他们的silsila(其中出现了苏菲派Nağm al- d n al- kubrir的Ḫwārazm [d])的名字来证明他们。[21])已将自己定位于Naqšbandiyya以外的权威机构。这篇由baharg l Hamut与Florian Sobieroj密切合作翻译成德语的文章可能被认为是维吾尔语作者对中国这一Ḫoğas群体的第一次认真研究。它从民族学和史学的角度(讨论的问题包括Egiz Eriq Ḫoğilar参与反对清朝和民国统治的起义的问题)提供了一些有价值的见解，进入了中国外围鲜为人知的维吾尔族伊斯兰文化领域。Übersetzung, Einleitung，注释:baharg l Hamut: Universität新疆/Universität伯尔尼。电子邮件:baharguel.hamut@islam.unibe.ch Florian Sobieroj: Friedrich-Schiller-Universität耶拿。E-mail: florian.sobieroj@uni-jena.de 1 Den Gutachtern, die Den vorliegenden Aufsatz einer proterzogen haben, sei frer ihre Anregungen und Verbesserungsvorschläge, die von unsoweit wie möglich bercksichtigt wurden, herzlich gedankt。2新疆新疆自治区喀尔喀斯(中文:印文)ist ein Landkreis (nahiyä) des Regierungsbezirks (wilayät) Ḫotän。Dieser liegt约1506公里s列希von乌鲁木齐118 Ǧappar Rähimi (Rohlani)
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