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Promoting Cohesion and Consistency in EU Foreign Policy: The European Parliament and the Israel-Palestine Conflict 促进欧盟外交政策的凝聚力和一致性:欧洲议会与以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3817321
Maria Gianniou
Abstract:In the literature dealing with parliamentary diplomacy, the role that the European Parliament (EP) can play in the formation and conduct of European Union (EU) foreign policy is intensively studied. Yet analyses thus far have not dealt with how the EP can urge the EU and its member states to ensure foreign policy coherence. The essay aims to fill this gap. It draws on empirical data from the EP’s approach toward the Israel-Palestine conflict and aims to identify the ways the EP, although not directly and officially in charge of ensuring EU coherence, can contribute to promoting coherence in the EU’s foreign policy.
摘要:在有关议会外交的文献中,对欧洲议会在欧盟外交政策的形成和实施中所能发挥的作用进行了深入研究。然而,迄今为止的分析尚未涉及欧洲议会如何敦促欧盟及其成员国确保外交政策的一致性。本文旨在填补这一空白。它借鉴了欧洲议会处理以色列-巴勒斯坦冲突的经验数据,旨在确定欧洲议会的方式,尽管它不是直接和正式负责确保欧盟的一致性,但它可以促进欧盟外交政策的一致性。
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引用次数: 1
From the Editor 来自编辑
Pub Date : 2016-10-19 DOI: 10.30770/2572-1852-105.2.3
C. Pagedas
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引用次数: 0
Cultural Propaganda and Plans for a British University in the Near East 英国大学在近东的文化宣传和计划
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3697854
Ilia Xypolia
This essay draws on archival documents to explore the British Empire’s plans for establishing a university in the eastern Mediterranean in the 1930s. The British possessions in the region were at stake in the aftermath of the First World War. Since the early 1930s the Foreign Office had been eagerly planning the establishment of a university in the region in order to make the local elites familiar with Western culture. Egypt, Palestine, and Cyprus were considered the most likely locations for the institution. It is argued that cultural propaganda was perceived by the Foreign Office as an essential component of the empire’s strategy and legitimacy in its sphere of influence. Although the project was eventually not realized due to the outbreak of the Second World War, its significance lies in the demonstration of the British grand strategy in the eastern Mediterranean during the interwar period.
这篇文章利用档案文件来探讨大英帝国在20世纪30年代在地中海东部建立大学的计划。第一次世界大战结束后,英国在该地区的领地岌岌可危。自20世纪30年代初以来,外交部一直在积极计划在该地区建立一所大学,以便使当地精英熟悉西方文化。埃及、巴勒斯坦和塞浦路斯被认为是最有可能设立该机构的地点。有人认为,文化宣传被外交部视为帝国在其势力范围内的战略和合法性的重要组成部分。虽然该项目最终因第二次世界大战的爆发而未能实现,但其意义在于两次世界大战之间英国在东地中海的大战略的展示。
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引用次数: 1
Democracy out of Tyranny: Comparative Lessons from a Failed “Experiment” 暴政中的民主:失败“实验”的比较教训
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3697832
Ioannis N. Tzortzis
Abstract: This essay presents the findings of comparative research on democratic transitions by reforma in Greece, Spain, and Turkey but in a framework not previously used and one rather different from the one established in the now-classical study of democratic transitions set by Guillermo O’Donnell and Laurence Whitehead in the 1980s. The departing point of this comparative approach is a case unknown to many: the ill-fated 1973 Greek attempt at self-transformation, known as “the Markezinis experiment” after Spyros Markezinis, who assumed the task of bringing the country to democracy in the way Adolfo Suárez González would do in Spain four years later. The attempt stalled before it was ended by a coup organized by the regime hard-liners tacitly backed by the military as an institution. The cases compared include Spain and Turkey, which underwent similar transitions, but with very different outcomes: consolidated democracy and “difficult democracy,” respectively. The reasons are sought in the different regime natures and elite and counterelite choices.
摘要:本文介绍了对希腊、西班牙和土耳其的改革民主转型的比较研究结果,但采用了一个以前从未使用过的框架,而且与20世纪80年代吉列尔莫·奥唐奈和劳伦斯·怀特黑德所建立的民主转型经典研究的框架大不相同。这种比较方法的出发点是一个很多人都不知道的案例:1973年,希腊试图自我转型,但命运多舛,被称为“马齐尼斯实验”,以斯皮罗斯·马齐尼斯(Spyros Markezinis)的名字命名,他承担了将国家带入民主的任务,就像阿道夫·Suárez González四年后在西班牙所做的那样。这一尝试一度停滞,后来被军方作为一个机构暗中支持的政权强硬派组织的政变所终结。比较的案例包括西班牙和土耳其,它们经历了类似的转型,但结果却截然不同:分别是巩固的民主和“艰难的民主”。其原因在于不同的政权性质和精英与反精英的选择。
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引用次数: 0
From Mercantilism to Exclusive Economic Zones: How Nation-States Have Laid Claim to the World’s Resources 从重商主义到专属经济区:民族国家如何对世界资源提出要求
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3697810
G. Georgiou
Abstract: This essay traces the transfer of private ownership of economic resources from sovereign rulers to the modern nation-state, starting with mercantilism and ending with exclusive economic zones. Nation-states were initially envisaged as bodies that acted on behalf of their citizens, but over time they have become distant from democratic processes as they have sought to claim property rights over more and more of the planet, and now of outer space. Consequently, what remains of the global commons is on the verge of extinction. This essay examines whose interests such activities serve and the resulting implications.
摘要:本文追溯了经济资源私有制从主权统治者向现代民族国家的转移,从重商主义开始,到专属经济区结束。民族国家最初被设想为代表其公民行事的机构,但随着时间的推移,它们越来越远离民主进程,因为它们试图对地球上越来越多的地方(现在是外太空)要求财产权。因此,仅存的全球公域正处于灭绝的边缘。本文考察了这些活动服务于谁的利益以及由此产生的影响。
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引用次数: 2
1077 BC: The Year Civilization Collapsed by Eric H. Cline (review) 公元前1077年:文明崩溃之年埃里克·h·克莱恩(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3697876
Magnus Nordenman
The southern rim of the Mediterranean was set ablaze by the Arab Awakening in 2011. Early hopes of a transition to democracy and more accountable government have largely been dashed, and the region continues to be dominated by violence and turbulence with uncertain outcomes. The current conflagration could ultimately remake the map of North Africa and the Middle East; many of the nations and states currently in the Middle East may not be there in the coming decades, due to war, migration, and state collapse. Indeed, this is the ultimate objective of the Islamic State (ISIS), which seeks to establish a caliphate that stretches across current state borders. As ISIS entered Iraq in 2014, its sleek propaganda machine even called the move “Smashing SykesPicot,” referring to the 1916 AngloFrench treaty that established the French and British spheres of influence in the Middle East. It is arguable that the upheaval in North Africa and the Middle East was a long time in coming, considering regional megatrends such as youth bulges, low economic growth, water stress, failure to meet rising expectations, and government mismanagement, along with incessant wars from Iraq to Lebanon. Indeed, fifteen years ago the US intelligence community coined the phrase “the arc of crisis” to explain the longterm trajectory of political and social development in North Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. It now seems that that arc of crisis has indeed descended and spread rapidly across the region. But this is not the first time that the broader Middle East has undergone vast and violent change that brought with it the fall of rulers and the disappearance of cultures,
2011年,阿拉伯觉醒运动点燃了地中海南缘的战火。向民主和更负责任的政府过渡的早期希望在很大程度上已经破灭,该地区继续被暴力和动荡所主导,结果不确定。目前的冲突可能最终会重塑北非和中东的版图;由于战争、移民和国家崩溃,目前中东地区的许多民族和国家可能在未来几十年不复存在。事实上,这是伊斯兰国(ISIS)的最终目标,它试图建立一个跨越当前国家边界的哈里发国。ISIS在2014年进入伊拉克时,其时髦的宣传机器甚至称此举为“粉碎赛克斯皮科”(Smashing SykesPicot),指的是1916年英法条约,该条约确立了法国和英国在中东的势力范围。考虑到青年人口膨胀、经济增长缓慢、水资源紧张、未能满足不断增长的期望、政府管理不善以及从伊拉克到黎巴嫩不断发生的战争等地区大趋势,北非和中东的动荡是很早就应该发生的,这是有争议的。事实上,15年前,美国情报界创造了“危机弧线”这个词来解释北非、中东和南亚政治和社会发展的长期轨迹。现在看来,这一危机弧线确实已经下降,并迅速蔓延到整个地区。但这并不是大中东地区第一次经历巨大而激烈的变革,随之而来的是统治者的倒台和文化的消失,
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引用次数: 0
Ethnic Federalism and Power Sharing in Cyprus: Motives, Constraints, and Preconditions 塞浦路斯的民族联邦制和权力分享:动机、约束和前提
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3697865
Pavlos I. Koktsidis, Menelaos Apostolou
Abstract: Negotiations for the settlement of the Cyprus question have resumed amid a pressing geopolitical and economic reality. Greek and Turkish Cypriots adopt distinct interpretations of the United Nations – designated recipe for a bicommunal and bizonal federation in Cyprus. In the relative absence of major normative preconditions for settlement, including a lack of common vision and mutual trust, the pillar notions of federalism and consociationalism have been adapted to serve each side’s vital security concerns and to increase each side’s leverage in a future federal arrangement in Cyprus. This study conducted an opinion poll of young, educated Greek Cypriots to identify the preferred type of constitutional settlement in the context of a number of perceived motives, constraints, and preconditions. The findings of this survey reveal substantial consensus on the acceptance of a bizonal, bicommunal solution. Yet acceptance of a federal solution is subject to certain prerequisites. The study reveals the varying influence of current economic concerns on a prospective solution.
摘要:在紧迫的地缘政治和经济现实中,解决塞浦路斯问题的谈判已经恢复。希族塞人和土族塞人对联合国指定的在塞浦路斯建立两族和分区联邦的办法采取不同的解释。在解决的主要规范先决条件相对缺乏的情况下,包括缺乏共同的远见和相互信任,联邦主义和联合主义的支柱概念已被调整,以服务于每一方的重大安全关切,并增加每一方在塞浦路斯未来联邦安排中的影响力。这项研究对受过教育的年轻希族塞人进行了一项民意调查,以确定在一些已知动机、限制和先决条件的情况下首选的宪法解决方式。这项调查的结果显示,在接受分区、两族的解决办法方面有相当大的协商一致意见。然而,接受联邦解决方案是有一定先决条件的。这项研究揭示了当前经济问题对未来解决方案的不同影响。
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引用次数: 1
The Palestinian-Israeli Conflict: Palestinian Officials’ Perspective on the George W. Bush Administration’s Intervention 巴以冲突:巴勒斯坦官员对布什政府干预的看法
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3697843
Eid H. Mustafa, E. Abdelsalam
Abstract: Successive US administrations, including that of George W. Bush, have not recognized Palestinian interests and demands. The Bush administration initially showed a lack of serious intent to intervene in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and had a negative position toward the Palestinians and their interests. However, subsequent Bush administration mediation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict gained the Palestinians’ acceptance. This essay investigates the motivations and reasons behind the Palestinian officials’ endorsement of the mediation. The researchers conducted 6 face-to- face interviews and 112 structured interviews with senior Palestinians, including negotiators, security officials, political leaders, parliamentarians, academicians, and experts in the field.
摘要:包括小布什在内的历届美国政府都没有承认巴勒斯坦的利益和要求。布什政府最初表现出缺乏干预巴以冲突的认真意图,对巴勒斯坦人和他们的利益持消极立场。然而,后来布什政府对巴以冲突的调解得到了巴勒斯坦人的接受。本文探讨了巴勒斯坦官员支持调解的动机和原因。研究人员对巴勒斯坦高级官员进行了6次面对面访谈和112次结构化访谈,其中包括谈判代表、安全官员、政治领导人、议员、院士和该领域的专家。
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引用次数: 0
Change and Continuity: Comparing the Metaxas Dictatorship and the Colonels’ Junta in Greece 变化与延续:比较希腊的梅塔克萨斯独裁与上校军政府
Pub Date : 2016-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3697821
V. Angelis
Abstract: A comparison between the two dictatorships of Greece in the twentieth century (the 4th of August regime of 1936 – 41 and the Colonels’ dictatorship of 1967 – 74) cannot be fruitful if it is static. One cannot understand the nature of these two regimes without studying the years that separated them. This period oscillated between Venizelism and anti-Venizelism and was characterized by the ideological struggle between capitalism and communism of the Cold War prior to the restoration of democracy in Greece in 1974. A look at these years reveals interesting insights into the legacies and the continuities of Greek society in the twentieth century.
摘要:比较二十世纪希腊的两个独裁政权(1936 - 41年的8月4日政权和1967 - 74年的上校独裁政权)如果是静态的,就不会有成果。如果不研究这两个政权之间的年代,就无法理解它们的本质。这一时期在威尼斯主义和反威尼斯主义之间摇摆不定,其特点是在1974年希腊恢复民主之前,资本主义和共产主义之间的冷战意识形态斗争。回顾这些岁月,我们会对20世纪希腊社会的遗产和连续性产生有趣的见解。
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引用次数: 3
A New Deal for the Middle East and North Africa 中东和北非新政
Pub Date : 2016-06-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-3618083
Michail Ploumis, L. E. Pilalis
Five years after the Arab uprisings in 2011, countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) had difficulties finding their pathway to sustainable economic and political change. Arab oil-producing countries suffered from decreasing oil prices while the Arab non-oil-producing states struggled to provide better living conditions to their populations. Meanwhile, the war in Syria continued, the Islamic State (ISIS) was extending its efforts to establish a caliphate, and a massive influx of refugees was reaching Central Europe seeking asylum. In this context, it is imperative for Arab countries to establish substantial economic reforms in parallel with political change to enable their populations to remain in their homelands. The international community should support the MENA countries by introducing a “New Deal” to help lead to sustainable development and political change.
在2011年阿拉伯起义五年后,中东和北非(MENA)国家难以找到实现可持续经济和政治变革的途径。阿拉伯产油国受到油价下跌的影响,而阿拉伯非石油生产国则努力为其人民提供更好的生活条件。与此同时,叙利亚战争仍在继续,伊斯兰国(ISIS)正在扩大其建立哈里发国的努力,大量难民涌入中欧寻求庇护。在这方面,阿拉伯国家必须在进行政治变革的同时进行重大的经济改革,使其人民能够留在自己的家园。国际社会应支持中东和北非国家,推出“新政”,帮助实现可持续发展和政治变革。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Mediterranean Quarterly
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