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Hardware, Software, Runtime. Das Politische der (zumindest) dreifachen Materialität des Digitalen 硬件、软件、运行时。数字(至少)三重物质性的政治性
Pub Date : 2017-11-28 DOI: 10.6094/behemoth.2017.10.1.946
Jan-Hendrik Passoth
We are conceptually and theoretically moving towards a return of things, of nature, of materiality exactly when we digitally upgrade every single aspect of our lives. The paper takes this curiosity as a starting point to turn current digital transformations into a test case for the usefulness of an approach that aims at empirically understanding and politically intervening in digital materialities. In the last two decades, three distinct approaches towards digital materialities have been developed with a focus on the materiality of hardware in the case of postkittlerian media theory, software in the case of critical code studies and runtime in the case of data studies. They can be empirically combined and turned into a framework for political intervention. The paper works toward such a framework by commenting on two different ways of moving towards “new materialism”: Karen Barads ethico-onto-epistemology and Bruno Latour’s attempt to map and transform modern modes of existence. While partners in crime in terms of symmetry and in repositioning materiality, Latour’s approach is far more engaged than Barad’s. An empirical and interventionist focus on the politics of (at least) three digital materialities can help to further develop this approach.
当我们对生活的每一个方面进行数字化升级时,我们正从概念和理论上走向事物、自然和物质的回归。本文以这种好奇心为出发点,将当前的数字转型转变为一个测试案例,以测试一种旨在从经验上理解和政治干预数字物质的方法的有用性。在过去的二十年里,已经开发了三种不同的数字材料方法,重点是后基特尔媒体理论中的硬件材料,关键代码研究中的软件和数据研究中的运行时。它们可以在经验上结合起来,并转化为政治干预的框架。本文通过评论两种不同的走向“新唯物主义”的方式来构建这样一个框架:Karen Barads伦理学到认识论和Bruno Latour试图映射和转变现代存在模式。虽然在对称性和重新定位实质性方面是犯罪的合作伙伴,但拉图尔的方法远比巴拉德的方法更为积极。对(至少)三种数字物质的政治进行实证和干预主义的关注有助于进一步发展这种方法。
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引用次数: 6
Neue Materialismen, praxeologisch 新材料主义、实践论
Pub Date : 2017-11-28 DOI: 10.6094/BEHEMOTH.2017.10.1.945
T. Scheffer
The article highlights two punch lines of neo-materialistic thought: that apparatuses embrace unexpectedly many different things; that apparatuses are highly prolific in making bodies and things. Both demonstrations are particularly convincing, because they show the manifold materials as well as the powerful apparatuses outside occurrences and their situations. However, the latter contextualization may allow New Materialism to respecify the practical status of things and the material capacities of apparatuses. A trans-sequential analysis, relating events and processes in light of an object-in-the-making, provides the praxeological foundations for the two major neo-materialistic motives. These analytics set off by studying situated work episodes. The episodes are methodically linked via imported and exported versions of an object that is rendered producible by a specifically equipped and conditioned apparatus. The analysis aims for a diagnosis of the limited capacities of such apparatuses.
这篇文章强调了新唯物主义思想的两大亮点:机器出乎意料地包含了许多不同的东西;这种装置在制造身体和物体方面非常多产。这两个演示都特别有说服力,因为它们展示了多种材料以及外部事件及其情况下的强大装置。然而,后一种语境化可能允许新唯物主义重新规定事物的实际状态和装置的物质能力。一种跨序列的分析,将事件和过程与正在形成的物体联系起来,为这两个主要的新唯物主义动机提供了实践学基础。这些分析是通过研究情境中的工作情节来启动的。剧集通过导入和导出的对象版本有条不紊地联系在一起,该对象可通过专门配备和调节的设备进行生产。该分析旨在诊断这种设备的有限容量。
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引用次数: 3
Irritierende Objekte. Wie Zukunft prototypisch erschlossen wird 刺激性物体。如何将未来融入原型
Pub Date : 2017-11-28 DOI: 10.6094/BEHEMOTH.2017.10.1.950
Sascha Dickel
The paper investigates possible connections between neo-materialistic thinking and society. The empirical case is prototyping as a socio-material practice. The paper reconstructs a) the function of prototypes as material devices to access the future and explores b) how society is increasingly involved in prototyping activities: As prototypes turn into objects of public par-ticipation, social phenomena are designed as prototypical objects. Contemporary prototyping practices are an expression of a society captivated by acceleration and innovation. This society may no longer trust the epistemic authority of expert discourses but rather the material evidence of technoscientific demonstrations of emerging technologies. Just like the new materialisms themselves, prototypes invite us to be irritated by the performativity of matter.
本文探讨了新唯物主义思想与社会之间可能存在的联系。实证案例是作为社会物质实践的原型。本文重建了a)原型作为通往未来的物质设备的功能,并探讨了b)社会如何越来越多地参与原型活动:随着原型变成公共参与的对象,社会现象被设计成原型对象。当代原型设计实践体现了一个被加速和创新所吸引的社会。这个社会可能不再相信专家话语的认识权威,而是相信新兴技术的技术科学演示的物证。就像新材料主义本身一样,原型会让我们被物质的表演性所激怒。
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引用次数: 3
Die Materie der Kybernetik: Über Kommunikation in organisch-mechanischen Verbindungen 控制论的问题:关于有机机械化合物中的通信
Pub Date : 2017-11-28 DOI: 10.6094/BEHEMOTH.2017.10.1.947
Athanasios Karafillidis
The article contends that cybernetics has a material concept of communication, which is pertinent to construe and model organic-mechanical relations. Construction and design of the latter traditionally dwells in the domains of Artificial Intelligence and Human-Computer-Interaction. Somewhat removed the real utopia of cyborgs emerged simultaneously, then quickly lost its technical significance and was later rediscovered as a concept for reflecting upon hybrid couplings in the social sciences. These three empirical forms of devising and considering organic-mechanical relations ultimately originate in cybernetics, its intimate connection to communication and its specific relation to matter. However, cybernetics has been criticized to be a mere control regime and an immaterial science of regulation. The Agential Realism of Karen Barad is thus deployed to render these reductions unwarranted and to display the lost material and subversive dimension of cybernetics. The cybernetic concept of communication then turns out to be the discursive-material event per se. Finally, a methodology is sketched that frames organic-mechanical hybrids as support relations within communication processes.
本文认为,控制论有一个物质的通信概念,它与解释和建模有机的机械关系有关。后者的构建和设计传统上停留在人工智能和人机交互领域。某种程度上消除了半机械人真正乌托邦的东西同时出现,然后很快失去了它的技术意义,后来被重新发现为社会科学中反思混合耦合的概念。设计和考虑有机机械关系的这三种经验形式最终起源于控制论,它与通信的密切联系以及它与物质的特定关系。然而,控制论被批评为仅仅是一种控制制度和一种非物质的调控科学。因此,Karen Barad的代理现实主义被用来使这些减少变得毫无根据,并展示控制论失去的物质和颠覆性维度。控制论的沟通概念本身就是一个话语性的物质事件。最后,我们提出了一种方法论,将有机-机械混合体框定为沟通过程中的支持关系。
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引用次数: 1
Mafias als organisierte Dritte. 黑道当组织第三方
Pub Date : 2013-11-01 DOI: 10.6094/BEHEMOTH.2013.6.1.634
C. Dorn, Thomas Hoebel
In the scientific debate on mafias we find neither a common usage nor a shared understanding as to what characterizes a mafia as opposed to other forms of organized crime. To clarify the mafia concept we suggest following Georg Simmel’s notion that the appearance of a third party substantively alters the constitution of a social configuration. It is our thesis that mafias act as the third party in a variety of settings by creating or sustaining social orders between at least two other involved parties. In order to acquire and maintain these third party positions, mafias assume the shape of formal organizations. In this light we show the usefulness of this approach through empirical cases that demonstrate how mafias operate as mediators, referees and gatekeepers. The concept “mafias as organized third parties” offers benefits to the study of mafias and organized crime as well as social theory more generally.
在关于黑手党的科学辩论中,我们既没有发现一种共同的用法,也没有发现一种共同的理解,即与其他形式的有组织犯罪相比,黑手党的特征是什么。为了澄清黑手党的概念,我们建议遵循乔治·西梅尔的观点,即第三方的出现实质上改变了社会结构的构成。我们的论点是,黑手党通过在至少两个其他参与方之间创建或维持社会秩序,在各种环境中扮演第三方的角色。为了获得和维持这些第三方地位,黑手党采取了正式组织的形式。有鉴于此,我们通过实证案例展示了黑手党作为调解人、裁判和看门人的运作方式,从而证明了这一方法的有效性。“黑手党作为有组织的第三方”的概念对研究黑手党和有组织犯罪以及更广泛的社会理论有好处。
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引用次数: 2
Bottom of the barrel: The US brewing industry and saloon culture before and during National Prohibition, 1900–1933 桶底:1900-1933年国家禁酒令之前和期间的美国酿酒业和酒吧文化
Pub Date : 2013-11-01 DOI: 10.6094/BEHEMOTH.2013.6.1.632
Thomas Welskopp
Although the deep structural crisis of the American “Old-Time Saloon” and the beer brewing industry was self-inflicted, National Prohibition hit them hard in 1920. Whereas the saloon completely vanished from the scene, giving way to the more or less clandestine “speakeasy”, the brewing companies which did not go out of business altogether or did not resort to the production of legal surrogates like “near beer”, strove desperately after strategies for survival. For lesser known breweries the alliance with organized crime allowed them to enter the illicit shadow economy. Larger corporations fiddled around until they discovered that they could produce the ingredient components of “real” beer and sell it wholesale to the bootleggers as long as their product was not yet fermented and contained no alcohol. In an absolutely legal way they thus provided the raw materials upon which the reconstruction of an (illegal) beer market could take place in the second half of the 1920s.
尽管美国“老式沙龙”和啤酒酿造行业的深层次结构性危机是自己造成的,但国家禁酒令在1920年对它们造成了沉重打击。当酒吧完全消失,让位于或多或少秘密的“地下酒吧”时,那些没有完全破产或没有求助于生产“近啤酒”等合法替代品的酿酒公司,却在拼命寻找生存策略。对于不太知名的酿酒厂来说,与有组织犯罪的联盟使他们能够进入非法的影子经济。大公司瞎折腾,直到他们发现他们可以生产出“真正的”啤酒的成分,并批发给私酒贩子,只要他们的产品还没有发酵,也不含酒精。因此,他们以一种绝对合法的方式,为20世纪20年代下半叶重建(非法)啤酒市场提供了原材料。
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引用次数: 1
From business to war: Causes of transitional violence by the Mexican drug cartels 从商业到战争:墨西哥贩毒集团过渡暴力的原因
Pub Date : 2013-11-01 DOI: 10.6094/BEHEMOTH.2013.6.1.633
Bettina Schorr
From business to war: Although illicit markets are generally peaceful, at times they burst into massive transitional violence. One example for such an upsurge in violence is Mexico where the drug cartels are engaged in a bloody war. The Mexican case reveals that two interrelated factors can incite transitional illegal violence. First, market changes that close or open up business opportunities can lead to violent criminal competition. Second, political changes can cause or increase criminal violence. When collusive state-crime relations erode and the state increases law enforcement against criminal groups, they are likely to fight back. Both factors are tightly connected: criminal competition may erode protection rackets and incite harsher law enforcement. Law enforcement in turn may lead to the fragmentation of crime groups and cause more violent competition. Massive criminal violence is fed by further factors such as the easy availability of both weapons and specialists in violence and the displacement effect of intensive law enforcement in regions characterized by weak state structures.
从商业到战争:尽管非法市场通常是和平的,但有时它们会爆发大规模的过渡暴力。暴力事件激增的一个例子是墨西哥,那里的贩毒集团卷入了一场血腥的战争。墨西哥的案例表明,两个相互关联的因素可以引发过渡时期的非法暴力。首先,关闭或开放商业机会的市场变化可能导致暴力犯罪竞争。其次,政治变化可能导致或增加犯罪暴力。当国家与犯罪集团的勾结关系被削弱,国家加大对犯罪集团的执法力度时,他们可能会反击。这两个因素是紧密联系在一起的:犯罪竞争可能侵蚀保护网,并煽动更严厉的执法。执法反过来可能导致犯罪集团的分裂,并导致更多的暴力竞争。进一步的因素助长了大规模的犯罪暴力,例如武器和暴力专家的容易获得,以及在国家结构薄弱的地区加强执法造成的流离失所效应。
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引用次数: 1
Vigilantism as Political Violence. A Typology 治安维持会是政治暴力。一个类型学
Pub Date : 2013-11-01 DOI: 10.6094/BEHEMOTH.2013.6.1.635
Thomas Schmidt-Lux
Vigilantism is usually perceived as a form of political violence. But we can distinguish three types of vigilantism with respect to its relation to the state: a) vigilantism in place of the state, b) vigilantism as a better state, and c) vigilantism beyond the state. I shall show that the relation between vigilantes and the state is thus not always oppositional, and that the political dimension of vigilante actions in fact varies considerably.
治安维持会通常被认为是一种政治暴力。但我们可以根据其与国家的关系区分出三种类型的治安维持主义:a)代替国家的治安维持主义,b)作为更好的国家的治安维持主义,以及c)超越国家的治安维持主义。因此,我将表明,义务警员与国家之间的关系并不总是对立的,事实上,义务警员行动的政治层面变化很大。
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引用次数: 1
Searching for the determinants of OC: Some preliminary reflections 寻找OC的决定因素:一些初步的思考
Pub Date : 2013-11-01 DOI: 10.6094/BEHEMOTH.2013.6.1.631
L. Paoli
Given the public concern about organized crime, it is important to identify the determinants of organized crime. Without a better understanding of these determinants, linking them to the different forms of organized crime, policy interventions risk selecting unrealistic goals or even obtaining counterproductive results. It is argued that criminal repression is a necessary reaction to the most serious forms of organized crime, such as a mafia-type organization challenging government authority. Nonetheless, governments should always aim at reducing the total harms associated with organized crime and not lose sight of the fact that they also carry responsibility for these harms.
鉴于公众对有组织犯罪的关注,确定有组织犯罪的决定因素是很重要的。如果不能更好地了解这些决定因素,将它们与不同形式的有组织犯罪联系起来,政策干预就有可能选择不切实际的目标,甚至产生适得其反的结果。有人认为,刑事镇压是对最严重形式的有组织犯罪的必要反应,例如挑战政府权威的黑手党组织。尽管如此,各国政府应始终致力于减少与有组织犯罪有关的总危害,而不应忽视它们也对这些危害负有责任的事实。
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引用次数: 0
Vigilantismus als politische Gewalt. Eine Typologie Vigilantism as Political Violence. A Typology 警戒者精神就是政治暴力今年度的分类法A Typology
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.1515/BEHEMOTH-2013-0007
Thomas Schmidt-Lux
Vigilantism is usually perceived as a form of political violence. But we can distinguish three types of vigilantism with respect to its relation to the state: a) vigilantism in place of the state, b) vigilantism as a better state, and c) vigilantism beyond the state. I shall show that the relation between vigilantes and the state is thus not always oppositional, and that the political dimension of vigilante actions in fact varies considerably.
治安维持会通常被认为是一种政治暴力。但我们可以根据其与国家的关系区分出三种类型的治安维持主义:a)代替国家的治安维持主义,b)作为更好的国家的治安维持主义,以及c)超越国家的治安维持主义。因此,我将表明,义务警员与国家之间的关系并不总是对立的,事实上,义务警员行动的政治层面变化很大。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
Behemoth a Journal on Civilisation
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