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The Pivotal Role of Mid-level Implementation Bodies in Italy’s Cohesion Policy 中级执行机构在意大利凝聚力政策中的关键作用
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.5148
A. Ceddia
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引用次数: 0
Appendix | Attracting Highly Skilled Migrants to Guangzhou, China: A Policy Commentary 附录|吸引高技能移民到中国广州:政策评论
Pub Date : 2021-10-11 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4735
Wei Li, Ling Ma, Yining Tan, Meixin Liu
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引用次数: 0
Questioning the Mantra ‘All for One and One for All’: The Reintegration of Aceh’s Female Ex-combatants 质疑“人人为一、人人为一”的咒语:亚齐女性前战斗人员重返社会
Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4603
Arifah Rahmawati
The involvement of female combatants in the Aceh conflict challenges the stereotype of peaceful women, but these women have largely been overlooked in formal peacebuilding programmes. Using a qualitative approach, this chapter reveals the complex ways in which gender obstructs just and fair reintegration. Three areas are looked at closely: social reintegration (public acceptance of ex-combatants), economic reintegration (access to compensation) and political reintegration (support for female ex-combatants’ candidacy to the local parliament). The chapter finds that gender in intersection with other identities influences which female ex-combatants benefit from reintegration programmes. It explores explanatory factors such as loyalty to the struggle for freedom, the timing of disarmament, and kinship with male elites (men in power)—identifying the last of these as the most important. Although female ex-combatants do not face social stigma in this context, their access to economic and political reintegration benefits is limited and strongly influenced by their kinship with and proximity to men in power. Consequently, Aceh’s female ex-combatants cannot be seen as homogenous. Post-conflict peacebuilding programmes have created inequalities, and the old mantra ‘all for one, one for all’ has lost its meaning. These findings underscore the importance of looking at equality and inclusivity in an intersectional way at every stage of peacebuilding, including where reintegration processes are concerned.
亚齐冲突中女性战斗人员的参与挑战了和平妇女的刻板印象,但这些妇女在正式的建设和平方案中基本上被忽视。本章采用定性方法,揭示了性别阻碍公正和公平重返社会的复杂方式。密切关注三个领域:重新融入社会(公众接受前战斗人员)、重新融入经济(获得补偿)和重新融入政治(支持女性前战斗人员成为地方议会候选人)。本章发现,性别与其他身份的交集会影响女性前战斗人员从重返社会方案中获益的程度。它探讨了诸如对争取自由斗争的忠诚、解除武装的时机以及与男性精英(掌权者)的亲缘关系等解释性因素——最后一个因素是最重要的。虽然女性前战斗人员在这方面不面临社会耻辱,但她们获得经济和政治重新融入福利的机会有限,而且受到她们与掌权人的亲缘关系和接近程度的强烈影响。因此,亚齐的女性前战斗人员不能被看作是同质的。冲突后建设和平方案造成了不平等,“人人为我,我为人人”的老咒语已经失去了意义。这些调查结果强调了在建设和平的每个阶段,包括在重返社会进程中,以交叉的方式看待平等和包容性的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Art-for-Peace in Ambon: An Intersectional Reading 安汶的艺术换和平:交叉阅读
Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4630
W. Udasmoro, R. Kunz
In the context of the focus on ‘everyday peacebuilding’, the field of peace and conflict is increasingly interested in the use of art as a tool for peacebuilding. Feminist contributions emphasise the important gender dimensions of art- for- peace processes, but so far intersectional dynamics have received less attention. The aim of this chapter is to bring the interdisciplinary feminist literature into dialogue with insights on the intersectional dynamics of (everyday) peacebuilding and so propose a critical reading of the intersectional dynamics of art- for- peace initiatives. We focus on the context of Ambon in Indonesia to analyse one particularly prominent art- for- peace initiative: the Paparisa Ambon Bergerak (pab) collective. Our analysis draws on a combination of data: visual and literature (poems) artwork produced by the pab collective, in- depth expert interviews with pab representatives and local peacebuilding activists, and secondary literature on pab. Our analysis reveals the complex social power dynamics and individual and collective dimensions of art- for- peace activities. interactive artistic processes, as training tools in art education, and as social critique. Our analysis shows the complex intersectional dynamics at play in these art- for- peace initiatives. They contribute to transforming masculinities into non- violent forms, and open spaces for women’s voices and for raising awareness regarding violence against women and building peace. They also highlight the ways in which art- for- peace initiatives challenge dichotomies between conflict and peace, making an important contribution to peace and conflict studies beyond peacebuilding in Ambon. Our analysis allows us to show the various ways in which art- for- peace initiatives can contribute to inclusive peacebuilding. It also confirms that gender logics often work in intersection with other identity and power dynamics, in our context linked in particular to colonial heritage. Thus, our analysis reaffirms the importance, for inclusive peacebuilding, of addressing various forms of ‘difference’. building bridges and proposing new
在关注“日常建设和平”的背景下,和平与冲突领域对利用艺术作为建设和平的工具越来越感兴趣。女权主义的贡献强调了艺术为和平进程的重要性别维度,但迄今为止,交叉动力受到的关注较少。本章的目的是将跨学科的女权主义文学与(日常)建设和平的交叉动态的见解进行对话,从而提出对艺术为和平倡议的交叉动态的批判性阅读。我们将重点放在印度尼西亚安邦的背景下,分析一个特别突出的艺术和平倡议:Paparisa安邦Bergerak (pab)集体。我们的分析基于以下数据组合:由pab集体制作的视觉和文学(诗歌)艺术作品,对pab代表和当地建设和平活动人士的深入专家访谈,以及关于pab的二手文献。我们的分析揭示了复杂的社会权力动态和个人和集体层面的艺术为和平的活动。互动艺术过程,作为艺术教育的训练工具,以及作为社会批判。我们的分析表明,在这些以艺术换取和平的倡议中,复杂的交叉动力在起作用。它们有助于将男子气概转变为非暴力形式,为妇女的声音开辟空间,并有助于提高对暴力侵害妇女行为的认识和建设和平。它们还突出了以艺术促和平倡议挑战冲突与和平的二分法的方式,为安汶建设和平之外的和平与冲突研究作出了重要贡献。我们的分析使我们能够展示以艺术促和平的倡议可以促进包容性和平建设的各种方式。它还证实,在我们的背景下,性别逻辑往往与其他身份和权力动态交叉作用,特别是与殖民遗产联系在一起。因此,我们的分析重申了解决各种形式的“差异”对于包容性和平建设的重要性。搭建桥梁,提出新建议
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引用次数: 1
Interlude. Doing Research Differently? Putting Feminist Research Principles into Practice 插曲。用不同的方式做研究?将女性主义研究原则付诸实践
Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4624
Henri Myrttinen
Ensuring that research is ethical and contributes to the reduction of inequalities, especially gendered, class-based and racialised power imbalances, is a central tenet of feminist research. The same, ideally, goes for peacebuilding processes. However, in spite of important and meaningful attempts to redress power imbalances, both academic research and peacebuilding work too often continue to be highly unequal endeavours. These imbalances persist between the global North and global South, but also within countries. For the most part, these imbalances are inescapable, for now at least, as both research and peacebuilding are in multiple ways entangled with broader, unequal power structures that are underpinned by patriarchy, militarism, neo-coloniality and neo-liberal capitalism. However, feminist-inspired research and peacebuilding work both do also create opportunities to analyse and question these power structures, to think and act beyond and to develop less extractive and more emancipatory alternatives and practices. This interlude examines how, as a transnational feminist research project, the researchers of this thematic volume sought to develop and foster such practices together with the communities involved in the research, and what this might mean for future research in times of the COVID-19 pandemic.
确保研究是合乎道德的,并有助于减少不平等,特别是性别、阶级和种族化的权力不平衡,是女权主义研究的核心原则。理想情况下,建设和平进程也是如此。然而,尽管为纠正权力不平衡作出了重要和有意义的努力,但学术研究和建设和平工作往往仍然是高度不平等的努力。这些不平衡在全球北方和全球南方之间持续存在,而且在国家内部也存在。在大多数情况下,这些不平衡是不可避免的,至少目前是这样,因为研究和和平建设都以多种方式与父权制、军国主义、新殖民主义和新自由资本主义所支撑的更广泛、不平等的权力结构纠缠在一起。然而,女权主义启发的研究和建设和平的工作也创造了机会来分析和质疑这些权力结构,超越思考和行动,发展更少榨取和更多解放的替代方案和实践。这段插曲探讨了作为一个跨国女权主义研究项目,本专题卷的研究人员如何与参与研究的社区一起努力发展和促进这种做法,以及这对2019冠状病毒病大流行时期的未来研究可能意味着什么。
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引用次数: 0
Umuada: A Sociopolitical Institution for Peacebuilding and Conflict Management in Nigeria 厄瓜多尔:尼日利亚建设和平与冲突管理的社会政治机构
Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4675
Joy Onyesoh
The Umuada is a traditional sociopolitical kin group in the south-eastern region of Nigeria, and is comprised of the first daughter of each family, called the Ada. It is given the utmost respect and granted ‘male’ privileges and responsibilities. Using postcolonial indigenous feminist methodologies, including interviews, observation, and dialogues with key informants across three communities in Enugu State, this chapter explores the Umuada as a local peacebuilding institution perduring from precolonial to modern times. It analyses the question, ‘What role does the Umuada play in de-escalating conflict and upholding peace in south-eastern Nigerian communities?’ The Umuada has historically served as a forum for women to voice their concerns, needs and desires. It is a vital pillar of the community, acting as an arbitration and de-escalation force and performing cultural roles men cannot. Furthermore, working closely with patriarchal institutions and occupying key cultural functions have allowed the Umuada to adapt to changing times and maintain a strong level of agency and respect in the community. These findings recommend the Umuada as a model of peacebuilding to women across Nigeria and beyond.
Umuada是尼日利亚东南部地区的一个传统社会政治亲属群体,由每个家庭的第一个女儿组成,名为Ada。它受到最大的尊重,并被赋予“男性”特权和责任。本章使用后殖民时代的土著女权主义方法,包括采访、观察和与埃努古州三个社区的关键信息提供者的对话,探讨了从殖民前到现代,厄瓜多尔作为一个地方建设和平机构的作用。它分析了一个问题,“厄瓜多尔在缓和冲突和维护尼日利亚东南部社区和平方面发挥了什么作用?”厄瓜多尔历来是妇女表达关切、需求和愿望的论坛。它是社区的重要支柱,充当仲裁和缓和局势的力量,扮演着男人无法扮演的文化角色。此外,与父权制机构密切合作并占据关键的文化职能,使厄瓜多尔人能够适应不断变化的时代,并在社区中保持强大的能动性和尊重。这些调查结果向尼日利亚及其他地区的妇女推荐了厄瓜多尔作为建设和平的典范。
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引用次数: 4
Introduction. Local Peacebuilding through a Gender Lens 介绍从性别角度看地方建设和平
Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4499
Elisabeth Prügl, R. Kunz, Mimidoo Achakpa, Henri Myrttinen, Joy Onyesoh, Arifah Rahmawati, Christelle Rigual, W. Udasmoro
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引用次数: 1
Three Dimensions of Gender Mainstreaming in Economic Peacebuilding: Insights from Indonesia and Nigeria 经济建设和平中的性别主流化的三个维度:来自印度尼西亚和尼日利亚的见解
Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4689
Christelle Rigual
Recent contributions to feminist security studies have pushed to reshape the post-conflict women, peace and security agenda by taking the political economy of peacebuilding seriously. This chapter contributes to this scholarship by exploring how gender is mainstreamed in economic peacebuilding projects in Indonesia and Nigeria, and by providing a case study on how local beneficiaries have experienced one such programme in Indonesia. It analyses United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and UN Women documents, and interviews with project officers and beneficiaries of an economic peacebuilding initiative in Indonesia, along three dimensions: the adoption (or lack thereof) of gender in international organisations’ programming, the meanings and shapes gender takes in the documents and programmes, and the possible governmental effects of these programmes. The chapter argues that while gender has been widely adopted in international organisations’ strategy documents, its integration into local programmes is uneven. It illustrates how gender representations and stereotypes can guide the design and implementation of programmes, with effects ranging from the further entrenchment of conservative gendered norms to the perceived improvement of status for some beneficiaries. Regarding the third dimension, or governmental effects of gender mainstreaming in economic peacebuilding, the chapter highlights the shift of funds to preventing/countering violent extremism programmes and the overreliance on neo-liberal economic frameworks and reasoning.
最近对女权主义安全研究的贡献推动了通过认真对待建设和平的政治经济学来重塑冲突后妇女、和平与安全议程。本章探讨了如何将性别问题纳入印度尼西亚和尼日利亚的经济建设和平项目的主流,并提供了一个案例研究,说明当地受益人如何在印度尼西亚经历过这样的方案,从而为这项学术研究做出了贡献。它从三个方面分析了联合国开发计划署(UNDP)和妇女署的文件,并采访了印度尼西亚经济建设和平倡议的项目官员和受益者:国际组织的方案编制中采用(或不采用)性别,文件和方案中性别的含义和形式,以及这些方案可能产生的政府影响。本章认为,尽管国际组织的战略文件中广泛采用了性别观点,但将其纳入地方方案的情况并不均衡。它说明了性别代表和陈规定型观念如何指导方案的设计和实施,其影响从进一步巩固保守的性别规范到一些受益者的地位得到改善。关于将性别观点纳入经济建设和平主流的第三个方面,即政府的影响,本章强调了资金向预防/打击暴力极端主义方案的转移,以及对新自由主义经济框架和推理的过度依赖。
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引用次数: 1
Exploring Gendered Understandings of Peace in Delta State, Nigeria 探索尼日利亚三角洲州对和平的性别理解
Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4609
Ceren Bulduk, Joy Onyesoh, Mimidoo Achakpa
In this chapter we draw a picture of alternative visions of peace from the standpoint of individuals affected by violent conflict and engaged in peacebuilding in Delta State, Nigeria. Drawing on interviews conducted with NGOs, a community group, and vigilantes, we identify multiple and sometimes contradictory meanings. We discuss these against theorisations of peace in the academic literature and find resonances that allow us to bring community meanings of peace into conversation with the literature. From our interviews, we identify and discuss an understanding of positive peace that requires economic development. We also identify a vision of harmonious living that involves overcoming negative emotions, and draw on feminist literature to connect this vision to the concepts of maternal thinking and building relations of care. Finally, we identify a commitment to peace as inclusive of women, yet note that the extent and form of inclusion is contested among different actors. Assessing these understandings of peace through a gender lens, we argue that gender logics inform these multiple meanings.
在本章中,我们从尼日利亚三角洲州受暴力冲突影响并参与建设和平的个人的角度,描绘了对和平的不同看法。根据对非政府组织、社区团体和治安维持者的采访,我们发现了多重的、有时是相互矛盾的含义。我们在学术文献中讨论这些反对和平的理论,并找到共鸣,使我们能够将和平的社区意义带入与文献的对话中。从我们的采访中,我们确定并讨论了对需要经济发展的积极和平的理解。我们还确定了一种和谐生活的愿景,包括克服负面情绪,并利用女权主义文学将这一愿景与母性思维和建立照顾关系的概念联系起来。最后,我们确定对和平的承诺包括妇女,但注意到不同行为者对包容的程度和形式存在争议。通过性别视角评估这些对和平的理解,我们认为性别逻辑为这些多重含义提供了信息。
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引用次数: 0
‘No Matter What—I’ve Got Rights’: Women’s Land Grab Protests in Banyuwangi, East Java “无论如何,我都有权利”:东爪哇Banyuwangi妇女抢夺土地抗议活动
Pub Date : 2021-06-22 DOI: 10.4000/poldev.4655
W. Udasmoro, Elisabeth Prügl
For the past twenty years, the residents of Wongsorejo in the East Java Regency of Banyuwangi have protested against the expropriation of their land, clashing sometimes violently with government and company forces, and today women lead this struggle against land grabbing. In this chapter we interpret women’s participation in protest movements in the light of feminist understandings of peace as inherently agonistic and involving struggle. We trace a shift from male to female leadership in the anti- land grab protests in Wongsorejo, arguing that they empowered women to enact everyday citizenship. We also trace the way in which gender was deployed strategically in this shift and how it informed performances of identity. During the Reformasi era, men led the protests, but women supported them in a subversive appropriation of the ideology of Ibuism. Today this gender division of protest has shifted, in part based on the idea that putting women at the front will ensure that protests are less violent. But this has also enabled the political empowerment of women and raised their status in the household. We argue that the protests allowed women to establish themselves as rights- bearing citizens and as skilled politicians. As they renegotiate gender relations in their families and communities, their struggle over land rights becomes a struggle for recognition of a new kind of peace.
在过去的二十年里,Banyuwangi东爪哇县Wongsorejo的居民一直抗议征用他们的土地,有时与政府和公司部队发生暴力冲突,今天,妇女领导了这场反对土地掠夺的斗争。在本章中,我们根据女权主义对和平的理解,将妇女参与抗议运动解释为内在的痛苦和涉及斗争。我们追溯了Wongsorejo反土地掠夺抗议活动中从男性领导层向女性领导层的转变,认为他们赋予女性制定日常公民身份的权力。我们还追踪了性别在这一转变中的战略部署方式,以及它如何影响身份表现。在Reformasi时代,男性领导抗议活动,但女性支持抗议活动,颠覆性地挪用了伊布主义的意识形态。如今,这种抗议活动的性别划分已经发生了变化,部分原因是将女性置于最前线将确保抗议活动减少暴力。但这也赋予了妇女政治权力,提高了她们在家庭中的地位。我们认为,抗议活动使妇女能够成为有权利的公民和有技能的政治家。当他们重新谈判家庭和社区的性别关系时,他们争夺土地权的斗争变成了一场争取承认新型和平的斗争。
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引用次数: 1
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Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement
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