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Politics and Ideology 政治与意识形态
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S44C7J
H. Bannerji
In this article I wish to exemplify how an anti-ideological critique on “violence against women’” in the era of neoliberal India may be conducted. My main source lies in Marx’s critique of ideology as a body of content, of “ruling ideas” which are hegemonic, as well as the epistemological process of their production. With this understanding I want to speak about the current conjuncture in India of global neoliberal imperialism, of ideological and political use of religion and patriarchy. It appears to me that this fascistic agenda is present elsewhere in the world, where expanding neoliberal capitalism and fundamentalist religious ideology enter into a holy alliance.
在这篇文章中,我希望举例说明,在新自由主义的印度时代,如何对“对妇女的暴力行为”进行反意识形态的批评。我的主要来源在于马克思对意识形态作为一种内容体的批判,对霸权的“统治思想”的批判,以及对其产生的认识论过程的批判。有了这样的理解,我想谈谈全球新自由主义帝国主义,宗教和父权制在意识形态和政治上的应用,在印度当前的形势。在我看来,这种法西斯主义的议程在世界其他地方也存在,在那里,扩张的新自由主义资本主义和原教旨主义宗教意识形态进入了一个神圣的联盟。
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引用次数: 20
Higher Education and the Diffusion of Knowledge 高等教育与知识传播
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S4VW2B
I. Angus
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引用次数: 0
How useful is Piketty’s Analysis for Political Action? 皮凯蒂的《政治行动分析》有多有用?
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.18740/S40K60
M. Cohen
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引用次数: 0
Equality, Community, and the Scope of Distributive Justice: A Partial Defense of Cohen’s Vision 平等、共同体和分配正义的范围:对科恩观点的部分辩护
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2014-08-08 DOI: 10.18740/S40590
Dong-Ryul Choo
Luck egalitarians equalize the outcome enjoyed by people who exemplify the same degree of distributive desert by removing the influence of luck. They also try to calibrate differential rewards according to the pattern of distributive desert. This entails that they have to decide upon, among other things, the rate of reward, i.e., a principled way of distributing rewards to groups exercising different degrees of the relevant desert. However, the problem of the choice of reward principle is a relatively and undeservedly neglected issue among luck egalitarians. The main goal of this paper is to highlight the importance and difficulty of this problem, and to elaborate upon G. A. Cohen's community-oriented response to it. In the last section, I provide a taxonomy of distributive pluralism, contrasting Cohen’s view with other (not so genuine) pluralisms - especially with all-things-considered varieties - while trying to motivate readers to adopt the more robust form of pluralism.
运气平等主义者通过消除运气的影响,使那些表现出相同程度分配荒漠的人所享有的结果相等。他们还试图根据沙漠分布的模式来调整不同的奖励。这就要求他们必须决定,除其他事项外,奖励率,也就是说,有原则地将奖励分配给行使不同程度的相关沙漠的群体。然而,在运气平均主义者中,奖励原则的选择问题是一个相对被忽视的问题。本文的主要目的是强调这一问题的重要性和困难,并详细阐述了G. A.科恩的社区导向的回应。在最后一部分,我提供了一个分配多元化的分类,将科恩的观点与其他(不那么真实的)多元化——尤其是考虑到所有事物的多样性——进行对比,同时试图激励读者采用更有力的多元化形式。
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引用次数: 2
Catastrophism: The Apocalyptic Politics of Collapse and Rebirth, by Sasha Lilley, David McNally, Eddie Yuen and James Davis 《灾难论:崩溃与重生的末世政治》,作者:萨沙·利利、大卫·麦克纳利、埃迪·袁和詹姆斯·戴维斯
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2014-08-08 DOI: 10.18740/S46P44
Thomas Cheney
Catastrophism: The Apocalyptic Politics of Collapse and Rebirth, by Sasha Lilley, David McNally, Eddie Yuen and James Davis
《灾难论:崩溃与重生的末世政治》,作者:萨沙·利利、大卫·麦克纳利、埃迪·袁和詹姆斯·戴维斯
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引用次数: 29
Lessons of Occupy: Towards a Consequential Socialist Politics for the 99 Percent 占领的教训:为99%的人走向社会主义政治
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2014-08-08 DOI: 10.18740/S43W2H
J. Amirault
This research uses the Occupy Movement as a springboard to discuss contemporary political struggles in Canada. Drawing on the recent experiences of Occupy activists, the author discusses the limitations of non-hierarchical, consensus and prefigurative strategies within social movements. In particular, I suggest that such practices, which are meant to challenge routine social inequalities, actually tend to reproduce them. I then ask how those who are exploited within capitalism can consciously and collectively push contemporary struggle in a socialist direction. Drawing on the works of Marx and Marxist theorists, the paper examines how an understanding of class, capital and hegemony are significant to the contemporary social justice agenda. Thus, insights from the empirical experiences of the Occupy movement are used to explore the broader question of how it is possible to bring about revolutionary transformation to a world capitalist system that is in crisis.
本研究以占领运动为跳板,讨论当代加拿大的政治斗争。根据占领运动积极分子最近的经验,作者讨论了社会运动中非等级、共识和预示策略的局限性。我特别指出,这些旨在挑战常规社会不平等的做法,实际上往往会再现这种不平等。然后我问那些在资本主义中被剥削的人如何有意识地和集体地将当代斗争推向社会主义的方向。本文借鉴马克思和马克思主义理论家的著作,探讨了对阶级、资本和霸权的理解对当代社会正义议程的重要性。因此,从占领运动的经验经验中获得的见解被用于探索如何可能为处于危机中的世界资本主义体系带来革命性转变的更广泛问题。
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引用次数: 1
Revisiting Mary O’Brien – Reproductive Consciousness and Liquid Maternity 重访玛丽·奥布莱恩——生殖意识和液态母性
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2014-08-08 DOI: 10.18740/S4VC72
A. Burfoot
This research note examines feminist theory from socialist feminism through the post-structural turn associated with thinkers like Foucault, Derrida and Butler to neo-materialism, this last noted for its emphasis on the body's materiality as opposed to the subject as a socially constructed or merely linguistic practice. Tracing these theoretical developments is contextualized with respect to theories and concepts such as feminist standpoint theories of epistemology, historical materialism and Baumann's "liquid modernity". I ask: have we lost sight of the strength of feminist structuralism - particularly the effects of capital - in order to accommodate multiple and complex subjectifications associated with gender? Mary O'Brien's reproductive consciousness, her argument that women's consciousness is fundamentally shaped through the different moments related to reproduction, is re-examined in light of recent developments in egg donation and surrogacy. This is not intended as an exercise in romantic longing for some sort of utopian society where femininity is venerated. Rather, it is an exploration of the potential for reproductive consciousness to guide political responses to contemporary problems raised by new reproductive technologies that combine capital and gender in a single dialectic.
本研究报告考察了女权主义理论,从社会主义女权主义到后结构转向,与福柯、德里达和巴特勒等思想家有关,再到新唯物主义,新唯物主义强调身体的物质性,而不是主体作为社会建构或仅仅是语言实践。对这些理论发展的追踪是在认识论的女权主义立场理论、历史唯物主义和鲍曼的“流动现代性”等理论和概念的背景下进行的。我问:为了适应与性别相关的多重复杂的主体化,我们是否忽视了女权主义结构主义的力量——尤其是资本的影响?玛丽·奥布莱恩的生殖意识,她认为女性的意识从根本上是通过与生殖相关的不同时刻形成的,根据卵子捐赠和代孕的最新发展,她的观点被重新审视。这并不是一种对某种乌托邦社会的浪漫向往,在那里女性受到尊重。相反,它是对生殖意识的潜力的探索,以指导对新的生殖技术提出的当代问题的政治反应,这些技术将资本和性别结合在一个单一的辩证法中。
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引用次数: 1
Note on Stuart Hall’s “Cultural Identity and Diaspora” 斯图尔特·霍尔《文化认同与散居》述评
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2014-08-08 DOI: 10.18740/S4QP4S
I. Hussey
For some Marxists, issues of culture, identity and representation are secondary. In this research note, I analytically reflect on Stuart Hall’s (1996) canonical essay “Cultural Identity and Diaspora,” which stresses that these are significant concerns for anyone struggling for liberation. In his essay, Hall explicates two definitions of "cultural identity." The first is an essentialist identity, which emphasizes the similarities amongst a group of people. Hall argues that this definition can and does inspire feminist, anti-colonial and anti-racist art and activism, but cannot help us comprehend the trauma of colonialism. The second definition emphasizes the similarities and the differences amongst an imagined cultural group. Hall asserts that this definition is useful for understanding the trauma of colonialism because it emphasizes the historical and social contingency of identity. By using this definition in our analysis of power and normalization, we are better able to scrutinize historical and contemporary colonial relations and to struggle against them.
对一些马克思主义者来说,文化、身份和代表性问题是次要的。在这篇研究笔记中,我分析了斯图尔特·霍尔(1996)的经典文章“文化认同和散居”,其中强调了这些是任何为解放而斗争的人所关注的重要问题。在他的文章中,霍尔阐述了“文化认同”的两种定义。第一种是本质主义认同,强调一群人之间的相似性。霍尔认为,这一定义能够也确实启发了女权主义、反殖民主义和反种族主义的艺术和行动主义,但无法帮助我们理解殖民主义的创伤。第二个定义强调一个想象中的文化群体之间的异同。霍尔认为,这一定义有助于理解殖民主义的创伤,因为它强调了身份的历史和社会偶然性。通过在我们对权力和正常化的分析中使用这一定义,我们能够更好地审视历史和当代的殖民关系,并与它们作斗争。
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引用次数: 2
“Nothing Human is Alien to Me”: Rethinking Historical Materialism and Socialism “对我来说,没有人是陌生的”:对历史唯物主义和社会主义的再思考
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2014-08-08 DOI: 10.18740/S4WC7C
E. Coburn
Historical materialism emphasizes antagonistic class relationships as the main characteristic of the social, hence historically contingent, capitalist mode of production. Socialism is a normative vision of a just society rooted in meeting needs and enabling unalienated human expression, within the ecological limits of the natural world. Both are useful, even critical ways of understanding the world and seeking to bring about a better one. However, both are radically inadequate. Indeed, some scholars charge that both are worse than useless. The most serious critique is that historical materialism and socialism collaborate in silencing other anti-oppressive theories and struggles, by insisting on exclusive “class-only” approaches. After describing three characteristic ways that many historical materialists do, in fact, collaborate to exclude many important anti-oppressive theories and struggles, I argue – following many others – that such exclusions are not tenable on analytical, empirical, moral and practical grounds. In fact, historical materialism and socialism have much to gain with a more inclusive approach, although that inclusiveness might take different forms. For instance, Indigenous, Black power and gay and lesbian movements are instances of anti-oppressive theories and struggles that offer critical insights into actually-existing capitalism; and the potential for transformative change within and even beyond capitalism. Class inequalities are inextricably bound up with other sources of oppression, rooted in race, gender, disability, sexuality and ongoing colonialism – which are not 'essential' inequalities but social, historically emerging and hence contingent oppressions. Put another way, understanding capitalism includes theorizing the ways that capitalist social relations create ecological 'niches', as Ian Hacking might say, for a range of interrelated unjust inequalities. Further, all oppressions must be fought in themselves, as part of socialist commitments, because they inhibit the free unalienated expression of each and all. The revised historical materialism and socialism that result from this are more modest because they do not aspire to attribute all “major” capitalist dynamics exclusively to class. But they are also more ambitious, because they are in a necessary, constant dialogue with other anti-oppressive theories and struggles.
历史唯物主义强调对立的阶级关系是社会的、因而在历史上是偶然的资本主义生产方式的主要特征。社会主义是一个公正社会的规范愿景,其根源在于满足需求并使人类能够在自然世界的生态范围内表达自己。这两种方式都是了解世界和寻求创造更美好世界的有用的、甚至是关键的方式。然而,两者都远远不够。事实上,一些学者指责两者都比无用更糟糕。最严重的批评是,历史唯物主义和社会主义通过坚持排他性的“只有阶级”的方法,共同压制了其他反压迫理论和斗争。在描述了许多历史唯物主义者所做的三种典型方式之后,事实上,他们合作排除了许多重要的反压迫理论和斗争,我认为-遵循许多其他人-这种排除在分析,经验,道德和实践基础上是站不住脚的。事实上,历史唯物主义和社会主义可以从更具包容性的方法中获益良多,尽管这种包容性可能采取不同的形式。例如,土著、黑人权力和同性恋运动是反压迫理论和斗争的实例,为实际存在的资本主义提供了批判性的见解;以及资本主义内部甚至外部变革的潜力。阶级不平等与其他压迫来源密不可分,根植于种族、性别、残疾、性取向和持续的殖民主义——这些不是“本质的”不平等,而是社会的、历史的、偶然的压迫。换句话说,理解资本主义包括将资本主义社会关系创造生态“生态位”的方式理论化,正如伊恩·哈金(Ian Hacking)可能会说的那样,这是为了一系列相互关联的不公正不平等。此外,作为社会主义承诺的一部分,所有压迫都必须在其本身进行斗争,因为它们限制了每个人的自由、不被异化的表达。由此产生的修正的历史唯物主义和社会主义更为温和,因为它们并不渴望将所有“主要的”资本主义动力完全归因于阶级。但他们也更有野心,因为他们与其他反压迫理论和斗争处于必要的、持续的对话中。
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引用次数: 3
21st Century Socialist-Feminism 21世纪社会主义女性主义
IF 0.1 Pub Date : 2014-08-08 DOI: 10.18740/S4RP43
Johanna Brenner
This article considers feminist politics in the context of global capitalist restructuring. The incorporation of liberal feminist ideas into the contemporary neo-liberal capitalist order of the global north is analyzed through an intersectional lens and in relation to the successful employers’ assault on the working class which set the stage for the defeat of the radical equality demands of feminists, anti-racist activists, indigenous peoples and others which had flourished in the 1960s and 1970s. In the 21st century, it is argued, in response to structural adjustment policies enforced by neo-liberal capitalism in both the global north and global south, women of the working classes have entered the political stage through a broad array of movements. The article explores how these movements are creatively developing socialist feminist politics. The article concludes that this socialist-feminist politics has much to offer the left as it gropes toward new organizational forms and organizing strategies.
本文将女性主义政治置于全球资本主义重构的背景下。自由主义女权主义思想与当代全球北方新自由主义资本主义秩序的结合,通过交叉镜头分析,并与雇主对工人阶级的成功攻击有关,这为女权主义者,反种族主义活动家,土著人民和其他人在20世纪60年代和70年代蓬勃发展的激进平等要求的失败奠定了基础。在21世纪,人们认为,为了响应全球北方和全球南方的新自由资本主义所实施的结构调整政策,工人阶级的妇女通过一系列广泛的运动进入了政治舞台。本文探讨了这些运动是如何创造性地发展社会主义女权主义政治的。本文的结论是,这种社会主义-女权主义政治在左翼探索新的组织形式和组织策略的过程中有很多可供借鉴的地方。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
Socialist Studies
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