Pub Date : 2008-04-01DOI: 10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.189
D. Widener
This essay examines cross-racial political activism in Los Angeles from 1992 to the present day, an era unique for both the nature and quantity of working-class radicalism. This paper offers a brief sketch of the primary contexts, composition, and contradictions of local interethnic organizing. After beginning with a historical overview of previous moments of multiracial politics in Southern California, I turn to a discussion of contemporary events, tracing three distinct, though overlapping, milieus of trade union activity, social justice organizing, and cultural politics. The third and final section of the paper introduces a brief discussion of some of the critical factors that impede or obstruct cross-racial politics in Southern California today.
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Pub Date : 2008-04-01DOI: 10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.227
Mica Pollock
The role of white privilege in multiracial coalition building has been discussed extensively in both activist and scholarly discourse. In a seminal treatment of the topic, "The Myths of Coalition," Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton argue that in the coalitions they explored, whites have failed to see the flaws in their own attempts to act in solidarity with the oppressed, and that this lack of attentiveness to power differentials doomed the coalition. A more recent body of scholarship suggests that cultivating white people's consciousness of their "privilege" is critical to antiracist action.1 Yet even activists hypercritical of their privilege can participate in its reproduction. This paper analyzes a subset of participants in the "International Solidarity Movement" (ISM), a network of activists from around the world traveling to the West Bank and Gaza to support Palestinian nonviolent civil disobedience against the Israeli occupation, in order to examine how even activists struggling self consciously wtih privilege in multiracial, international coalitions can reinforce the very privileges of race and nation they critique. From its inception in 2001 through this study in 2004-2006, ISM's self-labeled "international" contingent was disproportionately comprised of young, white, middle-class North Americans and Europeans. In the movement's efforts to prioritize coalition buildings across national boundaries, activists explicitly mobilized the visual privilege of Europena and North American whiteness in their activist strategies, asking "internationals" to travel to Palestine to support nonviolent Palestinian activism with their disproportionately white, international bodies. This article examines activists' frustration-and their learning process-as their privileges of disproportionate visibility, voice, safety, and access to public sympathy reproduced in many of their attempts at coalition. Wrestling with privilege and its pitfalls came to seem a process without end. Even among the most self-critically privileged, activists found, "solidarity" efforts were routinely plagued by Carmichael and Hamilton's prediction: "coalition between the strong and the weak ultimately lead[s] . . . to perpetuation of the hierarchical status: superordinance and subordinance."2
白人特权在建立多种族联盟中的作用在活动家和学术话语中都得到了广泛的讨论。斯托克利·卡迈克尔(Stokely Carmichael)和查尔斯·汉密尔顿(Charles Hamilton)对这个话题进行了开创性的论述，《联盟的神话》(the Myths of Coalition)。他们认为，在他们探索的联盟中，白人未能看到他们自己与受压迫者团结一致的努力中的缺陷，而这种对权力差异的缺乏关注注定了联盟的失败。最近的一项学术研究表明，培养白人的“特权”意识对反种族主义行动至关重要然而，即使是对自己的特权持批评态度的激进分子，也可以参与到这种特权的再生产中来。本文分析了“国际团结运动”(ISM)参与者的一部分，这是一个由来自世界各地的活动家组成的网络，他们前往约旦河西岸和加沙，支持巴勒斯坦人非暴力的公民不服从，反对以色列的占领，目的是研究即使是活动家，在多种族的国际联盟中，自觉地与特权作斗争，也会加强他们所批评的种族和国家的特权。从2001年成立到2004-2006年的这项研究，ISM自称的“国际”队伍不成比例地由年轻、白人、中产阶级的北美和欧洲组成。在跨国界优先考虑联合建筑的运动中，活动人士在他们的活动策略中明确动员了欧洲和北美白人的视觉特权，要求“国际”前往巴勒斯坦，以他们不成比例的白人国际机构支持非暴力的巴勒斯坦活动。这篇文章考察了活动家们的挫败感——以及他们的学习过程——因为他们的特权，不成比例的知名度、发言权、安全和获得公众同情，在他们的许多联合尝试中重现。与特权及其陷阱搏斗似乎是一个永无止境的过程。激进分子发现，即使是在那些自我批判最多的特权阶层中，“团结”的努力也经常受到卡迈克尔和汉密尔顿预言的困扰:“强者和弱者之间的联盟最终会导致……使等级地位永久化:上级和下级。“2
{"title":"Using and Disputing Privilege: Young U.S. Activists Struggling to Wield \"International Privilege\" in Solidarity","authors":"Mica Pollock","doi":"10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.227","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RAC.2008.1.2.227","url":null,"abstract":"The role of white privilege in multiracial coalition building has been discussed extensively in both activist and scholarly discourse. In a seminal treatment of the topic, \"The Myths of Coalition,\" Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton argue that in the coalitions they explored, whites have failed to see the flaws in their own attempts to act in solidarity with the oppressed, and that this lack of attentiveness to power differentials doomed the coalition. A more recent body of scholarship suggests that cultivating white people's consciousness of their \"privilege\" is critical to antiracist action.1 Yet even activists hypercritical of their privilege can participate in its reproduction. This paper analyzes a subset of participants in the \"International Solidarity Movement\" (ISM), a network of activists from around the world traveling to the West Bank and Gaza to support Palestinian nonviolent civil disobedience against the Israeli occupation, in order to examine how even activists struggling self consciously wtih privilege in multiracial, international coalitions can reinforce the very privileges of race and nation they critique. From its inception in 2001 through this study in 2004-2006, ISM's self-labeled \"international\" contingent was disproportionately comprised of young, white, middle-class North Americans and Europeans. In the movement's efforts to prioritize coalition buildings across national boundaries, activists explicitly mobilized the visual privilege of Europena and North American whiteness in their activist strategies, asking \"internationals\" to travel to Palestine to support nonviolent Palestinian activism with their disproportionately white, international bodies. This article examines activists' frustration-and their learning process-as their privileges of disproportionate visibility, voice, safety, and access to public sympathy reproduced in many of their attempts at coalition. Wrestling with privilege and its pitfalls came to seem a process without end. Even among the most self-critically privileged, activists found, \"solidarity\" efforts were routinely plagued by Carmichael and Hamilton's prediction: \"coalition between the strong and the weak ultimately lead[s] . . . to perpetuation of the hierarchical status: superordinance and subordinance.\"2","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115051512","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over the past two decades, the European Union (EU) has played an increasingly influential role in the construction of a de facto common immigration and asylum policy, providing a forum for policy-formulation beyond the scrutiny of national parliaments. The guiding principles of this policy include linking the immigration portfolio to security rather than justice; reaffirming the importance of political, conceptual, and organizational borders; and attempting to transfer policing and processing functions to non-EU countries. While these decisions appear neutral, I argue that structural racialization of immigration occurs across the various processes and escapes the focus of much academic scrutiny. Exploring this phenomenon through the concept of the "racial state," I examine ways to understand the operations of immigration policy-making at the inter-governmental level, giving particular attention to the ways in which asylum-seekers emerge as a newly racialized group who are both stripped of their rights in the global context and deployed as Others in the construction of national narratives.
{"title":"The European Union and the Racialization of Immigration, 1985-2006","authors":"S. Garner","doi":"10.2979/RAC.2007.1.1.61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2979/RAC.2007.1.1.61","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past two decades, the European Union (EU) has played an increasingly influential role in the construction of a de facto common immigration and asylum policy, providing a forum for policy-formulation beyond the scrutiny of national parliaments. The guiding principles of this policy include linking the immigration portfolio to security rather than justice; reaffirming the importance of political, conceptual, and organizational borders; and attempting to transfer policing and processing functions to non-EU countries. While these decisions appear neutral, I argue that structural racialization of immigration occurs across the various processes and escapes the focus of much academic scrutiny. Exploring this phenomenon through the concept of the \"racial state,\" I examine ways to understand the operations of immigration policy-making at the inter-governmental level, giving particular attention to the ways in which asylum-seekers emerge as a newly racialized group who are both stripped of their rights in the global context and deployed as Others in the construction of national narratives.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114593271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Esos movimientos de rebeldía que tenemos en la sangre nosotros los mexicanos surgen como ríos desbocanados en mis venas. Y como mi raza que cada en cuando deja caer esa esclavitud de obedecer, de callarse y aceptar, en mi está la rebeldía encimita de mi carne. Debajo de mi humillada mirade está una cara insolente lista para explotar. Me costó muy caro mi rebeldía—acalambrada con desvelos y dudas, sintiéndome inútil, estúpida e impotente. Me entra una rabia cuando alguien—sea mi mamá, la Iglesia, la cultura de los anglos—me dice haz esto, haz eso sin considerar mis deseos. Repele. Hable pa’ ’tras. Fuí muy hocicona. Era indiferente a muchos valores de mi cultura. No me deje de los hombres. No fuí buena ni obediente. Pero he crecido. Ya no soló paso toda mi vida botando las costumbres y los valores de mi cultura que me traicionan. También recojo las costumbres que por el tiempo se han provado y las costumbres de respeto a las mujeres. But despite my growing intolerance, for this Chicana la guerra de independencia is a constant.
{"title":"Movimientos de rebeldía y las culturas que traicionan","authors":"G. Anzaldúa","doi":"10.3917/MULT.029.0051","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3917/MULT.029.0051","url":null,"abstract":"Esos movimientos de rebeldía que tenemos en la sangre nosotros los mexicanos surgen como ríos desbocanados en mis venas. Y como mi raza que cada en cuando deja caer esa esclavitud de obedecer, de callarse y aceptar, en mi está la rebeldía encimita de mi carne. Debajo de mi humillada mirade está una cara insolente lista para explotar. Me costó muy caro mi rebeldía—acalambrada con desvelos y dudas, sintiéndome inútil, estúpida e impotente. Me entra una rabia cuando alguien—sea mi mamá, la Iglesia, la cultura de los anglos—me dice haz esto, haz eso sin considerar mis deseos. Repele. Hable pa’ ’tras. Fuí muy hocicona. Era indiferente a muchos valores de mi cultura. No me deje de los hombres. No fuí buena ni obediente. Pero he crecido. Ya no soló paso toda mi vida botando las costumbres y los valores de mi cultura que me traicionan. También recojo las costumbres que por el tiempo se han provado y las costumbres de respeto a las mujeres. But despite my growing intolerance, for this Chicana la guerra de independencia is a constant.","PeriodicalId":297214,"journal":{"name":"Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131248012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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