Abstract This article challenges the prevailing understanding of the Holy Name of Jesus as largely a Roman Catholic representation in early modern England. Although the Holy Name was attacked intermittently by Protestant iconoclasts, the article uses both visual and literary texts to set out a more nuanced relationship between the symbol and the broader religious culture of the period. As a symbol, the IHS served as a polysemous representation in a period of religious turmoil, creating not only multiple meanings but also multiple contexts in which the symbol could be found. The article both addresses the reasons why scholars tend to see the IHS as a particularly Catholic symbol and demonstrates the continued importance of the Holy Name in Protestant devotion.
{"title":"Reforming the Holy Name: The Afterlife of the IHS in Early Modern England","authors":"D. Davis","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article challenges the prevailing understanding of the Holy Name of Jesus as largely a Roman Catholic representation in early modern England. Although the Holy Name was attacked intermittently by Protestant iconoclasts, the article uses both visual and literary texts to set out a more nuanced relationship between the symbol and the broader religious culture of the period. As a symbol, the IHS served as a polysemous representation in a period of religious turmoil, creating not only multiple meanings but also multiple contexts in which the symbol could be found. The article both addresses the reasons why scholars tend to see the IHS as a particularly Catholic symbol and demonstrates the continued importance of the Holy Name in Protestant devotion.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89781351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This essay addresses the question of how the city and its territory (Umland) were related in the reformation process. Its object of investigation is the imperial city of Ulm which owned one of the largest territories. The assumption that in the reformation process the city was the outrider and the territory followed proves adequate only at first view. A closer look shows some more complex dynamics. Whereas reformation preaching indeed did spread from the city into the territory, the practice of a reformed eucharist started at the edges of the territory. After the official introduction of the reformation in 1531 the territory played an important role concerning reformatory diversity. It served the city as religious experiment space and storage room.
{"title":"Von Rossen und Wagen: Das Verhältnis von Stadt und Land in der Ulmer Reformation","authors":"S. Schenk","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This essay addresses the question of how the city and its territory (Umland) were related in the reformation process. Its object of investigation is the imperial city of Ulm which owned one of the largest territories. The assumption that in the reformation process the city was the outrider and the territory followed proves adequate only at first view. A closer look shows some more complex dynamics. Whereas reformation preaching indeed did spread from the city into the territory, the practice of a reformed eucharist started at the edges of the territory. After the official introduction of the reformation in 1531 the territory played an important role concerning reformatory diversity. It served the city as religious experiment space and storage room.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79005816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In the sixteenth century, St. Robert Bellarmine (1542–1621) in his Disputationes de controversiis Christianae fidei adversus huius temporis haereticos defended the authority of the conciliar magisterium. Bellarmine, like other sixteenth-century Thomists, held that there were conditions under which God necessarily protects a general council from teaching error, but he did not deny that councils can and have erred. This article explains Bellarmine’s classification of the different types of councils. It also examines the conditions under which he believes that God necessarily protects a council from teaching error. It then discusses Bellarmine’s teaching on what kinds of councils can err and under what conditions a council can do so. Finally, the article will discuss his historical examination of various alleged conciliar errors.
{"title":"Conciliar Infallibility and Error in the Thomistic Ecclesiology of St. Robert Bellarmine, S.J.","authors":"Christian D. Washburn","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the sixteenth century, St. Robert Bellarmine (1542–1621) in his Disputationes de controversiis Christianae fidei adversus huius temporis haereticos defended the authority of the conciliar magisterium. Bellarmine, like other sixteenth-century Thomists, held that there were conditions under which God necessarily protects a general council from teaching error, but he did not deny that councils can and have erred. This article explains Bellarmine’s classification of the different types of councils. It also examines the conditions under which he believes that God necessarily protects a council from teaching error. It then discusses Bellarmine’s teaching on what kinds of councils can err and under what conditions a council can do so. Finally, the article will discuss his historical examination of various alleged conciliar errors.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83060686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Talmudic story of an encounter between Rabbi Joshua ben Levi and the Messiah at the gate of Rome served medieval Christians well in their polemics against the Jews. This was, it seemed, a Jewish affirmation of the truth of Christianity: not only did the legend indicate that the Messiah had already come, it also placed him in Rome, the epicenter of the Christian faith. For that very reason, however, later Protestant polemicists could hardly be expected to utilize the story correspondingly, not after rejecting the primacy of Rome. This article considers a number of Protestant responses to the Jewish Messiah in Rome tradition. Its primary focus, though, is on two anti-Jewish treatises by Sebastian Münster. As Stephen G. Burnett has demonstrated, Münster’s texts draw heavily from pre-Reformation polemical works – in other words, works that accepted Rome’s preeminence; the present article argues that Münster managed to subtly convey his own Protestant sensitivities in discussing the Joshua b. Levi story, all the same. This close reading of Münster offers a unique perspective on the convergence of Christian-Jewish controversy and Protestant-Catholic tensions, and especially on the role and development of the former in light of the latter.
犹太法典中关于拉比约书亚·本·利瓦伊和弥赛亚在罗马城门相遇的故事，在中世纪基督徒与犹太人的论战中起到了很好的作用。这似乎是犹太人对基督教真理的肯定:这个传说不仅表明弥赛亚已经到来，而且还把他放在了罗马，基督教信仰的中心。然而，正是由于这个原因，后来的新教辩论家很难指望相应地利用这个故事，而不是在拒绝罗马的首要地位之后。这篇文章考虑了一些新教徒对罗马传统中犹太弥赛亚的回应。然而，它的主要焦点是塞巴斯蒂安·米斯特(Sebastian m nster)的两篇反犹太论文。正如Stephen G. Burnett所证明的那样， nster女士的文本大量引用了宗教改革前的论战作品——换句话说，那些接受罗马卓越地位的作品;本文认为，尽管如此，在讨论约书亚·b·利未的故事时，nster女士还是巧妙地传达了他自己的新教敏感性。这篇对m nster的仔细阅读提供了一个独特的视角来看待基督教-犹太教争议和新教-天主教紧张关系的融合，尤其是前者在后者的背景下的作用和发展。
{"title":"Sebastian Münster and his Sources: The Messiah in Rome and the Convergence of Christian-Jewish Polemic and Intra-Christian Conflict","authors":"Danny Lehmann","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Talmudic story of an encounter between Rabbi Joshua ben Levi and the Messiah at the gate of Rome served medieval Christians well in their polemics against the Jews. This was, it seemed, a Jewish affirmation of the truth of Christianity: not only did the legend indicate that the Messiah had already come, it also placed him in Rome, the epicenter of the Christian faith. For that very reason, however, later Protestant polemicists could hardly be expected to utilize the story correspondingly, not after rejecting the primacy of Rome. This article considers a number of Protestant responses to the Jewish Messiah in Rome tradition. Its primary focus, though, is on two anti-Jewish treatises by Sebastian Münster. As Stephen G. Burnett has demonstrated, Münster’s texts draw heavily from pre-Reformation polemical works – in other words, works that accepted Rome’s preeminence; the present article argues that Münster managed to subtly convey his own Protestant sensitivities in discussing the Joshua b. Levi story, all the same. This close reading of Münster offers a unique perspective on the convergence of Christian-Jewish controversy and Protestant-Catholic tensions, and especially on the role and development of the former in light of the latter.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76255118","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article analyses the failed Dutch Religious Peace of 1578 through the lens of security. As Wayne te Brake recently argued in Religious War and Religious Peace in Early Modern Europe, creating security for all parties is key for an effective religious peace. In the sixteenth century, communal security was deemed a collective responsibility. In practice this meant that religious peace – suppressing and preventing violence and threats between Protestants and Catholics – was framed as a matter of preserving the common peace. Theological questions were dissimulated or kept out of peace settlements. In 1578, the religious peace proposed that Catholics and Calvinists were to live in the Netherlands side by side, each allowed to worship publicly. Some 27 Dutch towns introduced this religious peace. Yet the municipal magistrates mostly did so reluctantly and generally declined to share political power, thus contributing to its failure. Moreover, there were different, conflicting conceptions at work concerning the common peace, as well as regarding how to keep it.
{"title":"Maintaining the Common Peace: Security and the Religious Peace of 1578 during the Dutch Revolt","authors":"E. Swart","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyses the failed Dutch Religious Peace of 1578 through the lens of security. As Wayne te Brake recently argued in Religious War and Religious Peace in Early Modern Europe, creating security for all parties is key for an effective religious peace. In the sixteenth century, communal security was deemed a collective responsibility. In practice this meant that religious peace – suppressing and preventing violence and threats between Protestants and Catholics – was framed as a matter of preserving the common peace. Theological questions were dissimulated or kept out of peace settlements. In 1578, the religious peace proposed that Catholics and Calvinists were to live in the Netherlands side by side, each allowed to worship publicly. Some 27 Dutch towns introduced this religious peace. Yet the municipal magistrates mostly did so reluctantly and generally declined to share political power, thus contributing to its failure. Moreover, there were different, conflicting conceptions at work concerning the common peace, as well as regarding how to keep it.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79920500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article introduces a new corpus of sources relevant to the sixteenth-century Baianist controversy at the University of Louvain: student notes made during Michael Baius’ lectures on the Bible during the 1560s. The commentary on Romans 7 taught by the Royal Professor of Sacred Scripture contains a discussion on the sinfulness of concupiscence, the effect of the Fall driving humankind to sin. A contested concept between Catholics and Protestants, the nature of concupiscentia also lies at the core of debates on the orthodoxy of Baius’ justification theology, both early modern and more recent. The professor’s lecture on Romans 7 is analysed against his published treatises, the censures (1565–1567) and papal bull (1567) condemning certain propositions as heretical, and the Tridentine Decree on Original Sin (1546). While Baius’ Augustinian revaluation of humanity’s wounded nature (natura viciata) moved away from the Thomistic conception of concupiscence as innate, but disordered, he did respect the boundaries set by the Council of Trent. Indeed, Baius taught his positive theology in the interstices between the educational application of the Tridentine Decrees and the gradual assertion of dominance by a renewed Thomism in Catholic orthodoxy. I argue that such a historical reading of Baius’ ideas is the key to avoid the earlier dogmatic assessments of his theology.
本文介绍了与16世纪鲁汶大学(University of Louvain)拜厄斯派争论相关的一个新语料:16世纪60年代迈克尔·拜厄斯(Michael Baius)讲授圣经时的学生笔记。圣经皇家教授对罗马书7的评论包含了对淫乱罪的讨论，堕落驱使人类犯罪的影响。作为天主教徒和新教徒之间的一个有争议的概念，贪欲的本质也是关于拜厄斯称义神学正统性的争论的核心，无论是早期现代还是最近。教授关于罗马书第7章的演讲是根据他发表的论文，谴责某些主张为异端的谴责(1565-1567)和教皇诏书(1567)，以及关于原罪的特伦丁法令(1546)进行分析的。虽然拜厄斯的奥古斯丁式重新评价人类受伤的本性(natura viciata)偏离了托马斯主义的观念，即欲望是天生的，但是无序的，但他确实尊重特伦特会议设定的界限。的确，拜厄斯在《特伦丁法令》的教育应用与天主教正统中重新兴起的托马斯主义逐渐确立统治地位之间的间隙，教授了他的积极神学。我认为，这样一种对拜厄斯思想的历史解读，是避免早期对他的神学进行教条式评价的关键。
{"title":"Teaching Romans 7 after Trent: Michael Baius and his Lecture Hall on Concupiscence and Original Sin in Early Modern Louvain (1552–1589)","authors":"Jarrik Van Der Biest","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article introduces a new corpus of sources relevant to the sixteenth-century Baianist controversy at the University of Louvain: student notes made during Michael Baius’ lectures on the Bible during the 1560s. The commentary on Romans 7 taught by the Royal Professor of Sacred Scripture contains a discussion on the sinfulness of concupiscence, the effect of the Fall driving humankind to sin. A contested concept between Catholics and Protestants, the nature of concupiscentia also lies at the core of debates on the orthodoxy of Baius’ justification theology, both early modern and more recent. The professor’s lecture on Romans 7 is analysed against his published treatises, the censures (1565–1567) and papal bull (1567) condemning certain propositions as heretical, and the Tridentine Decree on Original Sin (1546). While Baius’ Augustinian revaluation of humanity’s wounded nature (natura viciata) moved away from the Thomistic conception of concupiscence as innate, but disordered, he did respect the boundaries set by the Council of Trent. Indeed, Baius taught his positive theology in the interstices between the educational application of the Tridentine Decrees and the gradual assertion of dominance by a renewed Thomism in Catholic orthodoxy. I argue that such a historical reading of Baius’ ideas is the key to avoid the earlier dogmatic assessments of his theology.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87744837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract For decades, Melanchthon maintained intensive relationships with Hungary. Students from there formed the largest group of foreign students at Wittenberg University. Melanchthon supported them during their studies and kept in touch with some of them after they returned to their home country. Networks were necessary, so that letters and messages reached their recipients. By writing letters of recommendation to others, Melanchthon enabled his students to establish contacts and to build up their own network. At the Coetus Hungaricus existing at Wittenberg University the Hungarian students also made contacts, which were useful to them later. Edited correspondences allow to track down and describe such interlinking. A network of contacts in Hungary can be depicted between Johannes Honterus, Valentin Wagner, Georg Werner, Sigismund Tordai-Gelous, Mátyás Dévai Bíró and Gáspár Heltai. The relations between them as well as the close contact with Melanchthon provided mutual assurance and helped to control the doctrine adopted from Wittenberg.
几十年来，荷兰与匈牙利保持着密切的关系。来自那里的学生构成了维滕贝格大学最大的外国学生群体。梅兰希顿在他们学习期间支持他们，并在他们回国后与他们中的一些人保持联系。网络是必要的，这样信件和信息才能到达收件人手中。通过给别人写推荐信，梅兰希顿使他的学生建立了联系，并建立了自己的网络。在维滕贝格大学现存的“Coetus Hungaricus”中，匈牙利学生也建立了联系，这对他们后来很有用。经过编辑的信件可以追踪和描述这种相互联系。在匈牙利，Johannes Honterus、Valentin Wagner、Georg Werner、Sigismund Tordai-Gelous、Mátyás d vai Bíró和Gáspár Heltai之间有一个联系网络。他们之间的关系以及与梅兰希顿的密切接触提供了相互保证，并有助于控制采用维滕贝格的学说。
{"title":"Philipp Melanchthons Beziehungen zu Ungarn und Siebenbürgen im Spiegel von Netzwerken und Korrespondenzen","authors":"Christine Mundhenk","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract For decades, Melanchthon maintained intensive relationships with Hungary. Students from there formed the largest group of foreign students at Wittenberg University. Melanchthon supported them during their studies and kept in touch with some of them after they returned to their home country. Networks were necessary, so that letters and messages reached their recipients. By writing letters of recommendation to others, Melanchthon enabled his students to establish contacts and to build up their own network. At the Coetus Hungaricus existing at Wittenberg University the Hungarian students also made contacts, which were useful to them later. Edited correspondences allow to track down and describe such interlinking. A network of contacts in Hungary can be depicted between Johannes Honterus, Valentin Wagner, Georg Werner, Sigismund Tordai-Gelous, Mátyás Dévai Bíró and Gáspár Heltai. The relations between them as well as the close contact with Melanchthon provided mutual assurance and helped to control the doctrine adopted from Wittenberg.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84209640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Originally, the local confessions served to account for the religious and secular authorities in matters of religion. They also formed a written basis for the legal unification of the affected communities, later they ensured the unity of the pastors in teaching, and finally they offered the community the legal basis for demanding new rights (the primacy or solitude of the denomination) based on old privileges. Over time, other functions were added to the original function of the confessions, so that a complex process of reception emerged. There was a general conception of ‘Catholicity’ that was claimed by the creeds insofar as they referred to the tradition of the Christian church. The interdependence with the theological development in Germany is evident not least from the fact that literary models such as the Confessio Augustana were used to write these texts.
{"title":"Die reformatorischen Bekenntnisse in Ungarn und Siebenbürgen (1545–1572)","authors":"Zoltán Csepregi","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Originally, the local confessions served to account for the religious and secular authorities in matters of religion. They also formed a written basis for the legal unification of the affected communities, later they ensured the unity of the pastors in teaching, and finally they offered the community the legal basis for demanding new rights (the primacy or solitude of the denomination) based on old privileges. Over time, other functions were added to the original function of the confessions, so that a complex process of reception emerged. There was a general conception of ‘Catholicity’ that was claimed by the creeds insofar as they referred to the tradition of the Christian church. The interdependence with the theological development in Germany is evident not least from the fact that literary models such as the Confessio Augustana were used to write these texts.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77032896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Due to the rather different source situation, comparing the formation of a Reformer’s image in the cases of Luther and Honterus is not an easy task. For Luther, the article therefore concentrates on the early historiography of his environment. In doing so, it becomes apparent that his role more and more was described as an active one. With this, the understanding of Reformation as liberation came to the fore. Hence, salvation-historical categories predominated. In contrast, the interpretation of Reformation as an educational event was in the foreground in Honterus, for whom above all some utterings of Schesaeus could be drawn upon. Despite this clear orientation towards the humanistic ideal, Luther still remained emphasized as spurring the entire movement. While Luther was seen as marking the shift in salvation history from the time of the Antichrist to the Gospel, Honter focused on the transition from a disordered society to one structured by education.
{"title":"Die Entstehung des Reformatorenbildes: Luther und Honterus im Vergleich","authors":"V. Leppin","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2021-2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2021-2002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Due to the rather different source situation, comparing the formation of a Reformer’s image in the cases of Luther and Honterus is not an easy task. For Luther, the article therefore concentrates on the early historiography of his environment. In doing so, it becomes apparent that his role more and more was described as an active one. With this, the understanding of Reformation as liberation came to the fore. Hence, salvation-historical categories predominated. In contrast, the interpretation of Reformation as an educational event was in the foreground in Honterus, for whom above all some utterings of Schesaeus could be drawn upon. Despite this clear orientation towards the humanistic ideal, Luther still remained emphasized as spurring the entire movement. While Luther was seen as marking the shift in salvation history from the time of the Antichrist to the Gospel, Honter focused on the transition from a disordered society to one structured by education.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78455001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In the early phase of the Reformation in Transylvania, two church-regulating texts became particularly important: Johannes Honter’s little Reformation booklet for Kronstadt und Burzenland from 1543 and the church regulations published in print in 1547, which the Universitas Saxonum made binding for the entire area of Saxon law three years later. The essay focuses on these two important texts and analyzes their roots in the Reformation tradition of the Holy Roman Empire and the Swiss Confederation. Wittenberg and Nuremberg stand for two of the possible sources from which the Transylvanian church ordinances could have drawn. In view of more than a century of intensive historiographical debate on these questions, an attempt is made to present the different positions and to check them for plausibility. The influence of Swiss theology, which is important from a church historical perspective, is also analyzed here.
在特兰西瓦尼亚宗教改革的早期阶段，两个规范教会的文本变得尤为重要:1543年Johannes Honter为Kronstadt und Burzenland编写的宗教改革小册子，以及1547年出版的教会条例，三年后，撒克逊大学(Universitas Saxonum)使其对整个撒克逊法律领域具有约束力。本文着重于这两个重要文本，并分析其根源在神圣罗马帝国和瑞士联邦的宗教改革传统。维滕贝格和纽伦堡代表了特兰西瓦尼亚教会条例可能的两个来源。鉴于对这些问题进行了一个多世纪的激烈史学辩论，本文试图呈现不同的立场，并检查它们的合理性。瑞士神学的影响，从教会历史的角度来看是重要的，也分析在这里。
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