Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.2
Björg Thorarensen
The article focuses on how the control of the judiciary over the legislature has increased in the last decades and the reasons for altered balance of powers in the Icelandic constitutional system are explored. Earlier theories of parliamentary precedence over other branches of state power are in transition. There is a growing trend towards the balancing of powers, in which the courts monitor that legislation complies with the constitution. A comparison is made with the developments in the constitutional systems of Denmark and Norway which points at the same direction. The European Convention on Human Rights and constitutional amendments in 1995 have affected the interpretation methods of the Icelandic courts and strengthened their supervisory role. Ideas underlying constitutional democracy, rule of law and effective remedies for individuals are prevailing over the idea of preferred position of the legislative power vis-a-vis the judiciary. The courts see it as a constitutional duty to adjudicate whether a legislative act conforms with constitutional human rights. The Supreme Court of Iceland has referred to the wide discretion of the legislature in the field of fiscal powers, such as regarding taxation and the social security system. However, even where legislation aims at the implementation of important political policies, the discretion of Althingi is subject to certain limits. The effective judicial control requires that Althingi must assess carefully whether legislation which limits constitutionally protected human rights conforms with the principles of equality and proportionality.
{"title":"Judicial Control over Althingi: Altered Balance of Powers in the Constitutional System","authors":"Björg Thorarensen","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.2","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on how the control of the judiciary over the legislature has increased in the last decades and the reasons for altered balance of powers in the Icelandic constitutional system are explored. Earlier theories of parliamentary precedence over other branches of state power are in transition. There is a growing trend towards the balancing of powers, in which the courts monitor that legislation complies with the constitution. A comparison is made with the developments in the constitutional systems of Denmark and Norway which points at the same direction. The European Convention on Human Rights and constitutional amendments in 1995 have affected the interpretation methods of the Icelandic courts and strengthened their supervisory role. Ideas underlying constitutional democracy, rule of law and effective remedies for individuals are prevailing over the idea of preferred position of the legislative power vis-a-vis the judiciary. The courts see it as a constitutional duty to adjudicate whether a legislative act conforms with constitutional human rights. The Supreme Court of Iceland has referred to the wide discretion of the legislature in the field of fiscal powers, such as regarding taxation and the social security system. However, even where legislation aims at the implementation of important political policies, the discretion of Althingi is subject to certain limits. The effective judicial control requires that Althingi must assess carefully whether legislation which limits constitutionally protected human rights conforms with the principles of equality and proportionality.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122038634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.6
S. Ólafsson
We explain the Icelandic bubble economy and the financial crisis of 2008 with lessons from classical political economy theories (Keynes, Minsky, Kindleberger, Reinhart and Rogoff). We ask why and how the Icelandic bubble came about? Why it went so far off track? Who were the main actors? And why they did it? At the base of these developments were changes in the policy environment and institutional changes in finance and economy, which produced both new opportunities and new risks, as well as paving the way for new powers to rise in the society, not least with the full privatization of the state banks in 2003. An overextended belief in the virtues of the free market of the private sector led to a laissez-faire attitude towards the new risks, while the new opportunities were pursued with great efforts. This produced a classical but unusually large financial bubble, culminating in 2003-2008, with massive and risky growth of banks. The main characteristic of the Icelandic bubble was extensive business speculation with borrowed money. The consequence was excessive accumulation of foreign debt, which tends to be the ultimate cause of financial crises. The main actors were the top ten percent of income earners, who gained tremendously during the decade leading up to the collapse. Their incomes grew way beyond all others, not least their financial earnings, which sprang mainly from the activities of the unsustainable bubble economy.
{"title":"Explaining Iceland’s Excessive Boom and Bust: a Political Economy Approach","authors":"S. Ólafsson","doi":"10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.6","url":null,"abstract":"We explain the Icelandic bubble economy and the financial crisis of 2008 with lessons from classical political economy theories (Keynes, Minsky, Kindleberger, Reinhart and Rogoff). We ask why and how the Icelandic bubble came about? Why it went so far off track? Who were the main actors? And why they did it? \u0000At the base of these developments were changes in the policy environment and institutional changes in finance and economy, which produced both new opportunities and new risks, as well as paving the way for new powers to rise in the society, not least with the full privatization of the state banks in 2003. An overextended belief in the virtues of the free market of the private sector led to a laissez-faire attitude towards the new risks, while the new opportunities were pursued with great efforts. \u0000This produced a classical but unusually large financial bubble, culminating in 2003-2008, with massive and risky growth of banks. The main characteristic of the Icelandic bubble was extensive business speculation with borrowed money. The consequence was excessive accumulation of foreign debt, which tends to be the ultimate cause of financial crises. The main actors were the top ten percent of income earners, who gained tremendously during the decade leading up to the collapse. Their incomes grew way beyond all others, not least their financial earnings, which sprang mainly from the activities of the unsustainable bubble economy.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"159 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116396898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.9
Finnborg S. Steinþórsdóttir, Þorgerður J. Einarsdóttir, T. Heijstra, G. Pétursdóttir
The article addresses the financial framework, decision-making and budgeting processes of the University of Iceland from a gender perspective. The newly appointed rector of the University of Iceland (elected 2015) together with the university council is currently revising the UI system of the distribution formula of budget allocation. This provides an opportunity to examine the system which is inspired by New Public Management, with emphasis on global competition and performance based indicators. The aim of the article is to scrutinize the current system of budget allocation and distribution and its significance when it comes to gender. We ask how the, allegedly gender neutral, system plays out for different schools and disciplines and for academics in different ranks, when the gender dimension is taken into account. We draw on empirical data collected as part of the GARCIA research project, Gendering the Academy and Research combating Career Instability and Asymmetries, which is supported by the 7th Framework Programme of the European Union. To shed a light on the process we focus on the male-dominated School of Engineering and Natural Sciences (SENS) and the more feminised School of Social Sciences (SSS). The exploration shows that the financial framework, decision-making and budgeting processes at the University of Iceland are rather non-transparent, and biased in favour of the natural sciences. This applies to funding from the state; third party funding; the allocation of funding in the teaching part of the budgeting, as well as the research part. From the article it can be concluded that the current system contains an internal, though unintended, gender bias that needs to be corrected.
{"title":"Money Talks: Gender Budgeting in the University of Iceland","authors":"Finnborg S. Steinþórsdóttir, Þorgerður J. Einarsdóttir, T. Heijstra, G. Pétursdóttir","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.9","url":null,"abstract":"The article addresses the financial framework, decision-making and budgeting processes of the University of Iceland from a gender perspective. The newly appointed rector of the University of Iceland (elected 2015) together with the university council is currently revising the UI system of the distribution formula of budget allocation. This provides an opportunity to examine the system which is inspired by New Public Management, with emphasis on global competition and performance based indicators. The aim of the article is to scrutinize the current system of budget allocation and distribution and its significance when it comes to gender. We ask how the, allegedly gender neutral, system plays out for different schools and disciplines and for academics in different ranks, when the gender dimension is taken into account. We draw on empirical data collected as part of the GARCIA research project, Gendering the Academy and Research combating Career Instability and Asymmetries, which is supported by the 7th Framework Programme of the European Union. To shed a light on the process we focus on the male-dominated School of Engineering and Natural Sciences (SENS) and the more feminised School of Social Sciences (SSS). The exploration shows that the financial framework, decision-making and budgeting processes at the University of Iceland are rather non-transparent, and biased in favour of the natural sciences. This applies to funding from the state; third party funding; the allocation of funding in the teaching part of the budgeting, as well as the research part. From the article it can be concluded that the current system contains an internal, though unintended, gender bias that needs to be corrected.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128521148","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.8
Á. E. Guðmundsdóttir
The theoretical background of leadership literature is based on assessing leadership from the perspective of the individual in the role. As the field progressed other factors were believed to be important in understanding leadership. In the last years the spotlight in research on leadership has, again, been on the leader himself as in theories such as authentic leadership and servant leadership. In this article the impact of the leadership of Jon Gnarr, that becoming a leader,when he served as a Major for Reykavik in the years 2010-2014. In the article the main conclusions of the research on Jons Gnarr as a leader are discussed. Open-ended interviews were conducted among the official leaders of the City and those that worked closely with him on the political arena and with Jon himself. Seven indepth open-ended interviews were conducted and analyzed with qualitative methods. The research hypothesis is that the extreme societal and economical environment let to the election of the Best Party. The main conclusions are that in Jon Gnarrs leadership we can see indications that supports theories of authentic leadership. His lifestory and experience, intuition seem to have changed communication between actors. With trust, respect and caring. This empowered his followers and inspired them in a new way. This research contribution is in the field of authentic leadership. In particular where unusual circumstances call for different leadership.
{"title":"Jón Gnarr: the Joker that Became a Leader","authors":"Á. E. Guðmundsdóttir","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.8","url":null,"abstract":"The theoretical background of leadership literature is based on assessing leadership from the perspective of the individual in the role. As the field progressed other factors were believed to be important in understanding leadership. In the last years the spotlight in research on leadership has, again, been on the leader himself as in theories such as authentic leadership and servant leadership. In this article the impact of the leadership of Jon Gnarr, that becoming a leader,when he served as a Major for Reykavik in the years 2010-2014. In the article the main conclusions of the research on Jons Gnarr as a leader are discussed. Open-ended interviews were conducted among the official leaders of the City and those that worked closely with him on the political arena and with Jon himself. Seven indepth open-ended interviews were conducted and analyzed with qualitative methods. The research hypothesis is that the extreme societal and economical environment let to the election of the Best Party. The main conclusions are that in Jon Gnarrs leadership we can see indications that supports theories of authentic leadership. His lifestory and experience, intuition seem to have changed communication between actors. With trust, respect and caring. This empowered his followers and inspired them in a new way. This research contribution is in the field of authentic leadership. In particular where unusual circumstances call for different leadership.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133549083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.1
E. Hlynsdóttir
Professionalism is thought to be synonymous with good governance, a vital component of a modern and efficient local government. Traditionally, top managers, such as American city managers, are seen as the archetype of professionalism, while municipalities ruled by executive mayors have been judged to be less professional. In Iceland, mayors are recruited largely through two processes: through hiring following nationwide job postings (managermayors) and through political appointment from within the municipal council (political mayors). An analysis of job postings for manager-mayor positions and of the level of education and experience acquired by Icelandic mayors demonstrates an increased level of professionalism. However, during interviews, manager-mayors recruited through job postings emphasised their professionalism by citing their political neutrality, while political mayors stressed their professionalism by citing their level of education. Nevertheless, there is a fundamental lack of standardisation in the qualifications required for mayoral positions in Iceland. Finally, although there is a substantial number of mayors with similar educational backgrounds in business and economics, a high turnover and a lack of mutual understanding of the experience and education required for the position indicate low levels of professionalism. Thus, although the level of professionalism has increased in recent years, it remains considerably lower than within the American council-manager system.
{"title":"Professionalism among Icelandic Mayors: Job Postings, Experience and Education as Determinants of Professionalism at the Icelandic Local Level","authors":"E. Hlynsdóttir","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"Professionalism is thought to be synonymous with good governance, a vital component of a modern and efficient local government. Traditionally, top managers, such as American city managers, are seen as the archetype of professionalism, while municipalities ruled by executive mayors have been judged to be less professional. In Iceland, mayors are recruited largely through two processes: through hiring following nationwide job postings (managermayors) and through political appointment from within the municipal council (political mayors). An analysis of job postings for manager-mayor positions and of the level of education and experience acquired by Icelandic mayors demonstrates an increased level of professionalism. However, during interviews, manager-mayors recruited through job postings emphasised their professionalism by citing their political neutrality, while political mayors stressed their professionalism by citing their level of education. Nevertheless, there is a fundamental lack of standardisation in the qualifications required for mayoral positions in Iceland. Finally, although there is a substantial number of mayors with similar educational backgrounds in business and economics, a high turnover and a lack of mutual understanding of the experience and education required for the position indicate low levels of professionalism. Thus, although the level of professionalism has increased in recent years, it remains considerably lower than within the American council-manager system.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"236 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132161327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.5
J. Einarsdóttir
The transnational anti-apartheid movement was heavily motivated by the postwar emphasis on human rights and decolonisation, and challenged by Cold War politics and economic interests. The aim of this article is to examine Iceland’s involvement in the anti-apartheid struggles with focus on the establishment of the unified anti-apartheid movement SAGA (Suður-Afrikusamtokin gegn apartheid), its organisation and activities. What were the motives of SAGA’s activists and their subjective experiences? The political background in Iceland is outlined as well as a historical overview of anti-apartheid activities including Iceland’s voting on resolutions against apartheid at UN and adoptions of sanctions against the South African regime. Iceland’s involvement in the antiapartheid struggle was contradictory. During two periods Iceland voted for more radical UN resolutions than did other Western countries, including the Nordic ones. Yet, Iceland adopted sanctions against the South African regime later than the neighbours and the same applies to the establishment of a unified anti-apartheid movement. The branding of the African National Congress (ANC) as communists allowed many to ignore the human right breaches of the South African regime. Most of the activists belonged to left-wing groups or the labour movement, and the relative absence of religious organisations and the Students’ Council of the University of Iceland is notable. Embedded in the transnational anti-apartheid network with particular ways of organisation and mobilisation, the activists became emotionally engaged and worked for a moral cause.
跨国反种族隔离运动在很大程度上受到战后对人权和非殖民化的强调的推动，并受到冷战政治和经济利益的挑战。本文的目的是考察冰岛参与反种族隔离斗争，重点是建立统一的反种族隔离运动SAGA (su - ur- afrikusamtokin gegen apartheid)，其组织和活动。SAGA活动人士的动机和他们的主观经验是什么?本文概述冰岛的政治背景，以及反种族隔离活动的历史概况，包括冰岛在联合国反对种族隔离的决议中投票，以及通过对南非政权的制裁。冰岛参与反种族隔离斗争是矛盾的。在两个时期内，冰岛比其他西方国家(包括北欧国家)投票支持更为激进的联合国决议。然而，冰岛对南非政权采取制裁的时间比邻国晚，这同样适用于建立统一的反种族隔离运动。非洲人国民大会(ANC)被贴上共产主义者的标签，让许多人忽略了南非政权侵犯人权的行为。大多数激进分子属于左翼组织或劳工运动，宗教组织和冰岛大学学生会的相对缺席值得注意。这些积极分子以特殊的组织和动员方式融入了跨国反种族隔离网络，他们在情感上投入，为一项道德事业而努力。
{"title":"Iceland’s Involvement in the Anti-Apartheid Struggle","authors":"J. Einarsdóttir","doi":"10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"The transnational anti-apartheid movement was heavily motivated by the postwar emphasis on human rights and decolonisation, and challenged by Cold War politics and economic interests. The aim of this article is to examine Iceland’s involvement in the anti-apartheid struggles with focus on the establishment of the unified anti-apartheid movement SAGA (Suður-Afrikusamtokin gegn apartheid), its organisation and activities. What were the motives of SAGA’s activists and their subjective experiences? The political background in Iceland is outlined as well as a historical overview of anti-apartheid activities including Iceland’s voting on resolutions against apartheid at UN and adoptions of sanctions against the South African regime. Iceland’s involvement in the antiapartheid struggle was contradictory. During two periods Iceland voted for more radical UN resolutions than did other Western countries, including the Nordic ones. Yet, Iceland adopted sanctions against the South African regime later than the neighbours and the same applies to the establishment of a unified anti-apartheid movement. The branding of the African National Congress (ANC) as communists allowed many to ignore the human right breaches of the South African regime. Most of the activists belonged to left-wing groups or the labour movement, and the relative absence of religious organisations and the Students’ Council of the University of Iceland is notable. Embedded in the transnational anti-apartheid network with particular ways of organisation and mobilisation, the activists became emotionally engaged and worked for a moral cause.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"316 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124479451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.4
Sigurjón Njarðarson, B. Magnússon
When Iceland became a party to NATO, the Icelandic government seems to have believed that it made a reservation to the core obligation of the North Atlantic Treaty – the “one for all and all for one” obligation — in a speech held during a dinner celebrating its signature. A few decades later, this belief prevails, to some extent, in Icelandic politics. This opinion has no substance in international law. As is discussed, the reservation does not conform to formal and substantive requirements that international law makes to reservations. Consequently, Iceland is bound by the North Atlantic Treaty in the same way as other member states.
{"title":"Iceland’s Alleged Reservation to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty","authors":"Sigurjón Njarðarson, B. Magnússon","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.4","url":null,"abstract":"When Iceland became a party to NATO, the Icelandic government seems to have believed that it made a reservation to the core obligation of the North Atlantic Treaty – the “one for all and all for one” obligation — in a speech held during a dinner celebrating its signature. A few decades later, this belief prevails, to some extent, in Icelandic politics. This opinion has no substance in international law. As is discussed, the reservation does not conform to formal and substantive requirements that international law makes to reservations. Consequently, Iceland is bound by the North Atlantic Treaty in the same way as other member states.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131699085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.7
Guðbjörg Hildur Kolbeins
By employing the theoretical framework of framing, the present paper attempts to examine the Icelandic media’s coverage of the 2013 parliamentary election by paying particular attention to coverage of public opinion polls and the policies of the political parties, i.e. the “horse-race” frame and the issue frame, and to examine media’s reliance on experts for interpretation of election news. Seven online news media, two newspapers, two radio stations and two television channels were monitored for 25 days prior to Election Day, i.e. from April 2 to April 26, 2013, - resulting in 1377 election news stories. The findings show, for example, that 29.8% of all the election news stories had public opinion polls as their primary angle while 12% of the stories were primarily issue-oriented. In addition, the media rely on experts for interpretation of the polls; five of the 10 most interviewed or quoted sources on public opinion surveys were political science experts who were affiliated with universities. Finally, news coverage of polls was generally amplified as media outlets had a tendency to report on public opinion polls that were commissioned by other media.
{"title":"Public Opinion Polls and Experts in Election News","authors":"Guðbjörg Hildur Kolbeins","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2016.12.1.7","url":null,"abstract":"By employing the theoretical framework of framing, the present paper attempts to examine the Icelandic media’s coverage of the 2013 parliamentary election by paying particular attention to coverage of public opinion polls and the policies of the political parties, i.e. the “horse-race” frame and the issue frame, and to examine media’s reliance on experts for interpretation of election news. Seven online news media, two newspapers, two radio stations and two television channels were monitored for 25 days prior to Election Day, i.e. from April 2 to April 26, 2013, - resulting in 1377 election news stories. The findings show, for example, that 29.8% of all the election news stories had public opinion polls as their primary angle while 12% of the stories were primarily issue-oriented. In addition, the media rely on experts for interpretation of the polls; five of the 10 most interviewed or quoted sources on public opinion surveys were political science experts who were affiliated with universities. Finally, news coverage of polls was generally amplified as media outlets had a tendency to report on public opinion polls that were commissioned by other media.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122998267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-15DOI: 10.13177/IRPA.A.2015.11.2.4
Baldur Þórhallsson, T. Joensen
This paper argues that Iceland enjoyed essential shelter, for its development and prosperity, provided by Denmark and Britain. Societal relations with Copenhagen were of fundamental importance in the preservation and evolution of Icelandic identity and culture, providing the foundation of the modern society and leading to the establishment of the Icelandic state. Danish financial backups created the basis for the island’s economic prosperity in the 20th century. Moreover, Denmark provided partial political shelter in terms of significant diplomatic support in guaranteeing trade agreements with other states. Also, Denmark led by example and Iceland followed its foreign policy. On the other hand, Denmark failed to provide Iceland with protection of its land and waters and economic cover when it was in most need. Moreover, the economic cover it did provide was, at times, highly costly. Denmark had been downgraded to a small European power in the post-Napoleonic period. In practice, Britain was in control over the North Atlantic. It guaranteed Iceland’s neutrality and connection to the outside world and markets when the Danish authorities failed in these areas, as long as British interests were also served. Nor did British protection come without cost. Accordingly, this paper confirms the common claim of small-state studies that small states are at the mercy of their larger neighbours. Moreover, our findings indicate that Iceland’s growing autonomy did not affect its need for political, economic and societal cover.
{"title":"Iceland’s External Affairs from the Napoleonic Era to the occupation of Denmark: Danish and British Shelter","authors":"Baldur Þórhallsson, T. Joensen","doi":"10.13177/IRPA.A.2015.11.2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.13177/IRPA.A.2015.11.2.4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that Iceland enjoyed essential shelter, for its development and prosperity, provided by Denmark and Britain. Societal relations with Copenhagen were of fundamental importance in the preservation and evolution of Icelandic identity and culture, providing the foundation of the modern society and leading to the establishment of the Icelandic state. Danish financial backups created the basis for the island’s economic prosperity in the 20th century. Moreover, Denmark provided partial political shelter in terms of significant diplomatic support in guaranteeing trade agreements with other states. Also, Denmark led by example and Iceland followed its foreign policy. On the other hand, Denmark failed to provide Iceland with protection of its land and waters and economic cover when it was in most need. Moreover, the economic cover it did provide was, at times, highly costly. Denmark had been downgraded to a small European power in the post-Napoleonic period. In practice, Britain was in control over the North Atlantic. It guaranteed Iceland’s neutrality and connection to the outside world and markets when the Danish authorities failed in these areas, as long as British interests were also served. Nor did British protection come without cost. Accordingly, this paper confirms the common claim of small-state studies that small states are at the mercy of their larger neighbours. Moreover, our findings indicate that Iceland’s growing autonomy did not affect its need for political, economic and societal cover.","PeriodicalId":294103,"journal":{"name":"Icelandic Review of Politics and Administration","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122963056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-12-15DOI: 10.13177/irpa.a.2015.11.9
T. Valsson
This Article deals with relations between legal provisions on confidentiality on one hand and the Act on Access to Public Administration Files no. 140/2012 on the other. It describes differences between general and special clauses on confidentiality in Icelandic law and analyses their effect on public access to information. The author also argues for better quality of confidentiality provisions in Icelandic law i.e. to enhance a balanced progress of rights of access to administrative files.
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