German Abstract: Zusammenfassung In diesem Papier wird analysiert, inwieweit die Staaten des Westbalkans die notwendige wirtschaftliche und institutionelle Reife für einen EU-Beitritt erreicht haben. In der Studie werden die vier Staaten untersucht, die bereits Kandidatenstatus haben: Albanien, Montenegro, Nord-Mazedonien und Serbien. Die Autoren beschreiben, wie die EU derzeit den Stand des Beitrittsprozesses bewertet. Sie analysieren, welchen wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsstand die Westbalkanstaaten bisher erreicht haben und welche möglichen Entwicklungspfade für einen Aufholprozess möglich erscheinen. Darüber hinaus bewerten sie die institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen in diesen Ländern auf der Grundlage internationaler Standortrankings, die unabhängige Informationen über den institutionellen Aufholprozess der Länder enthalten. Die Autoren berechnen zudem die Kosten, die der EU entstehen, wenn diese Kandidatenländer Zugang zu den bestehenden Struktur- und Investitionsfonds der EU erhalten.
English Abstract: The topicality of the paper’s subject “EU accession of the Western Balkan Countries” results from the fact that despite the unresolved crises in the EU, in autumn 2019 the EU member states will decide whether to open accession negotiations with the Western Balkan states of North Macedonia and Albania. Due to doubts concerning the readiness of accession of these countries, the discussion on an alternative option for EU integration between full membership and non-membership for countries that are only partially ready for accession is reviving. The focus here is particularly on economic integration. The corresponding objective of the paper is to clarify whether from an economic point of view doubts about the accession readiness of northern Macedonia and Albania, as well as of the other Western Balkan accession candidates Montenegro and Serbia, are justified. The research tasks in this contribution are reflected in the following modules: drawing conclusions from evaluations by the EU, a statistical analysis of the economic development in the candidate countries, the simulation of convergence processes for each Western Balkan state, the evaluation of international country rankings and finally the execution of a cost analysis of the EU accession of the Western Balkan states. Problematic enlargement plans of the European Union.
In the European Union (EU), which has grown to 28 member states, centrifugal forces are becoming increasingly visible: the efforts of the United Kingdom to withdraw from the EU, the smouldering economic crisis in Southern Europe, the strong differences in refugee and immigration policy, the North-South conflict over the future of the Stability and Growth Pact or the controversial question of further deepening EU integration point to fundamental differences within the EU. In view of a large number of unresolved problems in the current EU, it would be reasonable that the further enlargement of the Co
德抽象:本论文的摘要将分析巴尔干西部各国如何达到了加入欧盟所必需的经济和制度成熟。本研究对已经被提名的四个国家:阿尔巴尼亚、黑山、马其顿北部和塞尔维亚进行了调查。作者描述了目前欧盟对入盟进程的评估。事实上，他们分析西巴尔干国家目前所达到的经济发展水平以及它们作为一项赶超进程的发展选择。它们还基于国际定位系统，提供了关于各国制度赶超进程的独立信息。作者还计算了如果这些准成员国能够进入欧盟的现有结构和投资基金，欧盟的成本。英语Abstract:《The topicality纸业subject”欧盟accession《西部巴尔干与saber从The fact这样尽管unresolved crises《欧盟心脏2019年《欧盟中共美国想decide whether to open accession negotiations戴着西部巴尔干黎巴嫩,北Macedonia and Albania .要考虑是否废除这些国家的必要而非有的有的方式来加入欧盟。美国经济一体化的集中该书读到由经济情况预测的《美国北部马塞多尼亚和阿尔巴尼亚的经济情况》，以及其他西巴尔干半岛半岛的黑山和塞尔维亚接壤，在法律上得到认可。The tasks文化研究在this contribution在出现在梦中的经验modules: drawing conclusions从evaluations欧盟对a statistical分析《经济发展与candidate的模拟》安哲秀processes for萨西巴尔干州的评估》国际乡村排名and finally The execution of a花费分析《欧盟accession《西部巴尔干美国.。欧洲联盟危险管理专案《欧洲联盟(欧盟)的有一种grown to 28中共与centrifugal远征军在becoming increasingly visible:《联合王国to withdraw efforts笛子的欧盟的smouldering economic crisis)在南方欧洲联合的路段关闭是因为他们在refugee and移民政策,the North-South conflict management, the future of the Stability and增长or the Pact controversial point to question of克尔deepening欧盟一体化的是因为他们~会欧盟.从当今欧盟难以解决的问题来看，我们知道对这些社区的长期管理必然会变成不存在的欧洲政策议程了。成员在玩过15年之后的实际交往造成了欧盟的政治一致大厦。他们既解释了会员国在其他政策领域的相互联系，也可以解释他们的行为。但欧盟应对的新局面仍在计划之中遵循东部管理的战略，欧盟在2004年就接受了中欧及东欧改革的大国。2007年保加利亚和罗马尼亚的行为(2007年)满足了这些巴尔干半岛国家反垄断的情况(2013年)。从欧盟的观点看，态度和管理不符合我们的利益导致完全的一体化在2003年茱安的《萨洛尼基宣言》、波斯尼亚黑塞哥维那西部巴尔干州、波士尼亚州、塞波尼亚州(2019年的rocedonia)、塞族和黑山、限制性和科索沃等地区，也应作入伍展望。这是在2018年五月的索菲亚精神故事里的泡汤。欧盟内部市场管理中，这些缩水式的财政听起来似乎不太可能过量使用。莱达，这是一项西巴尔干政治稳定的工程，可以追溯到那些高低等级的作品:为正义而作的严格分类和法制、质疑和贪责，以及太平洋区域冲突。市场经济人组就是一只杀人道具，也就是从州到欧盟的迁徙。这里可以看到年轻人住在欧盟特别乏味的道具的广阔前景。
{"title":"EU-ERWEITERUNG IN KRISENZEITEN? ZUR BEITRITTSREIFE DER BEITRITTSKANDIDATEN VOM WESTBALKAN (EU Enlargement in Times of Crisis? Readiness for Accession of the Western Balkan Candidate Countries)","authors":"Klaus Schrader, C. Laaser","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3522715","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3522715","url":null,"abstract":"<b>German Abstract:</b> Zusammenfassung In diesem Papier wird analysiert, inwieweit die Staaten des Westbalkans die notwendige wirtschaftliche und institutionelle Reife für einen EU-Beitritt erreicht haben. In der Studie werden die vier Staaten untersucht, die bereits Kandidatenstatus haben: Albanien, Montenegro, Nord-Mazedonien und Serbien. Die Autoren beschreiben, wie die EU derzeit den Stand des Beitrittsprozesses bewertet. Sie analysieren, welchen wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsstand die Westbalkanstaaten bisher erreicht haben und welche möglichen Entwicklungspfade für einen Aufholprozess möglich erscheinen. Darüber hinaus bewerten sie die institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen in diesen Ländern auf der Grundlage internationaler Standortrankings, die unabhängige Informationen über den institutionellen Aufholprozess der Länder enthalten. Die Autoren berechnen zudem die Kosten, die der EU entstehen, wenn diese Kandidatenländer Zugang zu den bestehenden Struktur- und Investitionsfonds der EU erhalten.<br><br><b>English Abstract:</b> The topicality of the paper’s subject “EU accession of the Western Balkan Countries” results from the fact that despite the unresolved crises in the EU, in autumn 2019 the EU member states will decide whether to open accession negotiations with the Western Balkan states of North Macedonia and Albania. Due to doubts concerning the readiness of accession of these countries, the discussion on an alternative option for EU integration between full membership and non-membership for countries that are only partially ready for accession is reviving. The focus here is particularly on economic integration. The corresponding objective of the paper is to clarify whether from an economic point of view doubts about the accession readiness of northern Macedonia and Albania, as well as of the other Western Balkan accession candidates Montenegro and Serbia, are justified. The research tasks in this contribution are reflected in the following modules: drawing conclusions from evaluations by the EU, a statistical analysis of the economic development in the candidate countries, the simulation of convergence processes for each Western Balkan state, the evaluation of international country rankings and finally the execution of a cost analysis of the EU accession of the Western Balkan states. Problematic enlargement plans of the European Union. <br><br>In the European Union (EU), which has grown to 28 member states, centrifugal forces are becoming increasingly visible: the efforts of the United Kingdom to withdraw from the EU, the smouldering economic crisis in Southern Europe, the strong differences in refugee and immigration policy, the North-South conflict over the future of the Stability and Growth Pact or the controversial question of further deepening EU integration point to fundamental differences within the EU. In view of a large number of unresolved problems in the current EU, it would be reasonable that the further enlargement of the Co","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125591809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EnglishStarting with a general overview on integration policies based, respectively, on the assimilationist, multicultural and intercultural model (§ 1), the paper focused on the notion of European (Union) citizenship, looked at from the point of view of its normative relevance in the Union treaties, as well as of its meaning in relation to the basic issues of the qualification criteria and the subjective or personal scope of this notion, with regard to the problem of its conceptual autonomy (§§ 2-3). Against this background, in which it can be observed an autonomous foundation with a potentially open and inclusive character of European citizenship, the relationship between immigration and integration within the area of freedom, security and justice is analysed, having regard to EU rules and the European Council multiannual programmes (§ 4), with an aim to argue (§ 5) the feasibility of a broad definition of European citizenship, in the form of the so-called civic citizenship such as proposed by the European Commission in two communications, respectively of 2000 and 2003; then supported and further relaunched in more recent times by the European Economic and Social Committee in two opinions, respectively of 2003 and 2014. This broad notion of European citizenship could apply, in virtue of the principle of equality, to third country nationals (migrants and refugees) who are stable long-term residents in a member state. In the last paragraph (§ 6), some final considerations are made regarding the need of a paradigm shift, consisting in re-thinking at European level the notion of citizenship no longer in terms only of nationality (related to state citizenship), but on a residential basis, in terms of function of civic coexistence, grounded on shared values, within the transnational common space of the Union. francaisEn commencant par un apercu general a propos des politiques d’integration basees respectivement sur le modele assimilationniste, multiculturel et interculturel (I.), la contribution se concentre sur la notion de citoyennete (de l’Union) europeenne, du point de vue de sa pertinence normative dans les traites de l’Union, et de sa signification en rapport avec les questions fondamentales des criteres de qualification et des portees subjective ou personnelle de cette notion, en ce qui concerne le probleme de son autonomie conceptuelle (II., III.). Dans ce contexte, ou il peut etre observe une fondation autonome avec un caractere potentiellement ouvert et inclusif de la citoyennete europeenne, la relation entre immigration et integration dans l’espace de liberte, securite et justice est analysee, en prenant en consideration les regles de l’UE et le programmes pluriannuels du Conseil Europeen (IV.), afin de soutenir (V.) la possibilite d’une definition large de la citoyennete europeenne, sous la forme de la soi-disant citoyennete civile, tel que presente par la Commission Europeenne dans deux communications, respectivement, de 2000 et 2003 (so
{"title":"European Civic Citizenship and EU Integration Policies","authors":"Luigi Moccia","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3463697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3463697","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishStarting with a general overview on integration policies based, respectively, on the assimilationist, multicultural and intercultural model (§ 1), the paper focused on the notion of European (Union) citizenship, looked at from the point of view of its normative relevance in the Union treaties, as well as of its meaning in relation to the basic issues of the qualification criteria and the subjective or personal scope of this notion, with regard to the problem of its conceptual autonomy (§§ 2-3). Against this background, in which it can be observed an autonomous foundation with a potentially open and inclusive character of European citizenship, the relationship between immigration and integration within the area of freedom, security and justice is analysed, having regard to EU rules and the European Council multiannual programmes (§ 4), with an aim to argue (§ 5) the feasibility of a broad definition of European citizenship, in the form of the so-called civic citizenship such as proposed by the European Commission in two communications, respectively of 2000 and 2003; then supported and further relaunched in more recent times by the European Economic and Social Committee in two opinions, respectively of 2003 and 2014. This broad notion of European citizenship could apply, in virtue of the principle of equality, to third country nationals (migrants and refugees) who are stable long-term residents in a member state. In the last paragraph (§ 6), some final considerations are made regarding the need of a paradigm shift, consisting in re-thinking at European level the notion of citizenship no longer in terms only of nationality (related to state citizenship), but on a residential basis, in terms of function of civic coexistence, grounded on shared values, within the transnational common space of the Union. francaisEn commencant par un apercu general a propos des politiques d’integration basees respectivement sur le modele assimilationniste, multiculturel et interculturel (I.), la contribution se concentre sur la notion de citoyennete (de l’Union) europeenne, du point de vue de sa pertinence normative dans les traites de l’Union, et de sa signification en rapport avec les questions fondamentales des criteres de qualification et des portees subjective ou personnelle de cette notion, en ce qui concerne le probleme de son autonomie conceptuelle (II., III.). Dans ce contexte, ou il peut etre observe une fondation autonome avec un caractere potentiellement ouvert et inclusif de la citoyennete europeenne, la relation entre immigration et integration dans l’espace de liberte, securite et justice est analysee, en prenant en consideration les regles de l’UE et le programmes pluriannuels du Conseil Europeen (IV.), afin de soutenir (V.) la possibilite d’une definition large de la citoyennete europeenne, sous la forme de la soi-disant citoyennete civile, tel que presente par la Commission Europeenne dans deux communications, respectivement, de 2000 et 2003 (so","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129894746","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An evolution in public procurement is underway. One of the major novelties in the EU public procurement law is the introduction of a life-cycle costing (LCC) approach in the evaluation of the most economically advantageous tender. This novelty is not a coincidence but goes hand in hand with the rise of what is called sustainable public procurement – a broad concept that must consider the three pillars of economic (in)equality, social welfare and public health and environmental responsibility when initiating public tenders and finalizing government contacts.
This short introductory chapter attempts to answer the question of ‘What is life-cycle costing?’ We will first describe the narrative of LCA on which modern LCC is partially based. This chapter then defines LCC and discusses related and more or less similar terms such as WLC, TCO, E-LCC and S-LCC, in an attempt to standardize terminology throughout the other chapters in this edited volume. This first chapter is therefore primarily descriptive, endeavouring to create a common ground for proceeding chapters.
{"title":"What is Life-Cycle Costing?","authors":"Jason J. Czarnezki, S. Van Garsse","doi":"10.4324/9780429060045-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429060045-1","url":null,"abstract":"An evolution in public procurement is underway. One of the major novelties in the EU public procurement law is the introduction of a life-cycle costing (LCC) approach in the evaluation of the most economically advantageous tender. This novelty is not a coincidence but goes hand in hand with the rise of what is called sustainable public procurement – a broad concept that must consider the three pillars of economic (in)equality, social welfare and public health and environmental responsibility when initiating public tenders and finalizing government contacts.<br><br>This short introductory chapter attempts to answer the question of ‘What is life-cycle costing?’ We will first describe the narrative of LCA on which modern LCC is partially based. This chapter then defines LCC and discusses related and more or less similar terms such as WLC, TCO, E-LCC and S-LCC, in an attempt to standardize terminology throughout the other chapters in this edited volume. This first chapter is therefore primarily descriptive, endeavouring to create a common ground for proceeding chapters.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122316054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In countering terrorist crimes, European organizations with police and judicial jurisdiction have emerged as key players in this field, although often being found on a competitive institutional battleground, especially this being the case of Europol and Eurojust. The methods we used consist in a detailed analysis of applicable European provisions, established doctrine, standpoints, press releases and official statistics, and last but not least the presentation of a well-grounded opinion on the reported disagreements. Through the reform to which Europol is currently undergoing, the Agency is self developing as a central element of the European internal security architecture in conducting investigations and operational actions. We emphasize the tendency to widen the competencies of the European Prosecutor's Office, whose duties are likely to overlap with those of Eurojust, and although Eurojust does not have the vocation of a genuine indictment body, according to the EU Treaty, the European Prosecutor's Office may be established from Eurojust, hence under its oversight. Europol is willing to take on the role of managing EU-wide operational counter-terrorism activities, but as for Eurojust, the measures needed to strengthen the Union's response to terrorist threats can only be implemented by creating a framework narrative in which the European Prosecutor's Office is directly subordinated to Eurojust.
{"title":"Frictions on Cross Border Cooperation in Criminal Matters Involving Terrorism Threats – Romanian Standpoint","authors":"M. Arva","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3459641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3459641","url":null,"abstract":"In countering terrorist crimes, European organizations with police and judicial jurisdiction have emerged as key players in this field, although often being found on a competitive institutional battleground, especially this being the case of Europol and Eurojust. The methods we used consist in a detailed analysis of applicable European provisions, established doctrine, standpoints, press releases and official statistics, and last but not least the presentation of a well-grounded opinion on the reported disagreements. Through the reform to which Europol is currently undergoing, the Agency is self developing as a central element of the European internal security architecture in conducting investigations and operational actions. We emphasize the tendency to widen the competencies of the European Prosecutor's Office, whose duties are likely to overlap with those of Eurojust, and although Eurojust does not have the vocation of a genuine indictment body, according to the EU Treaty, the European Prosecutor's Office may be established from Eurojust, hence under its oversight. Europol is willing to take on the role of managing EU-wide operational counter-terrorism activities, but as for Eurojust, the measures needed to strengthen the Union's response to terrorist threats can only be implemented by creating a framework narrative in which the European Prosecutor's Office is directly subordinated to Eurojust.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129090043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Undeclared work represents a persistent feature of contemporary economies and results in lost public revenue, lack of worker protection and unfair competition for legitimate businesses. Conventionally, undeclared work has been viewed as an individual criminal act, which is solved by governments increasing the penalties and risks of detection in order to discourage participation. This, however, only deals with the outcome (i.e., participation in undeclared work) and does not address the drivers of this behaviour. This report explores the formal institutional failures which make undeclared work an acceptable behaviour in the eyes of citizens and, consequently, result in high participation in undeclared work. Addressing these institutional failures is important in order to tackle the determinants of undeclared work. This report investigates what policy measures are effective by exploring in turn the views of citizens, businesses and policy makers. The finding is that, despite the increasing importance attributed by the governments to deterrent measures, both citizens and businesses are influenced by other factors when deciding whether to participate in undeclared work. Thus, to tackle undeclared work in a more effective manner, preventative measures and measures aimed at fostering trust need to complement deterrent measures.
{"title":"Tackling Undeclared Work in the European Union","authors":"I. Horodnic, Colin Williams","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3437406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3437406","url":null,"abstract":"Undeclared work represents a persistent feature of contemporary economies and results in lost public revenue, lack of worker protection and unfair competition for legitimate businesses. Conventionally, undeclared work has been viewed as an individual criminal act, which is solved by governments increasing the penalties and risks of detection in order to discourage participation. This, however, only deals with the outcome (i.e., participation in undeclared work) and does not address the drivers of this behaviour. This report explores the formal institutional failures which make undeclared work an acceptable behaviour in the eyes of citizens and, consequently, result in high participation in undeclared work. Addressing these institutional failures is important in order to tackle the determinants of undeclared work. This report investigates what policy measures are effective by exploring in turn the views of citizens, businesses and policy makers. The finding is that, despite the increasing importance attributed by the governments to deterrent measures, both citizens and businesses are influenced by other factors when deciding whether to participate in undeclared work. Thus, to tackle undeclared work in a more effective manner, preventative measures and measures aimed at fostering trust need to complement deterrent measures.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133515255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Istvan P. Szekely, M. Allen, L. Andor, M. Belka, Erik Berglof, S. Guriev, A. Plekhanov, Dimitar Bogov, W. Buiter, David C. Lubin, A. Chłoń-Domińczak, I. Kotowska, Milan Martin Cvikl, R. Dobrinsky, Z. Frolik, Ardian Fullani, D. Győrffy, Oleh Havrylyshyn, Radovan Jelašić, M. Kahanec, M. Kahancová, J. Király, M. Landesmann, Christian Mandl, Katarína Mathernová, Ivan Mikloš, Dusan Mramor, Marcin Piatkowski, Vasile Pușcaș, Märten Ross, M. Škreb, M. Szczurek, V. Tanzi, Iliyana Tsanova, Zdeněk Tůma, Kori Udovi�?ki, A. Vértes, Lucio Vinhas Vinhas de Souza, Marko Volj�?, Boris Vuj�?ić
An Open Access e-book with a collection of essays on the role of the EU in the convergence process in CESEE countries.
一本关于欧盟在CESEE国家融合过程中的作用的开放获取电子书。
{"title":"Faces of Convergence","authors":"Istvan P. Szekely, M. Allen, L. Andor, M. Belka, Erik Berglof, S. Guriev, A. Plekhanov, Dimitar Bogov, W. Buiter, David C. Lubin, A. Chłoń-Domińczak, I. Kotowska, Milan Martin Cvikl, R. Dobrinsky, Z. Frolik, Ardian Fullani, D. Győrffy, Oleh Havrylyshyn, Radovan Jelašić, M. Kahanec, M. Kahancová, J. Király, M. Landesmann, Christian Mandl, Katarína Mathernová, Ivan Mikloš, Dusan Mramor, Marcin Piatkowski, Vasile Pușcaș, Märten Ross, M. Škreb, M. Szczurek, V. Tanzi, Iliyana Tsanova, Zdeněk Tůma, Kori Udovi�?ki, A. Vértes, Lucio Vinhas Vinhas de Souza, Marko Volj�?, Boris Vuj�?ić","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3407389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3407389","url":null,"abstract":"An Open Access e-book with a collection of essays on the role of the EU in the convergence process in CESEE countries.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123862131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the end of 2018, the European Parliament and Council adopted Directive (EU) 2019/1, often referred to as the ‘ECN Directive’, which, among other things, contains provisions ensuring the independence of the competition authorities of the EU Member States (national competition authorities or NCAs), which are, together with the European Commission, responsible for the enforcement of the EU antitrust rules laid down in Articles 101 and 102 TFEU. In early 2019, the European Commission visibly showed its own independence by prohibiting Siemens’ takeover of Alstom’s rail transport business, a proposed merger publicly backed by the German and French governments. This article gives an overview of the independence guarantees in EU law and discusses more in general the notion of independence of competition authorities and its rationale.
{"title":"Independence of Competition Authorities: The Example of the EU and its Member States","authors":"W. Wils","doi":"10.54648/woco2019012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/woco2019012","url":null,"abstract":"At the end of 2018, the European Parliament and Council adopted Directive (EU) 2019/1, often referred to as the ‘ECN Directive’, which, among other things, contains provisions ensuring the independence of the competition authorities of the EU Member States (national competition authorities or NCAs), which are, together with the European Commission, responsible for the enforcement of the EU antitrust rules laid down in Articles 101 and 102 TFEU. In early 2019, the European Commission visibly showed its own independence by prohibiting Siemens’ takeover of Alstom’s rail transport business, a proposed merger publicly backed by the German and French governments. This article gives an overview of the independence guarantees in EU law and discusses more in general the notion of independence of competition authorities and its rationale.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"87 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131176802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What are we to make of the authority of legislation within the EU? EU lawyers have questioned the significance of legislative decision‐making within the EU. This article challenges these views and argues that the EU legislature must enjoy adequate freedom to shape EU law with the general interest in mind. Institutional accounts that seek to curtail the authority of legislation tend to rest upon ‘content‐dependent’ conceptions of political legitimacy, according to which the legitimacy of a decision depends on its moral qualities. Such conceptions overlook reasonable disagreements on justice and rest upon an overly optimistic (pessimistic) view of the Court (the legislature). The article argues for a content‐independent conception of legitimacy, following which the benefits of legislative decision‐making are more easily understood. The authority of legislation deserves wider recognition among EU lawyers for reasons of political legitimacy and because the EU legislature is better positioned to decide in the general interest.
{"title":"Justice, Legitimacy and the Authority of Legislation within the European Union","authors":"M. van den Brink","doi":"10.1111/1468-2230.12406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2230.12406","url":null,"abstract":"What are we to make of the authority of legislation within the EU? EU lawyers have questioned the significance of legislative decision‐making within the EU. This article challenges these views and argues that the EU legislature must enjoy adequate freedom to shape EU law with the general interest in mind. Institutional accounts that seek to curtail the authority of legislation tend to rest upon ‘content‐dependent’ conceptions of political legitimacy, according to which the legitimacy of a decision depends on its moral qualities. Such conceptions overlook reasonable disagreements on justice and rest upon an overly optimistic (pessimistic) view of the Court (the legislature). The article argues for a content‐independent conception of legitimacy, following which the benefits of legislative decision‐making are more easily understood. The authority of legislation deserves wider recognition among EU lawyers for reasons of political legitimacy and because the EU legislature is better positioned to decide in the general interest.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128846837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite research suggesting macroeconomic factors have been re-established as predictors of Euroscepticism, the effects of changing economic conditions both between and within countries over time in determining support for the European Union (EU) is unclear. This paper’s cross-sectional and longitudinal Bayesian analyses demonstrate that Eurosceptic views are positively correlated with increases in GDP growth, unemployment and interest rates since the 2004 enlargement. Furthermore, variations in Euroscepticism between Western and Central and Eastern Europe from 2004–2017 are examined alongside the associated impact of EU bailout packages. Results indicate that Central and Eastern European member states are less Eurosceptic than their Western peers except for bailout countries who are most supportive of the union. However, Euroscepticism has increased across Central and Eastern Europe from 2004 onwards. Nonetheless, the bloc remains far more content with their participation in the European polity when contrasted with Western countries who have surprisingly grown less Eurosceptic.
{"title":"Two Europes, One Union? Economic Conditions and Support for the European Union Since the 2004 Enlargement","authors":"Ryan J. Bain","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3332068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3332068","url":null,"abstract":"Despite research suggesting macroeconomic factors have been re-established as predictors of Euroscepticism, the effects of changing economic conditions both between and within countries over time in determining support for the European Union (EU) is unclear. This paper’s cross-sectional and longitudinal Bayesian analyses demonstrate that Eurosceptic views are positively correlated with increases in GDP growth, unemployment and interest rates since the 2004 enlargement. Furthermore, variations in Euroscepticism between Western and Central and Eastern Europe from 2004–2017 are examined alongside the associated impact of EU bailout packages. Results indicate that Central and Eastern European member states are less Eurosceptic than their Western peers except for bailout countries who are most supportive of the union. However, Euroscepticism has increased across Central and Eastern Europe from 2004 onwards. Nonetheless, the bloc remains far more content with their participation in the European polity when contrasted with Western countries who have surprisingly grown less Eurosceptic.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114150569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper engages in a normative critique of the phenomena of Member State withdrawal and opt-outs from the European Union from the perspective of the dual-constituent thesis. Opt-outs from the EU legal order are conceptualised as the retention of the constituent power of Member States to derogate from the norms of the EU constitutional order. By contrast, Article 50 TEU functions as the pooling of the ultimate sovereign authority for nationals of a a Member State to withdraw their consent to engage in the exercise of constituent power at the European level. It is argued that reform should be enacted to limit the power to opt-out to strict conditions established by the EU constitutional order. By contrast, although withdrawal may have more extensive consequences for individuals, the sovereign right to withdraw is a prerequisite for the exercise of the mixed constituent power shared by individuals in their dual roles as nationals of the Member State and citizens of the EU. Therefore, reform of withdrawal could only legitimately be enacted at the domestic level of the 'constitutional requirements' necessary under Article 50(1) TEU.
{"title":"Reforming Withdrawal and Opt-Outs from the European Union: A Dual-Constituent Perspective","authors":"O. Garner","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3303938","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3303938","url":null,"abstract":"This paper engages in a normative critique of the phenomena of Member State withdrawal and opt-outs from the European Union from the perspective of the dual-constituent thesis. Opt-outs from the EU legal order are conceptualised as the retention of the constituent power of Member States to derogate from the norms of the EU constitutional order. By contrast, Article 50 TEU functions as the pooling of the ultimate sovereign authority for nationals of a a Member State to withdraw their consent to engage in the exercise of constituent power at the European level. It is argued that reform should be enacted to limit the power to opt-out to strict conditions established by the EU constitutional order. By contrast, although withdrawal may have more extensive consequences for individuals, the sovereign right to withdraw is a prerequisite for the exercise of the mixed constituent power shared by individuals in their dual roles as nationals of the Member State and citizens of the EU. Therefore, reform of withdrawal could only legitimately be enacted at the domestic level of the 'constitutional requirements' necessary under Article 50(1) TEU.","PeriodicalId":296326,"journal":{"name":"International Institutions: European Union eJournal","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123434283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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