Pub Date : 2010-10-01DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.2010.4.1.73
Lorraine Leu
This article focuses on the ways that racialized and gendered identities intersect in Brazil. It considers how the objectification of certain racialized and sexualized bodies became central to the national imaginary, and how Afro-descendant identitarian claims can simultaneously invoke and contest hegemonic representations of racial types. The second half of the article analyzes the performance of race and gender in the 2002 film Madame Satã, in the light of the ideologies discussed in the first half. It explores the construction of a black queer body as a spectacle mediated by racist cultures of national and popular discourse and cinematic images, and comments on how the protagonist of this biographical film plays with the assigned social meanings of black bodies in the interplay of race and gender relations.
{"title":"Performing Race and Gender in Brazil: Karim Ainouz’s Madame Satã (2002)","authors":"Lorraine Leu","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.2010.4.1.73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.2010.4.1.73","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on the ways that racialized and gendered identities intersect in Brazil. It considers how the objectification of certain racialized and sexualized bodies became central to the national imaginary, and how Afro-descendant identitarian claims can simultaneously invoke and contest hegemonic representations of racial types. The second half of the article analyzes the performance of race and gender in the 2002 film Madame Satã, in the light of the ideologies discussed in the first half. It explores the construction of a black queer body as a spectacle mediated by racist cultures of national and popular discourse and cinematic images, and comments on how the protagonist of this biographical film plays with the assigned social meanings of black bodies in the interplay of race and gender relations.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114229492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2010-10-01DOI: 10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.2010.4.1.117
Kellie Bean
Appalachian ethnicity for women bloggers recreates an identity space in the virtual world that mirrors and reifies the attitudes, preconceptions, and self-identification found in terrestrial space.
阿巴拉契亚族群为女性部落客在虚拟世界中重建身份空间，反映并具体化现实世界中的态度、偏见与自我认同。
{"title":"Twenty-Four Notes on Appalachian Women Blogging","authors":"Kellie Bean","doi":"10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.2010.4.1.117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RACETHMULGLOCON.2010.4.1.117","url":null,"abstract":"Appalachian ethnicity for women bloggers recreates an identity space in the virtual world that mirrors and reifies the attitudes, preconceptions, and self-identification found in terrestrial space.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"99 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116722300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Building on an interpretive case study of a public school at a prison in New Orleans, this paper examines the punitive culture of public education and points to its role in extending both the minority achievement gap and mass minority incarceration. The work documents how racial minorities, and African American males in particular, are criminalized by school disciplinary policies and shows how these policies foreshorten educational careers and increase risk for incarceration. The paper concludes by turning to a school site in post-Hurricane Katrina New Orleans where a grassroots student organization has resisted the correctional school disciplinary model and has advocated for more positive educational investments.
{"title":"End of the Line: Tracing Racial Inequality from School to Prison","authors":"Lizbet Simmons","doi":"10.1353/RAC.0.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RAC.0.0021","url":null,"abstract":"Building on an interpretive case study of a public school at a prison in New Orleans, this paper examines the punitive culture of public education and points to its role in extending both the minority achievement gap and mass minority incarceration. The work documents how racial minorities, and African American males in particular, are criminalized by school disciplinary policies and shows how these policies foreshorten educational careers and increase risk for incarceration. The paper concludes by turning to a school site in post-Hurricane Katrina New Orleans where a grassroots student organization has resisted the correctional school disciplinary model and has advocated for more positive educational investments.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125590275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In a report issued by the House of Commons in 2007, it is stressed that in the UK the proportion of young people from ethnic minorities who enter the criminal justice system is unacceptable. This paper provides data on the over-representation of minorities and discusses explanations offered by independent qualitative researchers. The authors note the prevalence of causation theories revolving around disadvantage, exclusion, and marginalisation as the core explanatory variables adopted in the study of crime and ethnic minorities. They identify forms of self-victimisation, related to violent as well as non-violent crime, that connote illegal conduct in marginalised and over-policed areas. Finally, they suggest that social disadvantage turns into vulnerability even when minorities engage in illicit behaviour and business. Hence, partly, their overrepresentation in the criminal justice system.
{"title":"Crime, Punishment, and Ethnic Minorities in England and Wales","authors":"Anthony Goodman, V. Ruggiero","doi":"10.1353/RAC.0.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/RAC.0.0004","url":null,"abstract":"In a report issued by the House of Commons in 2007, it is stressed that in the UK the proportion of young people from ethnic minorities who enter the criminal justice system is unacceptable. This paper provides data on the over-representation of minorities and discusses explanations offered by independent qualitative researchers. The authors note the prevalence of causation theories revolving around disadvantage, exclusion, and marginalisation as the core explanatory variables adopted in the study of crime and ethnic minorities. They identify forms of self-victimisation, related to violent as well as non-violent crime, that connote illegal conduct in marginalised and over-policed areas. Finally, they suggest that social disadvantage turns into vulnerability even when minorities engage in illicit behaviour and business. Hence, partly, their overrepresentation in the criminal justice system.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124524201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper extends the theoretical model of the linkage between ethnoracial division and the penal state in the United States I have elaborated elsewhere (Wacquant 2001) to cover the stupendous surge in the incarceration of post-colonial migrants in the European Union over the past two decades, that is, the era of triumphant neoliberalism.
{"title":"Extirpate and Expel: On the Penal Management of Postcolonial Migrants in the European Union","authors":"Loïc Wacquant","doi":"10.22409/REP.V3I6.38653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22409/REP.V3I6.38653","url":null,"abstract":"This paper extends the theoretical model of the linkage between ethnoracial division and the penal state in the United States I have elaborated elsewhere (Wacquant 2001) to cover the stupendous surge in the incarceration of post-colonial migrants in the European Union over the past two decades, that is, the era of triumphant neoliberalism.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132498061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-04-01DOI: 10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.171
S. Carmichael, Charles V. Hamilton
I I“1 â– here is a strongly held view in this society that the â– best—indeed, perhaps the only—way for black peoJL pie to win their political and economic rights is by forming coalitions with liberal, labor, church and other kinds of sympathetic organizations or forces, including the "liberal left" wing of the Democratic Party. With such allies, they could influence national legislation and national social patterns; racism could thus be ended. This school sees the "Black Power Move-
I I " 1 -在这个社会中有一种强烈的观点认为，对于黑人来说，要赢得政治和经济权利，必须与自由派、劳工、教会和其他同情他们的组织或力量结成联盟，包括民主党的“自由左翼”。有了这样的盟友，他们可以影响国家立法和国家社会形态;这样，种族主义就可以结束。这所学校看到了“黑人权力运动”
{"title":"\"The Myths of Coalition\" from Black Power:T he Politics of Liberation in America","authors":"S. Carmichael, Charles V. Hamilton","doi":"10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.171","url":null,"abstract":"I I“1 â– here is a strongly held view in this society that the â– best—indeed, perhaps the only—way for black peoJL pie to win their political and economic rights is by forming coalitions with liberal, labor, church and other kinds of sympathetic organizations or forces, including the \"liberal left\" wing of the Democratic Party. With such allies, they could influence national legislation and national social patterns; racism could thus be ended. This school sees the \"Black Power Move-","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115697652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-04-01DOI: 10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.253
C. Shaw
In Colonial Zimbabwe, white women, primarily British settlers from South Africa and the United Kingdom, formed groups to socialize with each other to counteract the isolation they experienced on dispersed farms and ranches. During a period marked by the idea of progress and the fear of African nationalism, these middle- and upper-class colonial women reached out to African women, forming Homecraft clubs that taught various domestic tasks such as sewing and cooking. Homecraft clubs were part of a colonialist project to capture the loyalty of upwardly mobile rural and urban women. In developing the very popular Homecraft clubs, white women placed their skills in the service of the colonial state on a scale never before seen. For black women, especially of the Shona ethnic group, the majority of population and the group focused on in this study, Homecraft groups provided opportunities to gather socially in a new way, which ultimately led to new forms of social and political organization. Organizational skills (and cooking skills) that African women learned through their affiliation with a white-sponsored organization, in some cases protected them from the violence of the liberation forces and, in other cases, were used in support of the independence movement. The domestic was the site of civil society; domestic spaces and activities reached into the public realm with very real and significant effects. Thus, Homecraft groups challenged dualistic conceptions of home versus public and paved the way for greater participation in civil society for both black and white women.
{"title":"Sticks and Scones: Black and White Women in the Homecraft Movement in Colonial Zimbabwe","authors":"C. Shaw","doi":"10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.253","url":null,"abstract":"In Colonial Zimbabwe, white women, primarily British settlers from South Africa and the United Kingdom, formed groups to socialize with each other to counteract the isolation they experienced on dispersed farms and ranches. During a period marked by the idea of progress and the fear of African nationalism, these middle- and upper-class colonial women reached out to African women, forming Homecraft clubs that taught various domestic tasks such as sewing and cooking. Homecraft clubs were part of a colonialist project to capture the loyalty of upwardly mobile rural and urban women. In developing the very popular Homecraft clubs, white women placed their skills in the service of the colonial state on a scale never before seen. For black women, especially of the Shona ethnic group, the majority of population and the group focused on in this study, Homecraft groups provided opportunities to gather socially in a new way, which ultimately led to new forms of social and political organization. Organizational skills (and cooking skills) that African women learned through their affiliation with a white-sponsored organization, in some cases protected them from the violence of the liberation forces and, in other cases, were used in support of the independence movement. The domestic was the site of civil society; domestic spaces and activities reached into the public realm with very real and significant effects. Thus, Homecraft groups challenged dualistic conceptions of home versus public and paved the way for greater participation in civil society for both black and white women.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"96 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131947271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-04-01DOI: 10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.313
N. Wadsworth
One of the most intriguing developments in twenty-first century American politics is the rise of religion-based, cross-racial alliances defending heterosexual marriage against the perceived threat of same-sex marriage and/or civil unions. Since 2003, "marriage protection" advocates have achieved political victories in dozens of states and cities, some of which have been propelled by multiracial coalitions. This is significant, given that previous attempts to draw on religious values to build racially diverse coalitions mostly foundered. One strategy that has proven useful for uniting religious racial communities is a jeremiadic narrative, a tool through which activists reach across racial and partisan boundaries, employing religious and cultural frameworks to argue that the nation's, or a racial community's, ultimate survival will be endangered if marriage rights are expanded. This article explores the function of the American Jeremiad tradition as a rhetorical strategy in these new religion-based multiracial alliances and considers the possibilities and limits of these alliances for ideologically deeper or longer-term multiracial coalition politics. Examining a range of cultural texts and practices, I detail how religion-based "traditional marriage Jeremiads" fostered politically influential, short-term, cross-racial alliances in New York, Massachusetts, and Colorado between 2004 and 2006. Engaging with coalition politics literature, including the framework articulated in Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton's Black Power framework, I explain how the intentionally multiracial aspect of some traditional marriage alliances fails to produce antiracist ends.
{"title":"Race-ing Faith and Fate: The Jeremiad in Multiracial \"Traditional Marriage\" Alliances","authors":"N. Wadsworth","doi":"10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.313","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most intriguing developments in twenty-first century American politics is the rise of religion-based, cross-racial alliances defending heterosexual marriage against the perceived threat of same-sex marriage and/or civil unions. Since 2003, \"marriage protection\" advocates have achieved political victories in dozens of states and cities, some of which have been propelled by multiracial coalitions. This is significant, given that previous attempts to draw on religious values to build racially diverse coalitions mostly foundered. One strategy that has proven useful for uniting religious racial communities is a jeremiadic narrative, a tool through which activists reach across racial and partisan boundaries, employing religious and cultural frameworks to argue that the nation's, or a racial community's, ultimate survival will be endangered if marriage rights are expanded. This article explores the function of the American Jeremiad tradition as a rhetorical strategy in these new religion-based multiracial alliances and considers the possibilities and limits of these alliances for ideologically deeper or longer-term multiracial coalition politics. Examining a range of cultural texts and practices, I detail how religion-based \"traditional marriage Jeremiads\" fostered politically influential, short-term, cross-racial alliances in New York, Massachusetts, and Colorado between 2004 and 2006. Engaging with coalition politics literature, including the framework articulated in Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton's Black Power framework, I explain how the intentionally multiracial aspect of some traditional marriage alliances fails to produce antiracist ends.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127262319","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-04-01DOI: 10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.221
Pascale Charhon, Gerald Lenoir, Sandeep Pandey
Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts interviewed three Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) leaders from across the globe whose work centers on the project of coalition building. The answers below detail their philosophies about, strategies for, and practical responses to the complexities of this work.
{"title":"The Practice of Working in Coalition","authors":"Pascale Charhon, Gerald Lenoir, Sandeep Pandey","doi":"10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.221","url":null,"abstract":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts interviewed three Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) leaders from across the globe whose work centers on the project of coalition building. The answers below detail their philosophies about, strategies for, and practical responses to the complexities of this work.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114236895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-04-01DOI: 10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.279
Christian Collet
One of the classic dilemmas facing marginalized populations is whether or not to engage in a coalition to gain access to political power. After three decades as one of America's newest and poorest immigrant groups, Vietnamese in the United States have begun to grapple with this idea, in recent years attempting coalitions with whites, othe Asian ethnic groups, and Latinos as their population has grown. For the most part, such efforts have been either ad hoc or ineffectual; the success they have found has been largely through a "go it alone" (GIA) electoral strategy relying heavily on diasporic fundraising networks, ethnic media, careful cross-racial campaign appeals, and mobilization around transnational interests-namely, opposition to Vietnam's communist government. Both their progress and wariness about the coalition experience recalls Carmichael and Hamilton's classic treatise that, four decades after its publication, continues to offer a useful starting point for thinking about how emergent groups can pursue power in urban communities.As they make gains in the electoral realm, Vietnamese Americans face several challenges that may impede their transition from descriptive representation to full incorporation. Among these are the maintenance of internal cohesion and the increased likelihood of competition with Latinos, with whom Vietnamese Americans share urban space. The last challenge speaks to the long-term effects of transnationlism-whether the pace of current reforms in Vietnam and increased bilateral relations with the United States will ultimaltely undermine the community's anticommunist cause. Using survey, aggregate, and ethnographic data from three California cities-Westminster, Garden Grove, and San Jose-this paper asks if the GIA approach is a necessary first step for new groups to gain political footing and considers its long-term consequences. Drawing from the Vietnamese experience in American politics, I discuss the broader significance of racial, ethnic, and migrant coalition politics in a global perspective.
{"title":"The Viability of \"Going it Alone\": Vietnamese in America and the Coalition Experience of a Transnational Community","authors":"Christian Collet","doi":"10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.279","url":null,"abstract":"One of the classic dilemmas facing marginalized populations is whether or not to engage in a coalition to gain access to political power. After three decades as one of America's newest and poorest immigrant groups, Vietnamese in the United States have begun to grapple with this idea, in recent years attempting coalitions with whites, othe Asian ethnic groups, and Latinos as their population has grown. For the most part, such efforts have been either ad hoc or ineffectual; the success they have found has been largely through a \"go it alone\" (GIA) electoral strategy relying heavily on diasporic fundraising networks, ethnic media, careful cross-racial campaign appeals, and mobilization around transnational interests-namely, opposition to Vietnam's communist government. Both their progress and wariness about the coalition experience recalls Carmichael and Hamilton's classic treatise that, four decades after its publication, continues to offer a useful starting point for thinking about how emergent groups can pursue power in urban communities.As they make gains in the electoral realm, Vietnamese Americans face several challenges that may impede their transition from descriptive representation to full incorporation. Among these are the maintenance of internal cohesion and the increased likelihood of competition with Latinos, with whom Vietnamese Americans share urban space. The last challenge speaks to the long-term effects of transnationlism-whether the pace of current reforms in Vietnam and increased bilateral relations with the United States will ultimaltely undermine the community's anticommunist cause. Using survey, aggregate, and ethnographic data from three California cities-Westminster, Garden Grove, and San Jose-this paper asks if the GIA approach is a necessary first step for new groups to gain political footing and considers its long-term consequences. Drawing from the Vietnamese experience in American politics, I discuss the broader significance of racial, ethnic, and migrant coalition politics in a global perspective.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121804876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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