This paper investigates the role of gender in women’s everyday leisure practices in a high-security estate in Bursa Turkey. Defined as a new type of sub-urbanisation, such residential areas have emerged in Turkey towards the end of 1990s and, to date, social class has been the central area of inquiry in relation to high-security estates in Turkey. Drawing on the findings from a qualitative research, the current paper argues that gender plays a central role in middle-class women’s access to and use of neighbourhood leisure spaces. Even though the community values and the middle-class rhetoric of gender equality advocate the equal use of public leisure spaces, family-level male control shaped by honour code is still dominant in preventing women from practising the leisure activities they choose.
{"title":"The Place of Honour Code in Middle-class Women’s Leisure in High-security Estates in Turkey","authors":"Gokben Demirbas","doi":"10.33831/jws.v22i1.108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v22i1.108","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the role of gender in women’s everyday leisure practices in a high-security estate in Bursa Turkey. Defined as a new type of sub-urbanisation, such residential areas have emerged in Turkey towards the end of 1990s and, to date, social class has been the central area of inquiry in relation to high-security estates in Turkey. Drawing on the findings from a qualitative research, the current paper argues that gender plays a central role in middle-class women’s access to and use of neighbourhood leisure spaces. Even though the community values and the middle-class rhetoric of gender equality advocate the equal use of public leisure spaces, family-level male control shaped by honour code is still dominant in preventing women from practising the leisure activities they choose.","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131021721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study based on the review of literature in Afghanistan, collected quantitative data through sequentially structured questionnaires to determine cultural effects on FLFP in Afghanistan. In this purpose, the study aims to use two types of data collection to determine the main research question on “whether socio-cultural norms affect the employability of women”. The results provide evidence based on the purpose of the study that, socio-cultural norms affect women’s employability regardless of their educational level, employment status and the region’s level of development. Though most of the respondents of the survey were educated, majority of single educated women were the ones who were busy working in service, the industry as well as the agriculture sector. While this case is not true, for married educated women due to social norms and conservatism as one of the major reasons behind their unemployment to enter the job market.
{"title":"The Effect of Socio-Cultural Norms on Female Labor Force Participation in Afghanistan","authors":"Inci Parlaktuna, Sidiqa Sidiqi","doi":"10.33831/jws.v21i2.154","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v21i2.154","url":null,"abstract":"This study based on the review of literature in Afghanistan, collected quantitative data through sequentially structured questionnaires to determine cultural effects on FLFP in Afghanistan. In this purpose, the study aims to use two types of data collection to determine the main research question on “whether socio-cultural norms affect the employability of women”. The results provide evidence based on the purpose of the study that, socio-cultural norms affect women’s employability regardless of their educational level, employment status and the region’s level of development. Though most of the respondents of the survey were educated, majority of single educated women were the ones who were busy working in service, the industry as well as the agriculture sector. While this case is not true, for married educated women due to social norms and conservatism as one of the major reasons behind their unemployment to enter the job market. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"154 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132169493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In her recent book published after the election of Donald Trump as the US President in 2016, Cynthia Enloe argues that the patriarchy, similar to our smart phones, has updated itself as a reaction against the achievements of the second and third wave feminisms. The updated patriarchy has this time renewed itself through the beliefs and values about the ways the world works (2017). The competing foreign policies representing the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity of the current world politics and its authoritarian leaders are the outputs of this new updated version of patriarchy. Enloe doubts that having gained sustainability with its updates, the patriarchy could be fought against simply with street demonstrations, as it was before. The patriarchy could be forced to retreat only by incessantly asking “curious” feminist questions that would expose all masculine patterns of life (2017). Continuously asking questions without giving up or giving in would make the patriarchy transparent and vulnerable. In the face of curious, non-stop questions from a gender perspective and the conscious use of the terms supporting gender equality, the patriarchy, albeit updated and sustained, does not stand a chance. Enloe explains the reason why incorporating gender in International Relations has been considered irrelevant by the power- and security dominated character of the discipline. Also, because the heavy majority of the academics associated with International Relations are male, it is them who choose what is important and worthy of ‘serious’ investigation (Enloe, 2004, 96). This masculine attitude, however, has been clearly excluding multiple human experiences and hindering their capacity to create new possibilities for peaceful co-existence in international relations (Youngs, 2004). As a matter of fact, when we look at the emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline, and the political theories that it takes as its first point of reference, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen) – the human rights document at the time of the French Revolution – Machiavelli’s The Prince; and Man, the State and War, written in 1959 by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of neo-realism, were the mainstream writings that brought liberal (libertarian) and realist perspectives to the discipline of International Relations, respectively. The fundamental aim of these texts was, in fact, to make an analysis based on history and ‘his’ problems. Although these texts put forward a desire for rights and freedoms, as well as the achievement of peace, these values are mostly targeted towards men. Thus, over time, the prominent concepts of International Relations, such as security and hegemony, were defined from a masculine and patriarchal perspective. For instance, from the theoretical view of realists, hegemony is attributed to the order established and led by the most powerful state of the international system–
在这样做的过程中，她为我们提供了一个比较框架，其中土耳其和国际的工作
{"title":"“Don’t Give Up! Don’t Give in!” Gender in International Relations and “Curious” Feminist Questions","authors":"C. Akça Ataç, Nur Köprülü","doi":"10.33831/jws.v20i2.92","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v20i2.92","url":null,"abstract":"In her recent book published after the election of Donald Trump as the US President in 2016, Cynthia Enloe argues that the patriarchy, similar to our smart phones, has updated itself as a reaction against the achievements of the second and third wave feminisms. The updated patriarchy has this time renewed itself through the beliefs and values about the ways the world works (2017). The competing foreign policies representing the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity of the current world politics and its authoritarian leaders are the outputs of this new updated version of patriarchy. Enloe doubts that having gained sustainability with its updates, the patriarchy could be fought against simply with street demonstrations, as it was before. The patriarchy could be forced to retreat only by incessantly asking “curious” feminist questions that would expose all masculine patterns of life (2017). Continuously asking questions without giving up or giving in would make the patriarchy transparent and vulnerable. In the face of curious, non-stop questions from a gender perspective and the conscious use of the terms supporting gender equality, the patriarchy, albeit updated and sustained, does not stand a chance. \u0000Enloe explains the reason why incorporating gender in International Relations has been considered irrelevant by the power- and security dominated character of the discipline. Also, because the heavy majority of the academics associated with International Relations are male, it is them who choose what is important and worthy of ‘serious’ investigation (Enloe, 2004, 96). This masculine attitude, however, has been clearly excluding multiple human experiences and hindering their capacity to create new possibilities for peaceful co-existence in international relations (Youngs, 2004). \u0000As a matter of fact, when we look at the emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline, and the political theories that it takes as its first point of reference, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen) – the human rights document at the time of the French Revolution – Machiavelli’s The Prince; and Man, the State and War, written in 1959 by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of neo-realism, were the mainstream writings that brought liberal (libertarian) and realist perspectives to the discipline of International Relations, respectively. The fundamental aim of these texts was, in fact, to make an analysis based on history and ‘his’ problems. Although these texts put forward a desire for rights and freedoms, as well as the achievement of peace, these values are mostly targeted towards men. Thus, over time, the prominent concepts of International Relations, such as security and hegemony, were defined from a masculine and patriarchal perspective. For instance, from the theoretical view of realists, hegemony is attributed to the order established and led by the most powerful state of the international system–","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131620117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anna Prodromou (2019). Women in Conflict Zones: A Collection of Interviews of Cypriot Women (Çatışma Bölgelerindeki Kadınlar: Kıbrıslı Kadınlarla Yapılan Röportajlar Serisi). Nicosia: Erker Publishing House. 197 sayfa. ISBN-10, 13: 9925756405, 978-9925756407.
{"title":"Çatışma Bölgelerindeki Kadınlar: Kıbrıslı Kadınlarla Yapılan Röportajlar Serisi","authors":"Hakan Karahasan","doi":"10.33831/jws.v20i2.89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v20i2.89","url":null,"abstract":"Anna Prodromou (2019). Women in Conflict Zones: A Collection of Interviews of Cypriot Women (Çatışma Bölgelerindeki Kadınlar: Kıbrıslı Kadınlarla Yapılan Röportajlar Serisi). Nicosia: Erker Publishing House. 197 sayfa. ISBN-10, 13: 9925756405, 978-9925756407.","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114291305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cynthia Enloe (2017). The Big Push: Exposing and Challenging the Persistence of Patriarchy (Büyük İtiş: Ataerkinin Süredurumunun İfşası ve Meydan Okuma). Oakland: University of California Press. 208 sayfa. ISBN-10, 13: 9780520296893, 978-0520296893
{"title":"Büyük İtiş: Ataerkinin Süredurumunun İfşası ve Meydan Okuma","authors":"Şebnem Açelya Baştan","doi":"10.33831/jws.v20i2.88","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v20i2.88","url":null,"abstract":"Cynthia Enloe (2017). The Big Push: Exposing and Challenging the Persistence of Patriarchy (Büyük İtiş: Ataerkinin Süredurumunun İfşası ve Meydan Okuma). Oakland: University of California Press. 208 sayfa. ISBN-10, 13: 9780520296893, 978-0520296893","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129631520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bu makalede uluslararası siyasette kadın liderlerin imajlarının uluslararası medyada nasıl sunulduğu sorusuna cevap aranmaktadır. Forbes’un 2017’nin en güçlü kadın siyasi liderler listesinde ilk sıralarda yer alan üç Avrupalı kadın lider, Angela Merkel (Almanya), Theresa May (Büyük Britanya) ve Federica Mogherini (AB) örneklem alınarak, bu üç kadın liderin medyada yansıtılan imajları göstergebilimsel bir okuma ile analiz edilmektedir. Bu analiz sonucunda kadın liderler özelinde cinsiyetçi söylem ve imajları uluslararası siyasetteki siyasal erkeklik tezahürleri üzerinden tartışmaya açılarak uluslararası ilişkilerde toplumsal cinsiyet literatürüne katkıda bulunulması hedeflenmektedir. Ayrıca, bu çalışmada, ulusal ve uluslararası siyaset ve ilişkiler, farklı kadınların farklı siyasal erkeklik tezahürlerini deneyimlemesi ile yerleşik hale gelse de tektipleşmiş kurguların da çürütülebileceğinin ipuçları verilmektedir.
{"title":"Dünya Siyasetinin Kadın Liderleri ve Siyasal Erkeklikler: Göstergebilimsel Bir Okuma","authors":"Bezen Balamir Coşkun, Selin Akyüz","doi":"10.33831/jws.v20i2.85","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v20i2.85","url":null,"abstract":"Bu makalede uluslararası siyasette kadın liderlerin imajlarının uluslararası medyada nasıl sunulduğu sorusuna cevap aranmaktadır. Forbes’un 2017’nin en güçlü kadın siyasi liderler listesinde ilk sıralarda yer alan üç Avrupalı kadın lider, Angela Merkel (Almanya), Theresa May (Büyük Britanya) ve Federica Mogherini (AB) örneklem alınarak, bu üç kadın liderin medyada yansıtılan imajları göstergebilimsel bir okuma ile analiz edilmektedir. Bu analiz sonucunda kadın liderler özelinde cinsiyetçi söylem ve imajları uluslararası siyasetteki siyasal erkeklik tezahürleri üzerinden tartışmaya açılarak uluslararası ilişkilerde toplumsal cinsiyet literatürüne katkıda bulunulması hedeflenmektedir. Ayrıca, bu çalışmada, ulusal ve uluslararası siyaset ve ilişkiler, farklı kadınların farklı siyasal erkeklik tezahürlerini deneyimlemesi ile yerleşik hale gelse de tektipleşmiş kurguların da çürütülebileceğinin ipuçları verilmektedir.","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125379628","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bu makale postkolonyal feminist tartışmalar içinde ele alınan madun kavramı üzerinden Türkiye’deki sığınmacı kadın statüsünü tartışmaktadır. Tartışmamın amacı, sığınmacı olmanın yarattığı olumsuz koşulları kadınların erkeklerden daha katmanlı yaşadığını açığa çıkarmaktır. Bu bağlamda ‘madun’ kavramı hiçbir yerde sesi çık(a)mayan ya da duyul(a)mayan sığınmacı kadınları ifade etmek, açıklamak için kullanılan bir kavram olması vesilesiyle analizimin temel çerçevesini oluşturacaktır. Tartışmamın odağında, çoğunlukla çatışma bölgelerinden kaçan ve Türkiye’de üçüncü bir ülkeye yerleşmek üzere “geçici” olarak bulunan Suriyeli kadın sığınmacılar vardır. Bu bağlamda makale öncelikle Suriyeli kadın sığınmacıların bu ‘geçici’ olma durumundan nasıl etkilendiklerini ele almaktadır. Zira Türkiye’de, sınırlarının doğusundan bir ülkeden gelen kimseye kalıcı mültecilik statüsü verilmemektedir. Daha sonra da makalede Doğulu olmanın, geçici olarak yabancı bir devletin himayesinde bulunmanın ve kadın olmanın yarattığı birbirine geçişli dışlanma pratikleri postkolonyal feminist tartışmalarının yarattığı zeminden faydalanarak birbiriyle etkileşimi içinde değerlendirilmektedir.
{"title":"Postkolonyal Teori Bağlamında Sığınmacı Kadınlar: Suriyeli Kadın Sığınmacıların Türkiye’deki ‘Geçici’ Durumu","authors":"Zehra Yilmaz","doi":"10.33831/jws.v20i2.83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v20i2.83","url":null,"abstract":"Bu makale postkolonyal feminist tartışmalar içinde ele alınan madun kavramı üzerinden Türkiye’deki sığınmacı kadın statüsünü tartışmaktadır. Tartışmamın amacı, sığınmacı olmanın yarattığı olumsuz koşulları kadınların erkeklerden daha katmanlı yaşadığını açığa çıkarmaktır. Bu bağlamda ‘madun’ kavramı hiçbir yerde sesi çık(a)mayan ya da duyul(a)mayan sığınmacı kadınları ifade etmek, açıklamak için kullanılan bir kavram olması vesilesiyle analizimin temel çerçevesini oluşturacaktır. Tartışmamın odağında, çoğunlukla çatışma bölgelerinden kaçan ve Türkiye’de üçüncü bir ülkeye yerleşmek üzere “geçici” olarak bulunan Suriyeli kadın sığınmacılar vardır. Bu bağlamda makale öncelikle Suriyeli kadın sığınmacıların bu ‘geçici’ olma durumundan nasıl etkilendiklerini ele almaktadır. Zira Türkiye’de, sınırlarının doğusundan bir ülkeden gelen kimseye kalıcı mültecilik statüsü verilmemektedir. Daha sonra da makalede Doğulu olmanın, geçici olarak yabancı bir devletin himayesinde bulunmanın ve kadın olmanın yarattığı birbirine geçişli dışlanma pratikleri postkolonyal feminist tartışmalarının yarattığı zeminden faydalanarak birbiriyle etkileşimi içinde değerlendirilmektedir.","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126426387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Soğuk Savaş sonrasında dönüşen küresel politika, farklı güvenlik açıkları, yeni savaş ve barış koşullarıyla kendini göstermektedir. Bu yeni olguları toplumsal cinsiyet bakışıyla da incelemek mümkündür; küresel politika alanında feminist kuramların literatüre sağladığı eleştirel katkı, barış kuramlarındaki kavramsal analizlerin alanını geliştirmiştir. Aynı zamanda, devlet merkezli analiz, rasyonel seçim gibi güçlü epistemolojik kalıpların, değişmesini sağlamıştır. Bu çalışma feminist barışın koşullarını, örneklerini ve teorik tartışmalarını güncel konular ışığında, literatür taramasıyla ele alacaktır. Özellikle Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nin 1325 sayılı kararının BMGK 1325/2000 uygulama alanlarını ve sınırlarını değerlendirerek, küresel politikada feminist teorilerin barış çalışmalarına katkısını inceleyecektir.
{"title":"Toplumsal Cinsiyet Perspektifinde Barış Kuramları, Feminist Teoriler ve Pratikler","authors":"G. Aytaç","doi":"10.33831/jws.v20i2.86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v20i2.86","url":null,"abstract":"Soğuk Savaş sonrasında dönüşen küresel politika, farklı güvenlik açıkları, yeni savaş ve barış koşullarıyla kendini göstermektedir. Bu yeni olguları toplumsal cinsiyet bakışıyla da incelemek mümkündür; küresel politika alanında feminist kuramların literatüre sağladığı eleştirel katkı, barış kuramlarındaki kavramsal analizlerin alanını geliştirmiştir. Aynı zamanda, devlet merkezli analiz, rasyonel seçim gibi güçlü epistemolojik kalıpların, değişmesini sağlamıştır. Bu çalışma feminist barışın koşullarını, örneklerini ve teorik tartışmalarını güncel konular ışığında, literatür taramasıyla ele alacaktır. Özellikle Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nin 1325 sayılı kararının BMGK 1325/2000 uygulama alanlarını ve sınırlarını değerlendirerek, küresel politikada feminist teorilerin barış çalışmalarına katkısını inceleyecektir.","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"331 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133813262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study uses a cross sectional data for 115 countries in order to examine the relationship between global peace and gender equality, by using Global Peace Index (GPI) as a dependent variable, and Gender Inequality Index (GII) and Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) as independent variables. We test whether the gender equality is related to peace and whether the impacts differ when other determinants of peace have taken into consideration. The results suggest that level of gender equality and cohesion are the most robust and significant variables affecting level of peace in a positive way among other control variables. Two indexes have been used as a measure of gender equality in order to check the robustness of the results and the same results and conclusions were obtained from the regressions. Interestingly, the study also finds that income level of the country, as a control variable, is insignificant in all regressions.
{"title":"Determinants of Global Peace and Gender Equality as an Invisible Hand: A Cross Country Analysis","authors":"Nezahat Doğan","doi":"10.33831/jws.v20i2.80","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33831/jws.v20i2.80","url":null,"abstract":"This study uses a cross sectional data for 115 countries in order to examine the relationship between global peace and gender equality, by using Global Peace Index (GPI) as a dependent variable, and Gender Inequality Index (GII) and Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI) as independent variables. We test whether the gender equality is related to peace and whether the impacts differ when other determinants of peace have taken into consideration. The results suggest that level of gender equality and cohesion are the most robust and significant variables affecting level of peace in a positive way among other control variables. Two indexes have been used as a measure of gender equality in order to check the robustness of the results and the same results and conclusions were obtained from the regressions. Interestingly, the study also finds that income level of the country, as a control variable, is insignificant in all regressions.","PeriodicalId":302283,"journal":{"name":"Kadın/Woman 2000, Journal for Women's Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128019437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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