Pub Date : 2011-10-01DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.5.1.113
E. J. Pennick
Edward Pennick offers an overview of prejudicial federal government practices toward African American farmers that began at the end of the Civil War and continue to this day.
爱德华·潘尼克概述了联邦政府对非裔美国农民的偏见做法，这些做法始于内战结束，一直持续到今天。
{"title":"The Struggle for Control of America’s Production Agriculture System and Its Impact on African American Farmers","authors":"E. J. Pennick","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.5.1.113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.5.1.113","url":null,"abstract":"Edward Pennick offers an overview of prejudicial federal government practices toward African American farmers that began at the end of the Civil War and continue to this day.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126195124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.169
O. Cox
he United States has set the pattern of Oriental exclusion for such countries as Canada and Australia. On the Pacific Coast, and in California especially, a distinct and rather involved racial situation has developed; perhaps it may be thought of as the completion of a “race-relations cycle.” Here, because of the rapid cultural advancement of these colored people, the natural history of race relations has been greatly expedited. Like all racial situations, we approach this one also from the point of view of the white man’s initiative—he is the actor in chief; the Asiatics react to their best advantage. The Asiatics came into California because there was a great demand there for their labor; they came because the relatively high wages in California enticed them. But the “pull’ was far more significant than the “push.” No matter how great the lure of higher wages, they could by no means have “invaded” the Coast if the encouragement and inducement of certain hardpressed white employers did not facilitate it. The great wave of Asiatic common labor began to move upon the Western Hemisphere after the decline of the Negro slave trade—after 1845 especially. The West Indies, the Pacific Coast of America, and even South and East Africa received their quotas. The Asiatics came not as slaves but mainly as coolies; and gradually, among others, California and other Pacific states had their Chinese and Japanese problem; Trinidad and South Africa, their East Indian problem; and Cuba, its Chinese problem. These “Coolies” came mostly as contract laborers, some form of indentured-servant relationship; and “Wherever they were imported, they were used as substitutes for slave labor in plan-
{"title":"Race, Prejudice, Class Conflict, and Nationalism","authors":"O. Cox","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.169","url":null,"abstract":"he United States has set the pattern of Oriental exclusion for such countries as Canada and Australia. On the Pacific Coast, and in California especially, a distinct and rather involved racial situation has developed; perhaps it may be thought of as the completion of a “race-relations cycle.” Here, because of the rapid cultural advancement of these colored people, the natural history of race relations has been greatly expedited. Like all racial situations, we approach this one also from the point of view of the white man’s initiative—he is the actor in chief; the Asiatics react to their best advantage. The Asiatics came into California because there was a great demand there for their labor; they came because the relatively high wages in California enticed them. But the “pull’ was far more significant than the “push.” No matter how great the lure of higher wages, they could by no means have “invaded” the Coast if the encouragement and inducement of certain hardpressed white employers did not facilitate it. The great wave of Asiatic common labor began to move upon the Western Hemisphere after the decline of the Negro slave trade—after 1845 especially. The West Indies, the Pacific Coast of America, and even South and East Africa received their quotas. The Asiatics came not as slaves but mainly as coolies; and gradually, among others, California and other Pacific states had their Chinese and Japanese problem; Trinidad and South Africa, their East Indian problem; and Cuba, its Chinese problem. These “Coolies” came mostly as contract laborers, some form of indentured-servant relationship; and “Wherever they were imported, they were used as substitutes for slave labor in plan-","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130344216","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.191
A. Corrado
This article analyzes migrations to the rural areas of Calabria, a region in southern Italy, illustrating the combination of factors and elements that makes extremely complex the composition of migrations and their participation in the local economic and social process of transformation. The analysis cannot move without considering changes in migration policies, at the national as well as the European level, since the 1990s, developing together with the transformations of policies and organizational models in the agrarian sector. These processes have produced a segmentation of the economy and a differentiation in labor and mobility, due to ethnicization, hierarchization, and racialization. The article is organized into three sections. The first synthesizes the evolution of migration policies in Europe and specifically in Italy and the effects produced in terms of clandestinization and hierarchization inside the migrant population. The second section illustrates the conditions of insertion and reproduction of migrations in the agriculture of southern Italy, with particular emphasis on the oranges' sector in Calabria. The third section analyzes the Africans' riots of 7 January 2010 in Rosarno, a rural village in the Gioia Tauro Plain, where the combination of "institutional racism," "mafia racism," and "social racism" has played a fundamental role.
{"title":"Clandestini in the Orange Towns: Migrations and Racisms in Calabria's Agriculture","authors":"A. Corrado","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.191","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes migrations to the rural areas of Calabria, a region in southern Italy, illustrating the combination of factors and elements that makes extremely complex the composition of migrations and their participation in the local economic and social process of transformation. The analysis cannot move without considering changes in migration policies, at the national as well as the European level, since the 1990s, developing together with the transformations of policies and organizational models in the agrarian sector. These processes have produced a segmentation of the economy and a differentiation in labor and mobility, due to ethnicization, hierarchization, and racialization. The article is organized into three sections. The first synthesizes the evolution of migration policies in Europe and specifically in Italy and the effects produced in terms of clandestinization and hierarchization inside the migrant population. The second section illustrates the conditions of insertion and reproduction of migrations in the agriculture of southern Italy, with particular emphasis on the oranges' sector in Calabria. The third section analyzes the Africans' riots of 7 January 2010 in Rosarno, a rural village in the Gioia Tauro Plain, where the combination of \"institutional racism,\" \"mafia racism,\" and \"social racism\" has played a fundamental role.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132679817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.211
Margo McBane
The Limoneira Company created an agricultural "company town" that led the citrus industry and established a legacy that shaped the southern California citrus belt up through World War II. The founders of the company achieved their accomplishments by promoting their middle class ideas of commerce, race, ethnicity, citizenship, science, and gender. These citrus barons consolidated their control over citrus production vertically integrating, mechanizing, and imposing scientific methods on the production process. Workers became divided from each other along race and gender lines and from their work along skill lines. To control the marketing of citrus, the Limoneira founds led the producer cooperative movement, becoming the dominant member of the California Fruit Growers Exchange (now called Sunkist). The founders sustained this citrus empire by networking their fortunes and friends. The close familial ties between the Limoneira managers and owners, many of whom were also the founders of Union Oil, further strengthened the Limoneira's economic sway in the regions. The Limoneira owners undertook a campaign of industrial paternalism to convert immigrant citrus workers to Protestantism and to Americanize them into white middle class culture. They offered workers acculturation, not assimilation, segregating workers' residences, schools, and community life. The Limoneira Company is an example of the southern California region's first generation of citrus growers (1880s-1920s), yet it maintained its dominant position during the second generation of citrus growing (1920-1950s), when many of the larger southern California citrus ranches subdivided into smaller ranches that became the hallmark of Los Angeles regional communities throughout the San Gabriel and Pomona valleys. The racially segregated towns established by the citrus barons at the turn of the 1900s continue to have reverberations in California's racial tensions in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century.
{"title":"Whitening a California Citrus Company Town: Racial Segregation Practices at the Limoneira Company and Santa Paula, 1893-1919","authors":"Margo McBane","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.211","url":null,"abstract":"The Limoneira Company created an agricultural \"company town\" that led the citrus industry and established a legacy that shaped the southern California citrus belt up through World War II. The founders of the company achieved their accomplishments by promoting their middle class ideas of commerce, race, ethnicity, citizenship, science, and gender. These citrus barons consolidated their control over citrus production vertically integrating, mechanizing, and imposing scientific methods on the production process. Workers became divided from each other along race and gender lines and from their work along skill lines. To control the marketing of citrus, the Limoneira founds led the producer cooperative movement, becoming the dominant member of the California Fruit Growers Exchange (now called Sunkist). The founders sustained this citrus empire by networking their fortunes and friends. The close familial ties between the Limoneira managers and owners, many of whom were also the founders of Union Oil, further strengthened the Limoneira's economic sway in the regions. The Limoneira owners undertook a campaign of industrial paternalism to convert immigrant citrus workers to Protestantism and to Americanize them into white middle class culture. They offered workers acculturation, not assimilation, segregating workers' residences, schools, and community life. The Limoneira Company is an example of the southern California region's first generation of citrus growers (1880s-1920s), yet it maintained its dominant position during the second generation of citrus growing (1920-1950s), when many of the larger southern California citrus ranches subdivided into smaller ranches that became the hallmark of Los Angeles regional communities throughout the San Gabriel and Pomona valleys. The racially segregated towns established by the citrus barons at the turn of the 1900s continue to have reverberations in California's racial tensions in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133589826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.203
Aviva Chomsky
This essay examines the multiple forms that law, policy, and public attitudes take toward immigrants and the role of undocumentedness in maintaining systems of national and global inequalities. It is based on firsthand testimonies from the U.S.-Arizona border and the Streamline court system that illustrate how racism and discrimination are reproduced and justified. It compares today's forms of legal marginalization, and their justifications, to the slave system. Today, an insistence that discrimination against Mexicans does not constitute discrimination at all since it is based on "nationality" instead of "race" offers a convenient rationale for the legal marginalization of approximately 10 percent of the U.S. population: the "undocumented." And this marginalization keeps them trapped in the cycle of providing the cheap labor upon which our overconsumption is based.
{"title":"Today's Deportees","authors":"Aviva Chomsky","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.203","url":null,"abstract":"This essay examines the multiple forms that law, policy, and public attitudes take toward immigrants and the role of undocumentedness in maintaining systems of national and global inequalities. It is based on firsthand testimonies from the U.S.-Arizona border and the Streamline court system that illustrate how racism and discrimination are reproduced and justified. It compares today's forms of legal marginalization, and their justifications, to the slave system. Today, an insistence that discrimination against Mexicans does not constitute discrimination at all since it is based on \"nationality\" instead of \"race\" offers a convenient rationale for the legal marginalization of approximately 10 percent of the U.S. population: the \"undocumented.\" And this marginalization keeps them trapped in the cycle of providing the cheap labor upon which our overconsumption is based.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"119 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133253372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.303
M. Birkhold
Building on Robin D. G. Kelley's (1998) argument that hip hop constitutes a form of play-labor for working-class black youth, this article argues that the creation of hip hop as a form of racialized play-labor in the 1970s constitutes an Afro-diasporic labor regime and can best be understood as such when located within a specific period of racial capitalism in the United States characterized by a low demand for formal black labor. Accordingly, this paper argues that the emergence of hip hop in the South Bronx can be explained by the way in which several social-political factors dictated by the needs of the world economy converged with the resistance and labor of black people in the United States and the Anglo-Caribbean in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
罗宾·d·g·凯利(Robin D. G. Kelley, 1998)认为嘻哈构成了黑人工人阶级青年的一种游戏劳动形式，本文认为，20世纪70年代嘻哈作为一种种族化的游戏劳动形式的诞生，构成了一种非洲散居劳工制度，最好的理解是，当它处于美国种族资本主义的特定时期，其特征是对正式黑人劳动力的需求较低。因此，本文认为hip - hop在南布朗克斯的出现可以解释为，在20世纪60年代末和70年代初，由世界经济需求所决定的几个社会政治因素与美国和盎格鲁-加勒比地区黑人的反抗和劳动相结合的方式。
{"title":"\"If You Don't Move Your Feet Then I Don't Eat\": Hip Hop and the Demand for Black Labor","authors":"M. Birkhold","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.303","url":null,"abstract":"Building on Robin D. G. Kelley's (1998) argument that hip hop constitutes a form of play-labor for working-class black youth, this article argues that the creation of hip hop as a form of racialized play-labor in the 1970s constitutes an Afro-diasporic labor regime and can best be understood as such when located within a specific period of racial capitalism in the United States characterized by a low demand for formal black labor. Accordingly, this paper argues that the emergence of hip hop in the South Bronx can be explained by the way in which several social-political factors dictated by the needs of the world economy converged with the resistance and labor of black people in the United States and the Anglo-Caribbean in the late 1960s and early 1970s.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130742963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.269
S. Breitzer
This article explores what is sometimes called Black Nativism: African American antipathy to immigrants between 1870 and 1930. It notes how several African American leaders of the 1920s and the New Deal era soon cultivated a more solidaristic posture toward immigrants and working-class members of ethnic groups.
{"title":"Race, Immigration, and Contested Americanness: Black Nativism and the American Labor Movement, 1880-1930","authors":"S. Breitzer","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.269","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores what is sometimes called Black Nativism: African American antipathy to immigrants between 1870 and 1930. It notes how several African American leaders of the 1920s and the New Deal era soon cultivated a more solidaristic posture toward immigrants and working-class members of ethnic groups.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129962995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.235
S. Bhowmik
This article deals with the conditions of tea plantation workers in the framework of ethnicity and marginalization. It takes up the case of tribal tea plantation workers in the state of West Bengal in India who, largely due to their ethnic status and isolation within the plantations, have remained marginalized over the years. The article begins with an analysis of the features of the plantation system and shows how the specific means of control over labor resulted in unfree relations. In most countries where plantations exist, labor belongs to the formal/organized workforce: there are permanent and secure jobs, and laws regulate employment and work conditions. Yet, despite these comparatively recent safeguards elsewhere, plantation labor in India continues to live in unfree conditions. This article examines the reasons behind this situation.
{"title":"Ethnicity and Isolation: Marginalization of Tea Plantation Workers","authors":"S. Bhowmik","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.235","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.235","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the conditions of tea plantation workers in the framework of ethnicity and marginalization. It takes up the case of tribal tea plantation workers in the state of West Bengal in India who, largely due to their ethnic status and isolation within the plantations, have remained marginalized over the years. The article begins with an analysis of the features of the plantation system and shows how the specific means of control over labor resulted in unfree relations. In most countries where plantations exist, labor belongs to the formal/organized workforce: there are permanent and secure jobs, and laws regulate employment and work conditions. Yet, despite these comparatively recent safeguards elsewhere, plantation labor in India continues to live in unfree conditions. This article examines the reasons behind this situation.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133183151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.285
Maya A. Beasley
This study explores the reasons for and ways in which the high proportion of African American college graduates in racialized and/or social service occupations account for part of the income disparity between blacks and whites. In particular, I assert that the disproportion of African Americans in public service and/or racialized jobs—those directed at or whose services are disproportionately used by blacks—yields considerable pay penalties that would not exist if black graduates were more diversified in their choice of occupations. I then explore the ways in which the equal opportunity protections and affirmative action policies thought to have been particularly important for middle-class mobility were, in fact, relatively ineffective for and often inapplicable to this portion of the black population. As a result, mainstream occupations and business ventures may appear riskier than their racialized or social service counterparts, thereby decreasing their appeal and the proportion of black college graduates interested in them.
{"title":"Black Professionals in Racialized and Community-Oriented Occupations: The Role of Equal Opportunity Protections and Affirmative Action in Maintaining the Status Quo","authors":"Maya A. Beasley","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.285","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the reasons for and ways in which the high proportion of African American college graduates in racialized and/or social service occupations account for part of the income disparity between blacks and whites. In particular, I assert that the disproportion of African Americans in public service and/or racialized jobs—those directed at or whose services are disproportionately used by blacks—yields considerable pay penalties that would not exist if black graduates were more diversified in their choice of occupations. I then explore the ways in which the equal opportunity protections and affirmative action policies thought to have been particularly important for middle-class mobility were, in fact, relatively ineffective for and often inapplicable to this portion of the black population. As a result, mainstream occupations and business ventures may appear riskier than their racialized or social service counterparts, thereby decreasing their appeal and the proportion of black college graduates interested in them.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127810792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-07-09DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.255
John Trumpbour, N. Green
Interview with Bill Fletcher, Jr., co-founder of the Center for Labor Renewal and Director of Field Services and Education for the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE). Fletcher discusses the intersection of race and labor, labor issues both domestic and international.
{"title":"Solidarity Divided: An Interview with Bill Fletcher, Jr.","authors":"John Trumpbour, N. Green","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.255","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.4.2.255","url":null,"abstract":"Interview with Bill Fletcher, Jr., co-founder of the Center for Labor Renewal and Director of Field Services and Education for the American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE). Fletcher discusses the intersection of race and labor, labor issues both domestic and international.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"90 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123954360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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