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We Make Our Own History, by Lawrence Cox and Alf Gunvald Nilsen 《我们创造自己的历史》,作者:劳伦斯·考克斯和阿尔夫·冈瓦尔德·尼尔森
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4CW20
B. Carroll
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引用次数: 0
Decolonizing the University: the Challenges and Possibilities of Inclusive Education 大学非殖民化:全纳教育的挑战与可能性
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4WW31
G. Dei
This article argues for a reframing of the curriculum within the academy in order to make the academy more inclusive and more accessible to a diverse student body. Reframing the curriculum is seen as an aspect of decolonizing the university. Many questions emerge from this argument to include the following: What curriculum informs the education contemporary learners receive and how do they apply this to their academic and work lives? How do educators re-fashion their work as educators and also as learners to create more relevant understandings of what it means to be human and to determine what is human work? What are the limits and possibilities of visions of and counter and anti-visions to contemporary education? How do educators and learners challenge colonizing and imperializing relations within the academy and that influence the academy and its learners? How does curriculum become inclusive through teaching, research and graduate training and how does it make space for Indigeneity and multi-centric ways of knowing? How do we frame an inclusive, anti-racist, and anti-colonial global future and what is the work that is required to collectively arrive at that future? These complex questions, stimulated by my decolonizing curriculum work and experience, are engaged through the body of this article.
本文主张在学院内重新设计课程,以使学院更具包容性,更容易接触到不同的学生群体。重新设计课程被视为大学非殖民化的一个方面。从这一论点中产生了许多问题,包括以下内容:当代学习者接受的教育是什么课程?他们如何将这些课程应用到他们的学术和工作生活中?作为教育者和学习者,教育者如何重新塑造他们的工作,以创造对人的意义的更相关的理解,并确定什么是人类的工作?当代教育的视野、反视野和反视野的局限性和可能性是什么?教育者和学习者如何挑战学院内部的殖民主义和帝国主义关系,以及这种关系对学院及其学习者的影响?课程如何通过教学、研究和研究生培训变得具有包容性?它如何为土著和多中心的认知方式创造空间?我们如何构建一个包容的、反种族主义和反殖民主义的全球未来?为了共同实现这个未来,需要做些什么工作?这些复杂的问题,是由我的非殖民化课程工作和经验所激发的,通过这篇文章的主体来讨论。
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引用次数: 32
The Democratic Imagination: Envisioning Popular Power in the Twenty-first Century, by James Cairns and Alan Sears 《民主想象:展望21世纪的大众权力》,作者:詹姆斯·凯恩斯和艾伦·西尔斯
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4930P
H. Bonin
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引用次数: 0
Socialist Studies - Winter 2016 - Complete Issue 社会主义研究-冬季2016 -完整的问题
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4Q60F
Sean A. Cain
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引用次数: 0
Global Capital, Business Groups and State Coordination: the Changing Profile of Chaebol-State Relations in South Korea 全球资本、企业集团与国家协调:韩国财阀与国家关系的变化
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4NC8K
Soyon Kim
This article examines the effects of global capitalism and state coordination on the financial behaviour of chaebol (business conglomerates) in South Korea. This study focuses on the evolution from controller to coordinator in the post-developmental South Korean state. In recent times, the Korean government has been studied as the exemplar of the Asian newly industrializing economies (NIEs) based on its ability to control economic development. As civil society pressures outgrew government control in the 1990s, the government’s mission shifted from control to coordination – the state sought to accommodate newly emerging or enlarged bargaining domains of key political-economic actors. However, the emergent post-developmental state is buffeted by the growing strength of the private sector, domestically and transnationally. While civil society strived to mobilize mass movements to further social democracy, the neoliberal evolution of capitalist class interests generated institutional configurations favouring the hegemony of finance capital.
本文考察了全球资本主义和国家协调对韩国财阀(商业集团)金融行为的影响。本研究聚焦于后发展南韩国家从控制者到协调者的演化。最近,韩国政府以控制经济发展的能力为基础,被研究为亚洲新兴工业化国家(NIEs)的典范。随着20世纪90年代民间社会的压力超过了政府的控制,政府的使命从控制转向协调——国家寻求适应新兴的或扩大的关键政治经济参与者的谈判领域。然而,新兴的后发展国家受到国内和跨国私营部门日益强大的冲击。当公民社会努力动员群众运动以进一步推动社会民主时,资产阶级利益的新自由主义演变产生了有利于金融资本霸权的制度配置。
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引用次数: 1
EXPLANATION AND JUSTIFICATION: UNDERSTANDING THE FUNCTIONS OF FACT-INSENSITIVE PRINCIPLES 解释和论证:理解对事实不敏感原则的功能
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4DW3P
Kyle Johannsen
In recent work, Andrew T. Forcehimes and Robert B. Talisse correctly note that G.A. Cohen’s fact-insensitivity thesis, properly understood, is explanatory. This observation raises an important concern. If fact-insensitive principles are explanatory, then what role can they play in normative deliberations? The purpose of my paper is, in part, to address this question. Following David Miller, I indicate that on a charitable understanding of Cohen’s thesis, an explanatory principle explains a justificatory fact by completing an otherwise logically incomplete inference. As a result, the explanatory role such a principle plays is inseparable from its status as a (not necessarily successful) justificatory reason. With this interpretation in hand, I then proceed to argue that Lea Ypi’s and Robert Jubb’s recent criticisms fail to undermine Cohen’s thesis, and that fact-insensitive principles, once discovered, are especially helpful for purposes of deliberation in circumstances characterized by changing and changeable feasibility constraints.
在最近的研究中,安德鲁·t·福希姆斯(Andrew T. Forcehimes)和罗伯特·b·塔利斯(Robert B. Talisse)正确地指出,如果正确理解,g·a·科恩的事实不敏感理论是解释性的。这一观察结果引起了一个重要的关注。如果对事实不敏感的原则是解释性的,那么它们在规范性审议中可以发挥什么作用?我这篇论文的目的,部分是为了解决这个问题。在大卫·米勒的基础上,我指出,在对科恩的论点的仁慈理解上,解释性原则通过完成一个逻辑上不完整的推理来解释一个证明事实。因此,这一原则所起的解释作用与其作为正当性理由(不一定是成功的)的地位是分不开的。有了这样的解释,我接下来要论证的是,Lea Ypi和Robert Jubb最近的批评并没有破坏Cohen的论点,而且事实不敏感原则一旦被发现,对于以不断变化和多变的可行性约束为特征的情况下的审议目的特别有帮助。
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引用次数: 2
Left Behind By the Alter: Why Queers and Sociologists Need Materialist Feminism 被圣坛抛弃:为什么酷儿和社会学家需要唯物主义女权主义
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S41K5X
M. Edwards
The United States marriage rights movement just culminated in July 2015 with the Supreme Court declaring same-sex marriage constitutional.  The mainstream — the mainstream media and the mainstream LGBT rights movement — all applaud this trajectory, with no attention to those who get left behind in marriage politics.  In this paper, I will argue that same-sex marriage is in need of a materialist feminist analysis.  I will critique my discipline — Sociology — for failing to adequately theorize same-sex marriage as a key component of the 21 st Century landscape of the capitalist mode of production.  I will also critique the mainstream LGBT rights movement and the media attention given same-sex marriage for their lack of attention to the classed relations embedded in marriage rights.  A materialist feminist analysis will allow us to see that there’s still a need for a larger, more emancipatory sexual politics.
美国婚姻权利运动在2015年7月达到高潮,最高法院宣布同性婚姻符合宪法。主流——主流媒体和主流LGBT权利运动——都在为这种发展轨迹喝彩,而没有注意到那些在婚姻政治中被抛在后面的人。在本文中,我将论证同性婚姻需要一种唯物主义的女性主义分析。我将批评我的学科——社会学——未能将同性婚姻作为21世纪资本主义生产模式景观的关键组成部分充分理论化。我也会批评主流的LGBT权利运动和媒体对同性婚姻的关注,因为他们缺乏对婚姻权利中嵌入的阶级关系的关注。唯物主义的女权主义分析将让我们看到,仍然需要一个更大、更解放的性政治。
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引用次数: 2
Creative Socialist-feminist Space: Creating Moments of Agency and Emancipation by Storytelling Outlawed Experiences and Relational Aesthetic 创造性的社会主义-女权主义空间:通过叙述非法经验和关系美学创造代理和解放的时刻
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S45C87
Nadine Changfoot
This article argues that creative socialist-feminist spaces, where art-based knowledge is created, can provide opportunities for creating new knowledge with emancipatory moments for those who are marginalized and have had marginalizing experiences. In so doing, commodified existence (Hennessey 2002) becomes disrupted through the emergence of new knowledge entwined with emotion. The outcome of this kind of endeavor includes transformational knowledge of self, relations of power, and a vision of alternative possibilities in relation to that knowledge. A relational aesthetic emerges where meaning for political change is co-created through the exploration of personal experience using an arts-based medium that itself creates community and political vision. These claims are made based on personal experience creating a digital-story (short 3-4 minute self-reflexive film) exploring the first memories of having a racialized body constituted by racist slurs and from a discourse that disidentifies one from Canadian citizenship and belonging.
本文认为,创造性的社会主义-女权主义空间,在其中以艺术为基础的知识被创造,可以为那些被边缘化和有被边缘化经历的人提供创造具有解放时刻的新知识的机会。在这样做的过程中,商品化的存在(Hennessey 2002)被与情感交织在一起的新知识的出现所破坏。这种努力的结果包括对自我、权力关系的转化性认识,以及对与这种认识相关的各种可能性的看法。一种关系美学出现了,通过使用基于艺术的媒介探索个人经验,共同创造了政治变革的意义,这种媒介本身创造了社区和政治愿景。这些主张是基于个人经历,创造了一个数字故事(3-4分钟的自我反思短片),探索了由种族主义辱骂构成的种族化身体的最初记忆,以及从加拿大公民身份和归属感中分离出来的话语。
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引用次数: 3
Fight for Your Long Day, by Alex Kudera 为你漫长的一天而战,亚历克斯·库德拉著
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4MC7W
G. Potter
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引用次数: 0
Economic Inequality Matters: Reflections on Piketty’s Capital in the 21st Century 经济不平等问题:对皮凯蒂《21世纪资本论》的反思
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4831R
E. Coburn
In Capital in the 21st Century , Piketty takes a central liberal claim about economic inequality seriously and asks: does capitalism reward merit? If true, we would expect salaries, presumably rooted in the reward of merit in the workplace, to be more important to personal wealth than inherited money and property, which is just luck. He concludes that capitalism does not reward merit more than inherited wealth. Piketty suggests that this is at once a political and moral problem. As such, it cannot be resolved through economics alone, especially in the profession’s current incarnation, characterized by mathematical fetishization. Instead, all of the social sciences and humanities will necessarily be mobilized to develop a full description and analysis of economic inequalities, which must then be made a central question for broad, public debate. This is an important epistemological and political argument, although Capital in the 21st Century has critical weaknesses, including an undertheorized empiricism, a tendency to treat economic inequality as a matter of money and not as a social relationship, and a failure to grasp how class, gender, race and age come together in social relationships of exploitation (and not merely statistical relationship of inequality).
在《21世纪资本论》(Capital In 21st Century)中,皮凯蒂严肃对待自由主义关于经济不平等的核心主张,并问道:资本主义会奖励有才能的人吗?如果这是真的,那么我们就可以预期,对于个人财富而言,工资——大概是植根于工作场所对业绩的奖励——比继承的金钱和财产更重要,后者只是运气。他的结论是,资本主义对功绩的奖励并不比对继承财富的奖励多。皮凯蒂认为,这同时是一个政治和道德问题。因此,它不能仅仅通过经济学来解决,特别是在这个专业目前的化身中,以数学崇拜为特征。相反,所有的社会科学和人文科学都必须被动员起来,对经济不平等进行全面的描述和分析,然后必须将其作为广泛的公共辩论的中心问题。这是一个重要的认识论和政治论点,尽管《21世纪资本论》有严重的弱点,包括缺乏理论化的经验主义,倾向于将经济不平等视为金钱问题而不是社会关系,以及未能把握阶级,性别,种族和年龄如何在剥削的社会关系中结合在一起(而不仅仅是不平等的统计关系)。
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