The cult of Hachiman or “Hachimanism” is discussed from its inception as a national cult (mid-eighth century) to its firm establishment in the ninth century. Hachimanism was initially part of the politico-religious program of Emperor Shōmu and his daughter Abe, the “last empress”. Their kind of state Buddhism implied a combination of Buddhist ritualism based on the Golden Light Sutra and other state protecting Buddhist texts as well as non-Buddhist ancestor worship. Hachiman functioned according to both systems, since he was both a protector of Buddhism and an imperial ancestral deity. After what I call a Hachiman boom from about 750 to 770, the famous Dōkyō incident (769) must have led to a fundamental doubt in the validity of Hachiman’s oracles and therefore to a crisis for Hachimanism. However, in the early Heian period, innovative monks such as Kūkai, Saichō, and Gyōkyō re-established Hachimanism to strengthen their ties to the imperial court. In order to obtain protection by the state they redefined the cult of Hachiman as an explicitly Buddhist state protector. Bernhard Scheid: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. E-mail: Bernhard.Scheid@oeaw.ac.at
{"title":"Wer schützt wen? Hachimanismus, Buddhismus und Tennōismus im Altertum","authors":"B. Scheid","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0014","url":null,"abstract":"The cult of Hachiman or “Hachimanism” is discussed from its inception as a national cult (mid-eighth century) to its firm establishment in the ninth century. Hachimanism was initially part of the politico-religious program of Emperor Shōmu and his daughter Abe, the “last empress”. Their kind of state Buddhism implied a combination of Buddhist ritualism based on the Golden Light Sutra and other state protecting Buddhist texts as well as non-Buddhist ancestor worship. Hachiman functioned according to both systems, since he was both a protector of Buddhism and an imperial ancestral deity. After what I call a Hachiman boom from about 750 to 770, the famous Dōkyō incident (769) must have led to a fundamental doubt in the validity of Hachiman’s oracles and therefore to a crisis for Hachimanism. However, in the early Heian period, innovative monks such as Kūkai, Saichō, and Gyōkyō re-established Hachimanism to strengthen their ties to the imperial court. In order to obtain protection by the state they redefined the cult of Hachiman as an explicitly Buddhist state protector. Bernhard Scheid: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. E-mail: Bernhard.Scheid@oeaw.ac.at","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124059616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study focuses on how the German pair of concepts opposite in meaning “wissen” (to know) and “glauben” (to believe) was expressed in Japanese texts critical of religion and religious organizations before and after the onslaught of Western ideas in the second half of the 19th century. A comparison of the words used for the actions commonly associated with “believing” and “knowing” in a text on peasant life in rural Kyūshū in the 1810s with the terminology used by a leading member of the bureaucratic intelligentsia in Tokyo in the 1910s reveals that the basic conflict between “knowing” and “believing” before and after the mid-19th century period of transition differed fundamentally from the archetypal opposition of “belief in transcendence” versus “acquisition of knowledge by empirical methods” which characterised the Western Age of Enlightenment. In fact, religion was blamed above all for deflecting the allegiance of believers from the political authorities to religious organizations. Accordingly criticism in both periods focuses mainly on those religious organizations which on grounds of their popular appeal were seen to pose an immediate threat to the government’s claim to “knowing”, a term which in Japanese is semantically closely linked with “governing”. Since faith was not regarded as “the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen” (Hebrews 11.1) but as a form of allegiance ( kie ), criticism of religion in the texts surveyed should be understood as being rooted in political concerns, not in a radical denial of religion as such. Heinrich Reinfried: i. R., Abteilung Japanologie, Asien-Orient-Institut, Universität Zürich. E-mail: reinfried@asiaintensiv.ch
{"title":"„Wissen‟ und „glauben‟ als Gegensatzpaar im politischen Diskurs Japans zwischen 1812 und 1911","authors":"H. Reinfried","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0009","url":null,"abstract":"This study focuses on how the German pair of concepts opposite in meaning “wissen” (to know) and “glauben” (to believe) was expressed in Japanese texts critical of religion and religious organizations before and after the onslaught of Western ideas in the second half of the 19th century. A comparison of the words used for the actions commonly associated with “believing” and “knowing” in a text on peasant life in rural Kyūshū in the 1810s with the terminology used by a leading member of the bureaucratic intelligentsia in Tokyo in the 1910s reveals that the basic conflict between “knowing” and “believing” before and after the mid-19th century period of transition differed fundamentally from the archetypal opposition of “belief in transcendence” versus “acquisition of knowledge by empirical methods” which characterised the Western Age of Enlightenment. In fact, religion was blamed above all for deflecting the allegiance of believers from the political authorities to religious organizations. Accordingly criticism in both periods focuses mainly on those religious organizations which on grounds of their popular appeal were seen to pose an immediate threat to the government’s claim to “knowing”, a term which in Japanese is semantically closely linked with “governing”. Since faith was not regarded as “the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen” (Hebrews 11.1) but as a form of allegiance ( kie ), criticism of religion in the texts surveyed should be understood as being rooted in political concerns, not in a radical denial of religion as such. Heinrich Reinfried: i. R., Abteilung Japanologie, Asien-Orient-Institut, Universität Zürich. E-mail: reinfried@asiaintensiv.ch","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114776303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper focuses on the rhetoric of new nianhua , images of the Maoist propaganda produced since 1940 for a rural population who was familiar with the aesthetic and the symbolic of nianhua (new year prints). Their rhetoric is based in many cases on an “intericonic” relationship with local popular models. Through a few examples of virtual pairs of images (mostly produced during two reforms in the fifties, in Yangjiabu, Shandong), this paper analyzes the different types of plastic and symbolic relationships between “old” and “new” nianhua , aiming at a better understanding of how those relationships were meant to reinforce propaganda messages. Marie Wyss: Département des études est-asiatiques, Université de Genève. E-mail: Marie.Wyss@unige.ch 1 Méthode de lecture Les nouvelles nianhua (xin nianhua 新年画) des années 1940 et 1950 sont des images de propagande, à savoir des images que les sémioticiens disent fonctionnelles ou « conatives »1, des images dont la « signification est intentionnelle »2. La sémiotique visuelle qui s’intéresse au langage visuel, aux signes qui sont propres à ce langage et permettent à une image de faire sens, fournit des outils particulièrement utiles pour décrypter les significations et la rhétorique de ce type de produits. Catherine Saouter distingue les niveaux plastique, iconique et interprétant d’une image : « Toute image, d’un point de vue sémiotique, est donnée, 1 Fonction « conative »: de conatio « effort, tentative ». Des images conatives sont des images qui impliquent le récepteur, à savoir l’éventuel futur acheteur ou partisan. Voir par exemple : Joly 2009: 44–45. 2 Barthes 1964: 40. L’auteur dit cela à propos d’images publicitaires, que les sémioticiens de l’image considèrent comme appartenant à la même catégorie que les images de propagande.
本文的重点是新年画的修辞，这是自1940年以来毛主义为熟悉年画美学和象征意义的农村人口制作的宣传图像。在很多情况下，他们的说辞都是基于与当地流行模特的“交互”关系。本文通过几个虚拟图像对的例子(主要是在五十年代的两次改革期间，在山东杨家埠)，分析了“旧”和“新”年画之间不同类型的塑料和符号关系，旨在更好地理解这些关系是如何加强宣传信息的。Marie Wyss:法国杰法兰西大学，dsamupartement des samuastasiatiques。E-mail: Marie.Wyss@unige.ch 1 . msamthode de lecture Les nouvelles nianhua (xin nianhua) des annacimes 1940 et 1950 sont des images de propagande， savoir des images que Les ssamumioticies disent函数nelles ou«conative»1,des images not la«signification est intennelle»2。从视觉上看，这是一种语言的视觉，从视觉上看，这是一种语言的视觉，从视觉上看，这是一种语言的视觉，从视觉上看，这是一种语言的视觉，从视觉上看，这是一种语言的视觉，从视觉上看，这是一种语言的视觉，从视觉上看，这是一种语言的视觉。Catherine Saouter区分les niveaux plastique, iconique et interpracimtant d 'une image:«Toute image, d 'un point de value ssammiotique, est donnsame, 1功能«创造性»:de conatio«努力，试试性»。这些图像的内容发送了这些图像，这些图像很含蓄地表达了我们的个人信息，我们的个人信息，我们的个人信息，我们的个人信息。例如:2009年9月:44-45。2巴特，1964:40。1 .我建议我的形象宣传者，请允许我的形象宣传者，请允许我的形象宣传者，请允许我的形象宣传者，请允许我的形象宣传者，请允许我的形象宣传者。
{"title":"De la relation entre les « nouvelles nianhua » et les nianhua populaires : exemples d'intericonicité dans un art de propagande","authors":"M. Wyss","doi":"10.1515/ASIA-2014-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/ASIA-2014-0015","url":null,"abstract":"This paper focuses on the rhetoric of new nianhua , images of the Maoist propaganda produced since 1940 for a rural population who was familiar with the aesthetic and the symbolic of nianhua (new year prints). Their rhetoric is based in many cases on an “intericonic” relationship with local popular models. Through a few examples of virtual pairs of images (mostly produced during two reforms in the fifties, in Yangjiabu, Shandong), this paper analyzes the different types of plastic and symbolic relationships between “old” and “new” nianhua , aiming at a better understanding of how those relationships were meant to reinforce propaganda messages. Marie Wyss: Département des études est-asiatiques, Université de Genève. E-mail: Marie.Wyss@unige.ch 1 Méthode de lecture Les nouvelles nianhua (xin nianhua 新年画) des années 1940 et 1950 sont des images de propagande, à savoir des images que les sémioticiens disent fonctionnelles ou « conatives »1, des images dont la « signification est intentionnelle »2. La sémiotique visuelle qui s’intéresse au langage visuel, aux signes qui sont propres à ce langage et permettent à une image de faire sens, fournit des outils particulièrement utiles pour décrypter les significations et la rhétorique de ce type de produits. Catherine Saouter distingue les niveaux plastique, iconique et interprétant d’une image : « Toute image, d’un point de vue sémiotique, est donnée, 1 Fonction « conative »: de conatio « effort, tentative ». Des images conatives sont des images qui impliquent le récepteur, à savoir l’éventuel futur acheteur ou partisan. Voir par exemple : Joly 2009: 44–45. 2 Barthes 1964: 40. L’auteur dit cela à propos d’images publicitaires, que les sémioticiens de l’image considèrent comme appartenant à la même catégorie que les images de propagande.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129555820","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Before access to modern obstetrics became widely available in Japan, people had to resort to folk medicine, as well as to a number of religious and magical practices to alleviate the danger that pregnancy and childbirth brought with them. Collectively, these practices are known as anzan kigan – the prayer for safe delivery. Modernization, urbanization and technological advances since the Meiji Restauration all had a profound effect on these practices. Some have all but disappeared, others have persisted, albeit in modified form. Yet others seemed to be on the decline, only to experience a veritable renaissance in recent years. Based on fieldwork conducted in Gumma and Kagoshima, as well as an analysis of recent maternity journals, this paper takes a look at how and why these practices have changed, as well as at the strategies that shrines and temples that offer anzan kigan services have adopted to stay relevant in modern times. It argues that anzan kigan has changed from a socially significant set of practices with heavy religious connotations to a secularized and commercialized event that is most relevant on the level of individual families. Practices that have always been or could be adapted to be compatible with this change are going strong, while those that are not are in the process of dying out for good.
{"title":"Anzan Kigan. Rituelle Geburtspraktiken Japans im Wandel der Zeit","authors":"Christian Göhlert","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Before access to modern obstetrics became widely available in Japan, \u0000people had to resort to folk medicine, as well as to a number of religious and \u0000magical practices to alleviate the danger that pregnancy and childbirth brought \u0000with them. Collectively, these practices are known as anzan kigan – the prayer for \u0000safe delivery. Modernization, urbanization and technological advances since the \u0000Meiji Restauration all had a profound effect on these practices. Some have all but \u0000disappeared, others have persisted, albeit in modified form. Yet others seemed \u0000to be on the decline, only to experience a veritable renaissance in recent years. \u0000Based on fieldwork conducted in Gumma and Kagoshima, as well as an analysis \u0000of recent maternity journals, this paper takes a look at how and why these practices \u0000have changed, as well as at the strategies that shrines and temples that offer \u0000anzan kigan services have adopted to stay relevant in modern times. It argues that \u0000anzan kigan has changed from a socially significant set of practices with heavy \u0000religious connotations to a secularized and commercialized event that is most \u0000relevant on the level of individual families. Practices that have always been or \u0000could be adapted to be compatible with this change are going strong, while those \u0000that are not are in the process of dying out for good.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121240167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the function and history of Japanese paper charms (o-fuda) from the viewpoint of their issuing institutions. First, it differentiates between paper charms issued by Shintō shrines and those issued by Buddhist temples: Shintō paper charms are said to be potentially harmful even for their owners, because they absorb evil powers to protect them, so one has to exchange these paper charms usually after one year of use. Buddhist paper charms, on the other hand, are of no harm, thanks to the ever-lasting protective power of the Buddhas, Bodhisattvas or Holy Men that are depicted on them. Their iconographic decoration made Buddhist paper charms attractive to western collectors who came to Japan; one of the greatest and most well-known of these collections by the French japanologist Bernhard Frank (1927–1996) just went online in summer 2012. The definition of ‘paper charm’ is tricky: How can we be sure that a paper has really been charmed and is not only a piece of printed paper? Should derivative forms like hanging scrolls or contract forms printed with the same image as the paper charm also be regarded as charms? How does a paper charm function in the framework of economic activities of a Buddhist temple? These and other questions are answered on the basis of a special private collection of a specific iconographic type of paper charms from Mount Koya covering a period of 200 years.
{"title":"Schutz durch magische Formeln. Amulette (o-fuda) des japanischen Strahlenglanz-Dhāraṇī-Glaubens aus der Sammlung Kadono Konzen bunko","authors":"N. Gülberg","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the function and history of Japanese paper charms (o-fuda) from the viewpoint of their issuing institutions. First, it differentiates between paper charms issued by Shintō shrines and those issued by Buddhist temples: Shintō paper charms are said to be potentially harmful even for their owners, because they absorb evil powers to protect them, so one has to exchange these paper charms usually after one year of use. Buddhist paper charms, on the other hand, are of no harm, thanks to the ever-lasting protective power of the Buddhas, Bodhisattvas or Holy Men that are depicted on them. Their iconographic decoration made Buddhist paper charms attractive to western collectors who came to Japan; one of the greatest and most well-known of these collections by the French japanologist Bernhard Frank (1927–1996) just went online in summer 2012. \u0000 \u0000The definition of ‘paper charm’ is tricky: How can we be sure that a paper has really been charmed and is not only a piece of printed paper? Should derivative forms like hanging scrolls or contract forms printed with the same image as the paper charm also be regarded as charms? How does a paper charm function in the framework of economic activities of a Buddhist temple? These and other questions are answered on the basis of a special private collection of a specific iconographic type of paper charms from Mount Koya covering a period of 200 years.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132634376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The present article explores the applicability of the term “rhetoric” in a non-Western context and, in particular, the legitimacy of such an attempt in the case of Early China, where the Warring States period is traditionally considered as the golden age of early Chinese “rhetoric”. The pre-imperial and early imperial received literature provides good evidence for the employment of a well-established and clearly defined set of argumentative techniques in everyday political practice in ancient China. No handbook on such techniques has been handed down, and a proper term to define them as part of a broader, more structured activity that could match Western “rhetoric” does not appear until the medieval period. The article argues, however, that by applying a more fluid concept of “rhetoric” and by extending its scope beyond and across cultural boundaries it is not only possible but also legitimate to a certain extent to talk about a rhetorical tradition in the case of ancient China as well.
{"title":"What is “rhetoric” anyway? Briared in words in Early China","authors":"Lisa Indraccolo","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0019","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present article explores the applicability of the term “rhetoric” in a non-Western context and, in particular, the legitimacy of such an attempt in the case of Early China, where the Warring States period is traditionally considered as the golden age of early Chinese “rhetoric”. The pre-imperial and early imperial received literature provides good evidence for the employment of a well-established and clearly defined set of argumentative techniques in everyday political practice in ancient China. No handbook on such techniques has been handed down, and a proper term to define them as part of a broader, more structured activity that could match Western “rhetoric” does not appear until the medieval period. The article argues, however, that by applying a more fluid concept of “rhetoric” and by extending its scope beyond and across cultural boundaries it is not only possible but also legitimate to a certain extent to talk about a rhetorical tradition in the case of ancient China as well.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127555533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This review article evaluates recent Chinese publications (5 books and 30 articles) on Mayidari Juu (Maitreya Monastery, Ch. Meidaizhao 美岱召), in Inner Mongolia, China) – a remarkable fortified Tibetan Buddhist monastery that has preserved sixteenth- to nineteenth-century mural paintings and architecture. Its study is not only important for the history of the Tümed Mongols, but also for the history of Mongol monasteries, art, architecture, religion, society, economy, and funerary practices. The recent books reviewed here, correspond to a new campaign of restoration of the monastery, and reflect the modern revalorisation of Inner Mongol tangible heritage. Besides introducing recently discovered archives, they provide excellent quality photographs of the murals and framework décor, as well as new hypotheses on the dating and function of buildings, and on the dating, iconography and authors of mural paintings. By synthesizing the main debates on history, architecture and painting of Mayidari Juu, the present review essay aims at helping global scholarship on this major part of the Mongol heritage move on to a new stage.
{"title":"Recent research on the Maitreya Monastery in Inner Mongolia (China)","authors":"Isabelle Charleux","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This review article evaluates recent Chinese publications (5 books and 30 articles) on Mayidari Juu (Maitreya Monastery, Ch. Meidaizhao 美岱召), in Inner Mongolia, China) – a remarkable fortified Tibetan Buddhist monastery that has preserved sixteenth- to nineteenth-century mural paintings and architecture. Its study is not only important for the history of the Tümed Mongols, but also for the history of Mongol monasteries, art, architecture, religion, society, economy, and funerary practices. The recent books reviewed here, correspond to a new campaign of restoration of the monastery, and reflect the modern revalorisation of Inner Mongol tangible heritage. Besides introducing recently discovered archives, they provide excellent quality photographs of the murals and framework décor, as well as new hypotheses on the dating and function of buildings, and on the dating, iconography and authors of mural paintings. By synthesizing the main debates on history, architecture and painting of Mayidari Juu, the present review essay aims at helping global scholarship on this major part of the Mongol heritage move on to a new stage.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130338558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ṣifāʾ ʿAbd as-Salām Ǧaʿfar is a contemporary Egyptian philosopher working mainly on the German philosopher Martin Heidegger (1889–1976). One of her concerns is the question of the relationship between philosophy and theology. This paper is the first to introduce Ǧaʿfar and her writings on Heidegger’s theology to a non-Arabic audience and traces her line of argument on the question of philosophy and theology of Heidegger. The paper starts with an allusion to Heidegger’s early involvement in theology, which Ǧaʿfar considers to be the point of origin and reference throughout his different phases of thinking. Heidegger’s main work of his early period, Time and Being , is then pointed out as a preliminary to the true theology, which Ǧaʿfar calls non-traditional. On grounds of Heidegger’s later works, and especially based on a comparison between Plotin and Heidegger, Ǧaʿfar claims that Heidegger’s theology can be considered to be close to mysticism. This paper highlights that Ǧaʿfar participates with her argument in current debates on Heidegger’s thoughts on theology and philosophy. In doing so she opens up a new ground for the Arabic dialogue with Heidegger dating back to the 1950s. This paper, in turn, aims to open the Arabic reception of Heidegger as a new field of inquiry by focusing on its theological aspect.
Ṣifā al - al - Abd as-Salām Ǧa al - al - al是当代埃及哲学家，主要研究德国哲学家马丁·海德格尔(1889-1976)。她关心的问题之一是哲学与神学的关系问题。本文首次向非阿拉伯读者介绍Ǧa·伊法尔及其有关海德格尔神学的著作，并追溯了她在海德格尔哲学和神学问题上的论证路线。本文首先暗指海德格尔早期对神学的介入，Ǧa认为神学是贯穿其不同思维阶段的起点和参考点。海德格尔早期的主要著作《时间与存在》被指出是真正神学的开端，Ǧa伊法尔称之为非传统神学。Ǧa以海德格尔后期的作品为依据，特别是以普罗提恩与海德格尔的比较为基础，主张海德格尔的神学可以被认为是接近神秘主义的。本文强调Ǧa伊法尔参与了当前关于海德格尔神学和哲学思想的争论。在这样做的过程中，她为与海德格尔的阿拉伯对话开辟了一个新的领域，这个对话可以追溯到20世纪50年代。反过来，本文旨在通过关注海德格尔的神学方面，打开阿拉伯人对海德格尔的接受作为一个新的研究领域。
{"title":"Martin Heidegger in der Rezeption von Ṣifāʾ ʿAbd as-Salām Ǧaʿfar – Zeitgenössische Überlegungen zum Verhältnis von Philosophie und Theologie","authors":"K. Moser","doi":"10.1515/asia-2014-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0007","url":null,"abstract":"Ṣifāʾ ʿAbd as-Salām Ǧaʿfar is a contemporary Egyptian philosopher \u0000working mainly on the German philosopher Martin Heidegger (1889–1976). One \u0000of her concerns is the question of the relationship between philosophy and theology. \u0000This paper is the first to introduce Ǧaʿfar and her writings on Heidegger’s \u0000theology to a non-Arabic audience and traces her line of argument on the question \u0000of philosophy and theology of Heidegger. The paper starts with an allusion to \u0000Heidegger’s early involvement in theology, which Ǧaʿfar considers to be the point \u0000of origin and reference throughout his different phases of thinking. Heidegger’s \u0000main work of his early period, Time and Being , is then pointed out as a preliminary \u0000to the true theology, which Ǧaʿfar calls non-traditional. On grounds of \u0000Heidegger’s later works, and especially based on a comparison between Plotin \u0000and Heidegger, Ǧaʿfar claims that Heidegger’s theology can be considered to be \u0000close to mysticism. This paper highlights that Ǧaʿfar participates with her argument \u0000in current debates on Heidegger’s thoughts on theology and philosophy. \u0000In doing so she opens up a new ground for the Arabic dialogue with Heidegger \u0000dating back to the 1950s. This paper, in turn, aims to open the Arabic reception of \u0000Heidegger as a new field of inquiry by focusing on its theological aspect.","PeriodicalId":286658,"journal":{"name":"Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121145903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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