Abstract This article investigates to what extent the early modern period as the Confessional, Imperial and Economic Age was also an age of tolerance, how much early modern empires depended on religious minorities willing to migrate and settle overseas, how much in the words of Jonathan Israel religious migrants were “agents and victims of empire”. Jonathan Israel, Diasporas Within a Diaspora: Jews, Crypto-Jews and the World of Maritime Empires, 1540–1740 (Leyden: Brill 2002), 1. I will take the example of Sephardi Jews and Huguenots to analyse the agencies of persecuted religious minorities in negotiating terms and conditions for their (re-)settlement – more often than not as separate nations or at least separate communities within the ever-growing European empires.
{"title":"Refugee “nations” and Empire-Building in the Early Modern Period","authors":"Susanne Lachenicht","doi":"10.1515/JEMC-2019-2004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/JEMC-2019-2004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates to what extent the early modern period as the Confessional, Imperial and Economic Age was also an age of tolerance, how much early modern empires depended on religious minorities willing to migrate and settle overseas, how much in the words of Jonathan Israel religious migrants were “agents and victims of empire”. Jonathan Israel, Diasporas Within a Diaspora: Jews, Crypto-Jews and the World of Maritime Empires, 1540–1740 (Leyden: Brill 2002), 1. I will take the example of Sephardi Jews and Huguenots to analyse the agencies of persecuted religious minorities in negotiating terms and conditions for their (re-)settlement – more often than not as separate nations or at least separate communities within the ever-growing European empires.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82758136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article deals with several periods and phenomena of migration to Transylvania behind the “Ottoman curtain” and its impacts between the first half of the sixteenth to the midst of the eighteenth century. In the fifteenth and sixteenth century the mental, political and confessional diverted or inhomogeneous frame conditions preordained the region as an area which was open minded for heterogeneous thinking, experiments and individuals or groups. Especially the dominance of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans enabled adopting the reformation without Habsburg renitancy as a laboratory for religious heterogeneity. First, we notice that the later Reformer of Braşov (Johannes Honterus) imported the German Reformation to Transylvania after the end of his political exile in several centres of Reformation. After an expulsion order by the Habsburg King Ferdinand I, the Wittenberg minded reformer Paulus Wiener from Ljubljana (Slovenia) settled in Sibiu and became in 1553 the first superintendent and fortified the reform. Italian deviant preachers travelled through the realm of Queen Isabella Jagiellonica and King/Prince János II Zsigmond Szápolyai. After expulsion from Poland because of antitrinitarian ideas, the court physician Giorgio Biandrata tried to establish an open-minded protestant country. Freedom of preaching the gospel without hierarchical control – perhaps the aim of a Unitarian established regional church in the Principality – opened the border for antitrinitarian thinkers who had flown from Heidelberg, Italy and other parts of Europe. In the seventeenth century – in the 30 years’ war – the Calvinist Gábor Bethlen founded an ambitious university Academy in Alba Iulia and offered resort to Calvinist professors of central Europe. At the same time (1622), the Diet of Transylvania provided refuge to Hutterites (handcrafters called Habaner) from Moravia to settle in Transylvania – interdicting mission. Their Anabaptist behaviour attracted 130 years later some of the “Transmigrants” who were expelled by the counterreformation minded Charles VI and Maria Theresia from Austrian, Styria and Carinthian underground Protestants. About 3000 persons were exact relocated to the “heretic corner” of the conquered province of Transylvania – the former Ottoman vassal – where the Habsburgs had to respect the Basic Constitutional Law (by the Diploma Leopoldinum) including religious freedom of 1595. The religiones receptae were Roman-catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist and Unitarian, but also the “tolerated” Rumanian-orthodox churches. There has to be some research to the question of Ottoman-Christian interplay, motives and strategies of the heteronomy of the estates and the problem whether the non-absolutistic governance and policy was an advantage.
本文论述了16世纪上半叶至18世纪中叶在“奥斯曼幕布”背后向特兰西瓦尼亚迁移的几个时期和现象及其影响。在15和16世纪，精神上，政治上和忏悔上的转变或不同质的框架条件决定了这个地区是一个对异质思想，实验，个人或团体开放的区域。特别是奥斯曼帝国在巴尔干半岛的主导地位，使得在没有哈布斯堡王朝作为宗教异质性实验室的情况下进行改革成为可能。首先，我们注意到后来的改革家布劳洛夫(Johannes Honterus)在他在几个改革中心的政治流放结束后，将德国的改革引入了特兰西瓦尼亚。在哈布斯堡国王费迪南德一世的驱逐令之后，来自卢布尔雅那(斯洛文尼亚)的维滕伯格思想改革者保卢斯·维纳定居在锡比乌，并于1553年成为第一任监督并加强了改革。意大利离经叛道的传教士穿越伊莎贝拉女王和国王/王子János II Zsigmond Szápolyai的王国。在因反三位一体思想而被驱逐出波兰后，宫廷医生乔治·比安德拉塔试图建立一个开放的新教国家。在没有等级控制的情况下传播福音的自由——也许是在公国建立一个一神论的地区教会的目的——为从海德堡、意大利和欧洲其他地方飞过来的反三位一体的思想家打开了边界。在17世纪，在30年的战争中，加尔文主义者Gábor Bethlen在Alba Iulia建立了一个雄心勃勃的大学学院，并为中欧的加尔文主义教授提供度假胜地。与此同时(1622年)，特兰西瓦尼亚议会为来自摩拉维亚的huterites(手工艺人Habaner)提供了避难所，让他们在特兰西瓦尼亚定居。他们的再洗礼主义行为在130年后吸引了一些“移民”，这些人被反宗教改革思想的查理六世和玛丽亚特蕾西亚从奥地利、施蒂里亚和卡林西亚的地下新教徒驱逐出境。大约3000人被准确地转移到被征服的特兰西瓦尼亚省的“异端角落”——前奥斯曼帝国的附属——在那里，哈布斯堡王朝必须尊重1595年的基本宪法(由Leopoldinum证书制定)，包括宗教自由。接受的宗教有罗马天主教、路德教、加尔文教和一神教，但也有“被容忍的”罗马尼亚东正教。有必要对奥斯曼帝国与基督教的相互作用、地产他律的动机和策略以及非专制的治理和政策是否有利的问题进行一些研究。
{"title":"Flucht hinter den „Osmanischen Vorhang“. Glaubensflüchtlinge in Siebenbürgen","authors":"U. Wien","doi":"10.1515/JEMC-2019-2001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/JEMC-2019-2001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article deals with several periods and phenomena of migration to Transylvania behind the “Ottoman curtain” and its impacts between the first half of the sixteenth to the midst of the eighteenth century. In the fifteenth and sixteenth century the mental, political and confessional diverted or inhomogeneous frame conditions preordained the region as an area which was open minded for heterogeneous thinking, experiments and individuals or groups. Especially the dominance of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans enabled adopting the reformation without Habsburg renitancy as a laboratory for religious heterogeneity. First, we notice that the later Reformer of Braşov (Johannes Honterus) imported the German Reformation to Transylvania after the end of his political exile in several centres of Reformation. After an expulsion order by the Habsburg King Ferdinand I, the Wittenberg minded reformer Paulus Wiener from Ljubljana (Slovenia) settled in Sibiu and became in 1553 the first superintendent and fortified the reform. Italian deviant preachers travelled through the realm of Queen Isabella Jagiellonica and King/Prince János II Zsigmond Szápolyai. After expulsion from Poland because of antitrinitarian ideas, the court physician Giorgio Biandrata tried to establish an open-minded protestant country. Freedom of preaching the gospel without hierarchical control – perhaps the aim of a Unitarian established regional church in the Principality – opened the border for antitrinitarian thinkers who had flown from Heidelberg, Italy and other parts of Europe. In the seventeenth century – in the 30 years’ war – the Calvinist Gábor Bethlen founded an ambitious university Academy in Alba Iulia and offered resort to Calvinist professors of central Europe. At the same time (1622), the Diet of Transylvania provided refuge to Hutterites (handcrafters called Habaner) from Moravia to settle in Transylvania – interdicting mission. Their Anabaptist behaviour attracted 130 years later some of the “Transmigrants” who were expelled by the counterreformation minded Charles VI and Maria Theresia from Austrian, Styria and Carinthian underground Protestants. About 3000 persons were exact relocated to the “heretic corner” of the conquered province of Transylvania – the former Ottoman vassal – where the Habsburgs had to respect the Basic Constitutional Law (by the Diploma Leopoldinum) including religious freedom of 1595. The religiones receptae were Roman-catholic, Lutheran, Calvinist and Unitarian, but also the “tolerated” Rumanian-orthodox churches. There has to be some research to the question of Ottoman-Christian interplay, motives and strategies of the heteronomy of the estates and the problem whether the non-absolutistic governance and policy was an advantage.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76593863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2019-frontmatter1
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2019-frontmatter1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-frontmatter1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81591422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The article aims at answering three complementary questions – why the implementation of the Lutheran idea of Christian renewal was possible by means of the German tongue alone; how the language can get beyond its merely communicative and descriptive purposes; and finally when can the performative analogy between speaking and being become essential for the language itself? Consequently, it discusses Luther’s concept of language as the primary vehicle for cultural change in terms of religion and confession, the socio-political agenda and national aspirations. Such a concept involved a great deal of theoretical considerations regarding pragmatic and most of all performative effectiveness of language, that altogether enabled Luther to provide his fellow-countrymen with a language which was culturally self-assertive, founded upon usage rather that abstract rules, and therefore understandable to common men, measurably affecting their way of being. For that reason Luther’s educational aims and his reform of divine worship, being the direct beneficiaries of that discovery, were taken into consideration, together with their social impact on the new cultural modes of comprehending the qualities that distinguish one community from another. Accordingly, the article discusses the language discovered by Luther (Hochdeutsch) as a cultural understructure having an effect on every feature that defines Lutheranism (and the Lutheran collective identity in particular) in respect of politics, religion, values and knowledge. For such a language, more than anything else, was able to take all the German peculiarities into account, and to make Germans finally capable of overcoming the spiritual and corporeal supremacy of the Roman Latin (lingua Romana). A closer insight given here into a pre-Lutheran period of that Roman-German cultural encounter leaves no doubt that Luther himself was often following the footsteps of fifteenth-century German humanists like Jakob Wimpfeling, Rudolph Agricola and Conrad Celtis. Although Germans “are and must remain beasts and stupid brutes,” as Luther declared, nonetheless language, by means of education, and divine worship could finally liberate those beasts from Roman-Latin standards, that is from a foreign way of speaking and being.
{"title":"Beasts at School: Luther, Language and Education for the Advancement of Germanness","authors":"Jakub Koryl","doi":"10.1515/JEMC-2019-2006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/JEMC-2019-2006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article aims at answering three complementary questions – why the implementation of the Lutheran idea of Christian renewal was possible by means of the German tongue alone; how the language can get beyond its merely communicative and descriptive purposes; and finally when can the performative analogy between speaking and being become essential for the language itself? Consequently, it discusses Luther’s concept of language as the primary vehicle for cultural change in terms of religion and confession, the socio-political agenda and national aspirations. Such a concept involved a great deal of theoretical considerations regarding pragmatic and most of all performative effectiveness of language, that altogether enabled Luther to provide his fellow-countrymen with a language which was culturally self-assertive, founded upon usage rather that abstract rules, and therefore understandable to common men, measurably affecting their way of being. For that reason Luther’s educational aims and his reform of divine worship, being the direct beneficiaries of that discovery, were taken into consideration, together with their social impact on the new cultural modes of comprehending the qualities that distinguish one community from another. Accordingly, the article discusses the language discovered by Luther (Hochdeutsch) as a cultural understructure having an effect on every feature that defines Lutheranism (and the Lutheran collective identity in particular) in respect of politics, religion, values and knowledge. For such a language, more than anything else, was able to take all the German peculiarities into account, and to make Germans finally capable of overcoming the spiritual and corporeal supremacy of the Roman Latin (lingua Romana). A closer insight given here into a pre-Lutheran period of that Roman-German cultural encounter leaves no doubt that Luther himself was often following the footsteps of fifteenth-century German humanists like Jakob Wimpfeling, Rudolph Agricola and Conrad Celtis. Although Germans “are and must remain beasts and stupid brutes,” as Luther declared, nonetheless language, by means of education, and divine worship could finally liberate those beasts from Roman-Latin standards, that is from a foreign way of speaking and being.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83282824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Early Modern Ireland was a society deeply influenced by contrasting currents of mobility. Indeed, together with the Netherlands, it can be suggested that Ireland was the Western European society most shaped by confessional migration. Uniquely in Europe, the kingdom witnessed the effective replacement of its existing elites by immigrants whose religious affiliation marked them out as distinct from the mass of the inhabitants. As migrants into Ireland, Protestants derived substantial advantages from their religious identity. Ironically, however, it was the moment of their forced flight in 1641–42 which became a touchstone of historical memory and identity for this community, commemorated by an annual church service on 23 October, the date of the outbreak of the original rebellion. Similarly, for the Irish military, merchants and clerics who constituted the backbone of a very significant Irish Catholic diaspora during the Early Modern period, an inheritance of religious persecution became a vital and cherished aspect of identity and a critical aspect of the perception of them by their host societies, thus blurring the lines between the categories of religious refugees and confessional migrants.
{"title":"Religious Refugees or Confessional Migrants? Perspectives from Early Modern Ireland","authors":"Tadhg Ó hannracháin","doi":"10.1515/JEMC-2019-2005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/JEMC-2019-2005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Early Modern Ireland was a society deeply influenced by contrasting currents of mobility. Indeed, together with the Netherlands, it can be suggested that Ireland was the Western European society most shaped by confessional migration. Uniquely in Europe, the kingdom witnessed the effective replacement of its existing elites by immigrants whose religious affiliation marked them out as distinct from the mass of the inhabitants. As migrants into Ireland, Protestants derived substantial advantages from their religious identity. Ironically, however, it was the moment of their forced flight in 1641–42 which became a touchstone of historical memory and identity for this community, commemorated by an annual church service on 23 October, the date of the outbreak of the original rebellion. Similarly, for the Irish military, merchants and clerics who constituted the backbone of a very significant Irish Catholic diaspora during the Early Modern period, an inheritance of religious persecution became a vital and cherished aspect of identity and a critical aspect of the perception of them by their host societies, thus blurring the lines between the categories of religious refugees and confessional migrants.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84968591","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article analyses the approval of the Gallican Confession during the so-called first national synod of the French Reformed churches, held in Paris in May 1559. The established consensus is that Calvin had a starring role in the adoption of the Confession by the pastors assembled in Paris. The latter are believed to have modified and promulgated the Gallican Confession based on a draft that the former had authored and sent to the synod. This paper will test the hypothesis that Calvin never sent any draft to Paris for approval in May 1559 and that a 1557 Parisian document—the letter-confession Au Roy—was used as the basis for the text of the Gallican Confession. We will also show that in May 1559 Calvin was not opposed to the promulgation of a confession of faith, but to its untimely disclosure and/or publication in print. This article offers a different interpretation of the relationship between Geneva and the brethren assembled in Paris at this crucial stage, and suggests that the categories of agreement/disagreement between Calvin and some French pastors, normally applied to this event, might not be appropriate.
{"title":"Between Paris and Geneva: Some Remarks on the Approval of the Gallican Confession (May 1559)","authors":"Gianmarco Braghi","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2018-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2018-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyses the approval of the Gallican Confession during the so-called first national synod of the French Reformed churches, held in Paris in May 1559. The established consensus is that Calvin had a starring role in the adoption of the Confession by the pastors assembled in Paris. The latter are believed to have modified and promulgated the Gallican Confession based on a draft that the former had authored and sent to the synod. This paper will test the hypothesis that Calvin never sent any draft to Paris for approval in May 1559 and that a 1557 Parisian document—the letter-confession Au Roy—was used as the basis for the text of the Gallican Confession. We will also show that in May 1559 Calvin was not opposed to the promulgation of a confession of faith, but to its untimely disclosure and/or publication in print. This article offers a different interpretation of the relationship between Geneva and the brethren assembled in Paris at this crucial stage, and suggests that the categories of agreement/disagreement between Calvin and some French pastors, normally applied to this event, might not be appropriate.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83255614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-01DOI: 10.1515/jemc-2018-frontmatter2
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2018-frontmatter2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2018-frontmatter2","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86336695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Scholarship on the Spanish galleon trade has tended to ignore both the importance of religion and the significance of the port of Acapulco. This paper will seek to offset each shortcoming by offering a glimpse into the religious life of Acapulco during the seventeenth century. This glimpse will aim to establish the spatial linkages between religion and economy in the port by (1) identifying the sacred places, practices, and missions of the city, and (2) illustrating how they were intimately related to the galleon trade. Though Acapulco occupied a paradoxical space within the broader Spain’s imperial vision, its unique spiritual cartography continued to be dictated by the aims of that vision. The port provides a unique case study by which to understand the complex and often-contradictory relationship between urbanity, trade, and religiosity in the Spanish empire. It illustrates that the economic and religious structures needed to create heavenly spaces in Spanish colonial holdings also produced unintended byproducts, places where religion and economics merged to produce more unexpected outcomes. Acapulco never became the envisioned heavenly city; yet, throughout the seventeenth century, it continued to demonstrate that economics and religion remained integrally connected.
{"title":"Galleons from the “Mouth of Hell”: Empire and Religion in Seventeenth Century Acapulco","authors":"Alex R. Mayfield","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2018-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2018-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Scholarship on the Spanish galleon trade has tended to ignore both the importance of religion and the significance of the port of Acapulco. This paper will seek to offset each shortcoming by offering a glimpse into the religious life of Acapulco during the seventeenth century. This glimpse will aim to establish the spatial linkages between religion and economy in the port by (1) identifying the sacred places, practices, and missions of the city, and (2) illustrating how they were intimately related to the galleon trade. Though Acapulco occupied a paradoxical space within the broader Spain’s imperial vision, its unique spiritual cartography continued to be dictated by the aims of that vision. The port provides a unique case study by which to understand the complex and often-contradictory relationship between urbanity, trade, and religiosity in the Spanish empire. It illustrates that the economic and religious structures needed to create heavenly spaces in Spanish colonial holdings also produced unintended byproducts, places where religion and economics merged to produce more unexpected outcomes. Acapulco never became the envisioned heavenly city; yet, throughout the seventeenth century, it continued to demonstrate that economics and religion remained integrally connected.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84164842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract How to be counted among the saved on Doomsday? This article presents the emergence of Danish funeral works in the sixteenth century through a case study of Niels Hemmingsen’s sermon for Herluff Trolle (1565). It discusses in particular the theological function of the charitable deeds in the funeral biography for Trolle, and argues that the preacher’s motivation for presenting these deeds was more than the dynastic interests of the noble families. The frame of the emergence of the genre, as well as the particular emphasis on charitable deeds, is the expectation of Judgement Day.
{"title":"How to Live in order to Die to Salvation? the Judgement Scene and Early Modern Danish Funeral Sermons","authors":"Eivor Andersen Oftestad","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2018-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2018-0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract How to be counted among the saved on Doomsday? This article presents the emergence of Danish funeral works in the sixteenth century through a case study of Niels Hemmingsen’s sermon for Herluff Trolle (1565). It discusses in particular the theological function of the charitable deeds in the funeral biography for Trolle, and argues that the preacher’s motivation for presenting these deeds was more than the dynastic interests of the noble families. The frame of the emergence of the genre, as well as the particular emphasis on charitable deeds, is the expectation of Judgement Day.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72629608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article examines the representation and function of Christ in Anne Conway’s only treatise, The Principles of the Most Ancient and Modern Philosophy, published posthumously in 1690. Christ plays a prominent role in Conway’s philosophical system as he is both a medium between God and the creatures in the ontological hierarchy, and the instrument that will make possible the conversion of Jews and Muslims to the Christian religion. Conway draws upon Quakerism and the Lurianic Kabbalah to build a Christocentric metaphysics that also aims to make sense of pain – Conway’s own physical pain as well as the existence of evil in the world. Finally, the article enquires into Conway’s personal relationship with Christ. As a suffering woman, she might be expected to feel a closer connection with the human Christ, following the example of medieval female mystics, but Conway’s philosophy actually presents a metaphysical, genderless Christ, which can paradoxically be interpreted as a way of reintroducing women into Christianity.
{"title":"Christ in Anne Conway’s Principia (1690): Metaphysics, Syncretism, and Female Imitatio Christi","authors":"Sandrine Parageau","doi":"10.1515/jemc-2018-0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2018-0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the representation and function of Christ in Anne Conway’s only treatise, The Principles of the Most Ancient and Modern Philosophy, published posthumously in 1690. Christ plays a prominent role in Conway’s philosophical system as he is both a medium between God and the creatures in the ontological hierarchy, and the instrument that will make possible the conversion of Jews and Muslims to the Christian religion. Conway draws upon Quakerism and the Lurianic Kabbalah to build a Christocentric metaphysics that also aims to make sense of pain – Conway’s own physical pain as well as the existence of evil in the world. Finally, the article enquires into Conway’s personal relationship with Christ. As a suffering woman, she might be expected to feel a closer connection with the human Christ, following the example of medieval female mystics, but Conway’s philosophy actually presents a metaphysical, genderless Christ, which can paradoxically be interpreted as a way of reintroducing women into Christianity.","PeriodicalId":29688,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Early Modern Christianity","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76217438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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