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Judeus messiânicos em Belo Horizonte: alianças e tensões entre crentes em Yeshua/Jesus 贝洛奥里藏特的弥赛亚犹太人:耶舒亚/耶稣信徒之间的联盟和紧张关系
Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.52780/RES.15354
Cristina Maria de Castro
This article aims to analyze the construction of Messianic Jewish religious identities in Belo Horizonte,Brazil, towards local Protestantism. Messianic Judaism, a controversial religious movement which gained strength in the US in the 20th century and has been spreading globally, recognizes Yeshua (Jesus) as the Messiah. The Belo Horizonte case is particularly interesting because it houses a messianic community which names itself as the largest in Latin America, while it is home to protestant churches with national projection and a traditional and deep Catholic cultural heritage. How do Messianic Jews, that is, Jews who believe in Jesus, define their identity in such an intensified and traditionally Christian context? How do they delimit their differences? What alliances and tensions do they establish with other actors in the local religious field? This article shall focus on the relationship established with the “Ministry Diante do Trono”. Through content analysis of websites, videos and profiles on social networks, knowledge will be produced about the construction of a minority religious identity with increasing visibility.
本文旨在分析巴西贝洛奥里藏特的弥赛亚犹太宗教身份对当地新教的建构。弥赛亚犹太教是一个有争议的宗教运动,20世纪在美国获得了力量,并在全球传播,它承认耶舒亚(耶稣)是弥赛亚。贝洛奥里藏特案特别有趣,因为这里有一个救世主社区,自称是拉丁美洲最大的社区,同时也是具有全国影响力和传统深厚天主教文化遗产的新教教堂的所在地。弥赛亚犹太人,即相信耶稣的犹太人,如何在这样一个强化的传统基督教背景下定义他们的身份?他们如何界定自己的差异?他们与当地宗教领域的其他行为者建立了哪些联盟和紧张关系?这篇文章将侧重于与“部Diante do Trono”建立的关系。通过对网站、视频和社交网络个人资料的内容分析,将产生关于构建少数群体宗教身份的知识,并提高知名度。
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引用次数: 0
Mídias sociais digitais, participação política e protestos anticorrupção 数字社交媒体、政治参与和反腐败抗议
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.14759
Wilson José Ferreira de Oliveira
The use of digital social media as instrument for recruiting and participating in protest events has been considered by international literature like the main ingredient of the transformation in the conditions and dynamics of political participation in recent years. In Brazil, the “June protests” in 2013 highlighted the intensification of the use of internet and social media in political mobilization and recruitment. This article intends to demonstrate that the use of such tools in the anti-corruption protests in Brazil, from the wave of protest demonstrations starting internationally in 2011, expressed the confrontation with a political system which monopolized and avoided dissatisfactions and demands for transformation. They gradually became one of the main vehicles for the “liberal”, “conservative” and “right-wing” organizations, groups and leaders around a common agenda. This analysis highlights the relevance of the “political dimension” to understand the process of using digital social media in the dynamics of political participation.
国际文献认为,利用数字社交媒体作为招募和参与抗议活动的工具,是近年来政治参与条件和动态转变的主要因素。在巴西,2013年的“六月抗议”突显了互联网和社交媒体在政治动员和招募中的强化使用。本文试图证明,从2011年开始的国际抗议示威浪潮来看,在巴西的反腐败抗议活动中使用这些工具,表达了对垄断和回避不满和变革需求的政治体制的对抗。它们逐渐成为“自由派”、“保守派”和“右翼”组织、团体和领导人围绕共同议程的主要工具之一。这一分析强调了“政治维度”对于理解在政治参与动态中使用数字社交媒体的过程的相关性。
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引用次数: 1
Apresentação: Dossiê participação política no Brasil: mudanças e permanências nos padrões de ativismo político 专题介绍:巴西的政治参与档案:政治激进主义模式的变化和持久性
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.15106
E. Ribeiro, W. Romão, Ernesto Seidl
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引用次数: 0
Cidadania, desenvolvimento e comparecimento eleitoral 公民身份、发展和选举投票率
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.14753
Mércia Alves, Joscimar Silva, A. Silva, Luis Paulo Cortez Soares
The objective of the article is to discuss the rates of election attendance in small Brazilian municipalities. What factors interfere with the participation of local polling stations? Can the socioeconomic and demographic contexts be considered variables for understanding the rates of electoral participation? If so, how? The cases of the municipalities with the highest abstention, and the municipalities with the highest attendance in the 2016 elections were analyzed. Data from the HDI were analyzed, and a multiple linear regression was performed using the variables provided by the TSE. The hypothesis is that the socioeconomic development of the municipality influences the rates of local electoral participation. Based on the results, the article outlines some reflections on the influence of sociodemographic characteristics on election attendance and absenteeism rates.
本文的目的是讨论巴西小城市的选举出席率。哪些因素干扰了当地投票站的参与?社会经济和人口背景是否可以被视为了解选举参与率的变量?如果是,如何?分析了2016年选举中弃权率最高的市政当局和出席率最高的城市的情况。分析HDI的数据,并使用TSE提供的变量进行多元线性回归。该假说认为,市政当局的社会经济发展会影响地方选举的参与率。基于这些结果,文章概述了社会人口特征对选举出席率和缺席率影响的一些思考。
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引用次数: 0
Intermediações socioestatais e associativismo 社会国家中介和联合主义
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.14724
Ramon José Gusso
The debate about the setting of neighborhood associations and their relationship with political institutions has been historically approached from perspectives which denote a certain negative perception, resulting from outdated political relations, apolitical relations and from the inaction of representatives. This article problematizes the consolidated concepts regarding the associativisms and urban mediation by demonstrating the intentionality of the political projects which constitute such interactions. The text makes use of information about the establishment of neighborhood associations in Curitiba, Parana, and the strong consensual interaction between local leaders and the municipal government in the last 30 years, building electoral support, developing institutional instances of political representation, fostering the transit of civil society leaders into the government. Also, it shows how participatory institutions are employed to minimize conflicts with other agents from the civil society and the municipal government.
关于邻里协会的设置及其与政治机构的关系的辩论,从历史的角度来看,是从过时的政治关系、非政治关系和代表的不作为产生的某种负面看法的角度进行的。本文通过展示构成这种互动的政治项目的意向性,对关于关联性和城市调解的统一概念提出了问题。该文本利用了有关在巴拉那库里蒂巴建立社区协会的信息,以及过去30年中地方领导人与市政府之间的强烈共识互动,建立选举支持,发展政治代表性的机构实例,促进民间社会领导人进入政府。此外,它还展示了如何利用参与性机构来最大限度地减少与民间社会和市政府其他机构的冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Antipartidarismo entre as juventudes no Brasil, Chile e Colômbia 巴西、智利和哥伦比亚青年的反党派倾向
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.14764
Rogério de Oliveira Araújo, O. Perez
The present research makes a comparative analysis on how antipartisanship feelings are manifested in the youths of Brazil, Chile and Colombia, countries which had important protest demonstrations with the participation of the young people since 2011. The perception of the youths on the political parties was analyzed based upon Lapop’s database, considering the waves of 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 20016 and 2018, with an emphasis on the years 2010, 2014 and 2018 - periods marked by cycles of protest demonstrations in the selected countries. The classification of the antipartisan youth was made based on the variables such as sympathy and trust towards political parties. To understand the perceptions of antipartisan youth, we analyze how much they support democracy and are interested in politics. The results demonstrate that antipartisanship in youth is manifested from reactive antipartisanship which is also related to socio-cultural and contextual aspects.
本研究对比分析了巴西、智利和哥伦比亚三国自2011年以来在青年参与的重要抗议示威活动中,反党派情绪在三国青年中的表现。年轻人对政党的看法基于Lapop的数据库,考虑到2006年、2008年、2010年、2012年、2014年、20016年和2018年的浪潮,重点是2010年、2014年和2018年,这些时期在选定的国家以抗议示威周期为标志。反党派青年的分类是根据对政党的同情和信任等变量进行的。为了了解反党派青年的看法,我们分析了他们对民主的支持程度和对政治的兴趣程度。结果表明,青年群体的反党派行为表现为反应性反党派行为,并与社会文化和语境因素有关。
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引用次数: 1
Mudanças da propaganda eleitoral e efeitos na competição e participação em eleições municipais brasileiras entre 2008 e 2016 2008年至2016年巴西市政选举中选举宣传的变化及其对竞争和参与的影响
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.14474
E. Cervi, Daniela Silva Neves
This paper presents a proposal for measuring the participation and competition in Brazilian local elections, using the Tatu Vanhanen’s Democratization Index, for whom competition and participation are fundamental to analyze democracy in an election. Aggregated data on results of Brazilian local elections between 2008 and 2016 are used in association with the traditional (radio/TV) and digital communication structure in the cities. The hypothesis is that there is an association between intensity of communication and electoral participation. The objective is to analyze how the structure of communication of the electoral advertising affects the participation and competition of the elections, in a time in which there were changes in the electoral laws and a decrease in the traditional communication space. The question guiding the work is: does the visibility of elections caused by changes in electoral rules decrease electoral democracy in these cities? The results show that there are effects in opposite directions.
本文提出使用Tatu Vanhanen的民主化指数来衡量巴西地方选举的参与与竞争,因为竞争与参与是分析选举民主的基础。2008年至2016年巴西地方选举结果汇总数据与城市的传统(广播/电视)和数字通信结构结合使用。假设是在沟通的强度和选举参与之间存在关联。目的是分析在选举法发生变化和传统传播空间减少的情况下,选举广告的传播结构如何影响选举的参与和竞争。指导这项工作的问题是:由于选举规则的改变而引起的选举的可见性是否减少了这些城市的选举民主?结果表明,存在相反方向的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Envolvimento dos brasileiros com as eleições 巴西人参与选举
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.14743
Cíntia Pinheiro Ribeiro de Souza, R. Silva, Y. S. Carreirão, Julian Borba
This article analyzes the involvement of Brazilians in the elections, based on the collected data on blank and null votes at the presidential and proportional elections in 1994 and 2014. We started from the assumption that these phenomena are different in nature, therefore, they are associated with a different set of variables. We offer evidence which is partly compatible with this assumption, although it is necessary to highlight variations observed concerning the office positions disputed and the type of ballot voting system adopted. The data were extracted from official sources, with the unit of analysis being Brazilian municipalities.
本文根据收集的1994年和2014年总统选举和比例选举的空白票和无效票数据,分析了巴西人在选举中的参与情况。我们从假设这些现象本质上是不同的开始,因此,它们与一组不同的变量有关。我们提供的证据部分符合这一假设,尽管有必要强调在有争议的职位和所采用的投票制度类型方面所观察到的差异。数据来自官方来源,分析单位为巴西市政当局。
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引用次数: 1
Mídias sociais como repertório político de subaltern counterpublics 社交媒体是次等反公众的政治剧目
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.14762
Eloisa de Souza Amaral, Z. Bueno, Éder Rodrigo Gimenes
This article discusses political action through social networks, having as the object of investigation two sets of cyberactivists, organized in Blogueiras Feministas (Feminists Bloggers) and Blogueiras Negras (Black Women Bloggers). The analysis considers such groups of women as producers of counter-discourses in the context of the conflict inherent in the formulation of the liberal public sphere based on the public-private dichotomy, whose standards relegate women to marginal positions in both spaces. The analysis of the blogs showed that the actions of online activism by feminist movements create new spaces for interaction and organization, which then generate autonomous ways of producing social identity.
本文讨论了通过社交网络进行的政治行动,以两组网络活动家为调查对象,他们分别是Blogueiras Feministas(女权主义博客)和Blogueira Negras(黑人女性博客)。该分析认为,在基于公私二分法的自由公共领域的形成所固有的冲突背景下,这类妇女群体是反话语的生产者,其标准将妇女在这两个领域都置于边缘地位。对博客的分析表明,女权运动的网络行动主义为互动和组织创造了新的空间,从而产生了产生社会认同的自主方式。
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引用次数: 0
Grandezas e desventuras da Amazônia 亚马逊的伟大和不幸
Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.52780/RES.14628
I. Grill, E. D. Reis
No cenário público brasileiro recente, conjugou-se à complexificação de questões e à proliferação de porta-vozes interpelados a defender a Amazônia, nos planos transnacional e nacional, o delineamento de uma configuração de controvérsias sobre razões, responsáveis e formas de combate das queimadas na “região”. Tomando para exame, notadamente, matérias publicadas em meios de imprensa digital (entre outros materiais), apreendemos posições e posicionamentos de agentes (individuais e coletivos), que se alocaram em polos opostos e não fixos (eventualmente, até ambivalentes) nos debates/embates deflagrados desde as eleições presidenciais de 2018. Principalmente, consideramos a atuação de lideranças inscritas em frentes parlamentares e grupos de interesses, atentando aos discursos, trunfos e modalidades de inscrição, relacional e concorrencialmente acionadas, com vistas a intervir e definir as bases de construção de uma causa ou problemática legítima. Buscamos, assim, apontar princípios intervenientes nos alinhamentos que marcaram a contenda em um contexto considerado crítico.
在最近的巴西公众场景中,问题的复杂性和发言人的激增在跨国和国家层面上对保卫亚马逊提出了挑战,同时还设计了一系列关于“地区”火灾原因、责任和灭火方式的争议。值得注意的是,通过研究数字媒体上发表的文章(以及其他材料),我们了解了代理人(个人和集体)的立场和立场,他们在2018年总统选举以来引发的辩论/冲突中被分配在对立的两极,没有固定(最终甚至矛盾)。主要是,我们考虑加入议会阵线和利益集团的领导人的表现,关注话语、王牌和登记方式,在关系和竞争中被激活,以进行干预并确定合理原因或问题的构建基础。因此,我们试图指出结盟中的干预原则,这些原则标志着在被认为至关重要的背景下的争论。
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引用次数: 0
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Estudos de Sociologia
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