Alternative development has had little success in Afghanistan. Understood and implemented as geographically bounded interventions designed to reduce drug crop cultivation, these projects failed to achieve their objectives throughout the 1990s. Since 2001, following the fall of the Taliban, unprecedented rises in levels of opium production, and an inflow of substantial amounts of aid, alternative development came to mean different things to different people in Afghanistan. To some, alternative development continued as short-term interventions designed to extract agreements from communities to reduce opium production, or reward those that had already done so. To others, it could be any development programme implemented in a poppy growing, or potential poppy growing, area often without any consideration of the causes of cultivation and how they differed by location, gender or socio-economic group. This chapter argues that a lack of consistency and clarity in approach—and in particular the failure to articulate and implement a strategy to support farmers transitioning to licit livelihoods within a changing framework of development assistance—confined alternative development and efforts to reduce poppy cultivation though rural development to the margins in Afghanistan. To quote Corinthians, in trying ‘to be all things to all people’, alternative development saved no one.
{"title":"Trying to Be All Things to All People: Alternative Development in Afghanistan","authors":"D. Mansfield","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3751","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3751","url":null,"abstract":"Alternative development has had little success in Afghanistan. Understood and implemented as geographically bounded interventions designed to reduce drug crop cultivation, these projects failed to achieve their objectives throughout the 1990s. Since 2001, following the fall of the Taliban, unprecedented rises in levels of opium production, and an inflow of substantial amounts of aid, alternative development came to mean different things to different people in Afghanistan. To some, alternative development continued as short-term interventions designed to extract agreements from communities to reduce opium production, or reward those that had already done so. To others, it could be any development programme implemented in a poppy growing, or potential poppy growing, area often without any consideration of the causes of cultivation and how they differed by location, gender or socio-economic group. This chapter argues that a lack of consistency and clarity in approach—and in particular the failure to articulate and implement a strategy to support farmers transitioning to licit livelihoods within a changing framework of development assistance—confined alternative development and efforts to reduce poppy cultivation though rural development to the margins in Afghanistan. To quote Corinthians, in trying ‘to be all things to all people’, alternative development saved no one.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47705438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The prohibition of illegal drug production, use and trafficking has resulted in several shortcomings and negative consequences for other global development objectives. According to available evidence, current drug control policies undermine the international community’s commitments to public health, criminal justice, sustainable development, women rights, human rights, poverty alleviation and the reduction of inequalities. This policy comment focuses on the impact of repressive drug policies on state institutions and politics. In a unique conjunction of interests, prohibition allows transnational criminal organisations to weaken state institutions, corrupt civil and military officials and influence control policies because of the entrenched neo-patrimonialism in political life. Therefore, prohibition allows populist and political contenders to stigmatise a minority population—people who use drugs, in opposition to the desires of the majority rule. The use of political emotions, based on fear or promise of change, undermines effective responses to drugs, erodes the rule of law and trust between authorities and populations, and weakens state institutions and democratic governance. This policy comment provides examples from low- and middle-income countries, as well as cases from high-income countries, of the impact of drug prohibition and its illegal proceeds on governance through neo-patrimonialism, clientelism and the weakening of institutions.
{"title":"The Neo-Patrimonial ‘Use’ of Drug Policy in Electoral Processes","authors":"Khalid Tinasti","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3842","url":null,"abstract":"The prohibition of illegal drug production, use and trafficking has resulted in several shortcomings and negative consequences for other global development objectives. According to available evidence, current drug control policies undermine the international community’s commitments to public health, criminal justice, sustainable development, women rights, human rights, poverty alleviation and the reduction of inequalities. This policy comment focuses on the impact of repressive drug policies on state institutions and politics. In a unique conjunction of interests, prohibition allows transnational criminal organisations to weaken state institutions, corrupt civil and military officials and influence control policies because of the entrenched neo-patrimonialism in political life. Therefore, prohibition allows populist and political contenders to stigmatise a minority population—people who use drugs, in opposition to the desires of the majority rule. The use of political emotions, based on fear or promise of change, undermines effective responses to drugs, erodes the rule of law and trust between authorities and populations, and weakens state institutions and democratic governance. This policy comment provides examples from low- and middle-income countries, as well as cases from high-income countries, of the impact of drug prohibition and its illegal proceeds on governance through neo-patrimonialism, clientelism and the weakening of institutions.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49668246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Significant policy shifts have led to an unprecedented boom in medical cannabis markets, while a growing number of countries are moving towards the legal regulation of adult non-medical use. This trend is likely to bring a range of benefits. Yet there are growing concerns over the many for-profit cannabis companies from the global North that are aggressively competing to capture the licit spaces now opening in the multibillion-dollar global cannabis market. This threatens to push small-scale traditional farmers from the global South out of the emerging legal markets. Those trying to transition out of illegality face huge difficulties due to a combination of the legacy of criminalisation and administrative barriers to entry. Conquering and protecting spaces for small-scale farmers within the current overheated and corporate-driven market will require affirmative action, regulation of foreign investment, and well-designed legislative and market strategies. This policy comment explores the unfolding market dynamics from a development perspective and offers a set of guiding principles and policy proposals upon which a more equitable, fair(er) trade cannabis regulation model can be built.
{"title":"Cannabis Regulation and Development: Fair(er) Trade Options for Emerging Legal Markets","authors":"D. Bewley-Taylor, M. Jelsma, Sylvia Kay","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3758","url":null,"abstract":"Significant policy shifts have led to an unprecedented boom in medical cannabis markets, while a growing number of countries are moving towards the legal regulation of adult non-medical use. This trend is likely to bring a range of benefits. Yet there are growing concerns over the many for-profit cannabis companies from the global North that are aggressively competing to capture the licit spaces now opening in the multibillion-dollar global cannabis market. This threatens to push small-scale traditional farmers from the global South out of the emerging legal markets. Those trying to transition out of illegality face huge difficulties due to a combination of the legacy of criminalisation and administrative barriers to entry. Conquering and protecting spaces for small-scale farmers within the current overheated and corporate-driven market will require affirmative action, regulation of foreign investment, and well-designed legislative and market strategies. This policy comment explores the unfolding market dynamics from a development perspective and offers a set of guiding principles and policy proposals upon which a more equitable, fair(er) trade cannabis regulation model can be built.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45425325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Well-conceived drug-control policies could contribute importantly to economic and social development and public health. Unfortunately, the reality of drug policies in most countries is rather that they undermine public health by failing to protect people who use drugs from infectious disease and the risk of drug overdose. Drug laws and policies that mandate incarceration for minor, non-violent drug offences have profound health costs as the risk of infectious disease in prison is high, and too few prisons offer appropriate health services for people who use drugs. Overly zealous drug-control policies, moreover, have led to enormous human suffering, as many countries have restricted the use of opioids for the relief of pain associated with cancer and other conditions. Protection of the health of communities involved with the production of drug crops such as coca leaf and opium poppy has rarely figured in ‘alternative development’ programmes for these populations. A few countries have shown that intentionally health-focused drug-control policies can lessen some of these harms.
{"title":"More Harm Than Public Health in Drug Policy? A Comment","authors":"J. Csete","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3988","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3988","url":null,"abstract":"Well-conceived drug-control policies could contribute importantly to economic and social development and public health. Unfortunately, the reality of drug policies in most countries is rather that they undermine public health by failing to protect people who use drugs from infectious disease and the risk of drug overdose. Drug laws and policies that mandate incarceration for minor, non-violent drug offences have profound health costs as the risk of infectious disease in prison is high, and too few prisons offer appropriate health services for people who use drugs. Overly zealous drug-control policies, moreover, have led to enormous human suffering, as many countries have restricted the use of opioids for the relief of pain associated with cancer and other conditions. Protection of the health of communities involved with the production of drug crops such as coca leaf and opium poppy has rarely figured in ‘alternative development’ programmes for these populations. A few countries have shown that intentionally health-focused drug-control policies can lessen some of these harms.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43169453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jose Ramos-Horta is a former president of Timor-Leste, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and a current member of the Global Commission on Drug Policy (GCDP). Khalid Tinasti, one of the guest editors of this Thematic Issue, interviewed Jose Ramos-Horta to gain insight into his views and analyses of drug control policy. They discuss his experience as one of the drafters of the Constitution and criminal justice responses in Timor-Leste, and his role as the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative and head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) at a time when the country was labelled a ‘narco-state’. Khalid Tinasti also asked him about his views on the future of the drug market in the context of a growing drug policy divide between countries that enforce a punitive approach to drug use and those now legalising cannabis and other substances for recreational purposes.
Jose Ramos Horta是东帝汶前总统、诺贝尔和平奖获得者，也是全球毒品政策委员会（GCDP）的现任成员。本期专题的客座编辑之一Khalid Tinasti采访了Jose Ramos Horta，以深入了解他对药物管制政策的看法和分析。他们讨论了他作为东帝汶宪法和刑事司法对策起草者之一的经历，以及他在该国被称为“毒品国家”时担任联合国秘书长特别代表和联合国几内亚比绍建设和平综合办事处（联几建和办）主任的角色。Khalid Tinasti还询问了他对毒品市场未来的看法，因为对毒品使用采取惩罚性措施的国家和现在将大麻和其他物质合法化用于娱乐目的的国家之间的毒品政策分歧越来越大。
{"title":"The World Drug Policy Problem. An Interview with José Ramos-Horta","authors":"J. Ramos-Horta, Khalid Tinasti","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3871","url":null,"abstract":"Jose Ramos-Horta is a former president of Timor-Leste, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and a current member of the Global Commission on Drug Policy (GCDP). Khalid Tinasti, one of the guest editors of this Thematic Issue, interviewed Jose Ramos-Horta to gain insight into his views and analyses of drug control policy. They discuss his experience as one of the drafters of the Constitution and criminal justice responses in Timor-Leste, and his role as the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative and head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) at a time when the country was labelled a ‘narco-state’. Khalid Tinasti also asked him about his views on the future of the drug market in the context of a growing drug policy divide between countries that enforce a punitive approach to drug use and those now legalising cannabis and other substances for recreational purposes.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49184870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Calvin Djiofack Zebaze, Hasan Dudu, Albert G. Zeufack
Dans ce chapitre, nous utilisons un modele d'equilibre general calculable afin d’analyser l'impact economique probable de la pandemie de COVID-19 en Afrique subsaharienne. Nous envisageons trois scenarios : (1) une reponse politique rapide et efficace en Afrique subsaharienne permettant de contenir la propagation de la COVID-19 d’ici a debut juillet 2020 ; (2) une reponse politique lente et inefficace qui prolonge la pandemie jusqu'en 2021 ; (3) un scenario catastrophe combinant le scenario 2 et la fermeture des frontieres dans la region. La baisse du PIB regional en 2020 par rapport a un scenario de reference (dans lequel la pandemie ne survient pas) va de 5,7 % dans le scenario relativement optimiste a 7,65 dans le scenario pessimiste. La pandemie entrainerait une baisse des recettes des taxes et redevances tout en augmentant les depenses, conduisant a une deterioration significative du deficit budgetaire. Les revenus des menages s'effondreraient en raison de la baisse du taux de participation au marche du travail. Les pauvres seraient touches de maniere disproportionnee, car nombre d'entre eux travaillent dans l'agriculture et les services de premiere necessite, des secteurs dans lesquels la production chuterait fortement.
{"title":"Évaluation de l'impact économique de la COVID-19 en Afrique subsaharienne : perspectives à partir d'un modèle d'équilibre général calculable (EGC)","authors":"Calvin Djiofack Zebaze, Hasan Dudu, Albert G. Zeufack","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3546","url":null,"abstract":"Dans ce chapitre, nous utilisons un modele d'equilibre general calculable afin d’analyser l'impact economique probable de la pandemie de COVID-19 en Afrique subsaharienne. Nous envisageons trois scenarios : (1) une reponse politique rapide et efficace en Afrique subsaharienne permettant de contenir la propagation de la COVID-19 d’ici a debut juillet 2020 ; (2) une reponse politique lente et inefficace qui prolonge la pandemie jusqu'en 2021 ; (3) un scenario catastrophe combinant le scenario 2 et la fermeture des frontieres dans la region. La baisse du PIB regional en 2020 par rapport a un scenario de reference (dans lequel la pandemie ne survient pas) va de 5,7 % dans le scenario relativement optimiste a 7,65 dans le scenario pessimiste. La pandemie entrainerait une baisse des recettes des taxes et redevances tout en augmentant les depenses, conduisant a une deterioration significative du deficit budgetaire. Les revenus des menages s'effondreraient en raison de la baisse du taux de participation au marche du travail. Les pauvres seraient touches de maniere disproportionnee, car nombre d'entre eux travaillent dans l'agriculture et les services de premiere necessite, des secteurs dans lesquels la production chuterait fortement.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48366013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cet article presente une evaluation preliminaire de l'impact de la COVID-19 sur la pauvrete mondiale, en accord avec les previsions de croissance du FMI d'avril 2020. L'analyse montre que les retombees de la pandemie auront des consequences dramatiques, compromettant une grande partie des gains enregistres ces dernieres annees en termes de reduction de la pauvrete. Notre scenario de reference suggere que le nombre de personnes vivant en dessous du seuil de pauvrete de 1,90 dollar par jour pourrait augmenter d'au moins 68 millions en 2020. Les retombees de la pandemie vont egalement accentuer la concentration geographique de la pauvrete. Cela represente un recul important et, en l'absence d'un soutien efficace et d'une cooperation internationale, cela met en peril la realisation de l’agenda 2030 des Nations unies pour le developpement durable.
{"title":"COVID-19 et pauvreté mondiale : Une évaluation préliminaire","authors":"Giovanni Valensisi","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3573","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3573","url":null,"abstract":"Cet article presente une evaluation preliminaire de l'impact de la COVID-19 sur la pauvrete mondiale, en accord avec les previsions de croissance du FMI d'avril 2020. L'analyse montre que les retombees de la pandemie auront des consequences dramatiques, compromettant une grande partie des gains enregistres ces dernieres annees en termes de reduction de la pauvrete. Notre scenario de reference suggere que le nombre de personnes vivant en dessous du seuil de pauvrete de 1,90 dollar par jour pourrait augmenter d'au moins 68 millions en 2020. Les retombees de la pandemie vont egalement accentuer la concentration geographique de la pauvrete. Cela represente un recul important et, en l'absence d'un soutien efficace et d'une cooperation internationale, cela met en peril la realisation de l’agenda 2030 des Nations unies pour le developpement durable.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45737950","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
La mayoria de analisis del impacto socioeconomico del COVID-19 se basan en los datos procedentes de las economias avanzadas y del este asiatico, y hay buenos motivos para que sea asi, pues estos paises fueron los primeros en verse afectados por la pandemia. Este debate contrasta con las realidades en los paises latinoamericanos, no solamente debido a las restricciones economicas, sino tambien porque en varios paises ha sido sorprendentemente dificil controlar las dinamicas de la pandemia. Algunos paises que eludieron la aplicacion de cuarentenas estrictas encabezan el ranking de casos diarios, pero en otros, donde se adoptaron antes medidas estrictas y prolongadas, el numero de casos continua creciendo. En este capitulo analizamos de que modo la combinacion de un margen financiero y fiscal limitado y un mercado laboral precario, contra el telon de fondo de un delicado panorama politico, impone duros retos a la intensidad y a la gestion socioeconomica de la respuesta politica a la pandemia en la region.
{"title":"COVID-19 en Latinoamérica: Diferencias respecto a las economías desarrolladas","authors":"Eduardo Levy Yeyati, Rodrigo Valdés","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3532","url":null,"abstract":"La mayoria de analisis del impacto socioeconomico del COVID-19 se basan en los datos procedentes de las economias avanzadas y del este asiatico, y hay buenos motivos para que sea asi, pues estos paises fueron los primeros en verse afectados por la pandemia. Este debate contrasta con las realidades en los paises latinoamericanos, no solamente debido a las restricciones economicas, sino tambien porque en varios paises ha sido sorprendentemente dificil controlar las dinamicas de la pandemia. Algunos paises que eludieron la aplicacion de cuarentenas estrictas encabezan el ranking de casos diarios, pero en otros, donde se adoptaron antes medidas estrictas y prolongadas, el numero de casos continua creciendo. En este capitulo analizamos de que modo la combinacion de un margen financiero y fiscal limitado y un mercado laboral precario, contra el telon de fondo de un delicado panorama politico, impone duros retos a la intensidad y a la gestion socioeconomica de la respuesta politica a la pandemia en la region.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44955928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Charles Gottlieb, Jan Grobovsek, Markus Poschke, Fernando Saltiel
En este articulo nos proponemos examinar la viabilidad e implicaciones del trabajo a distancia en los paises en vias de desarrollo. Dado que un numero importante de paises ha implementado politicas de distanciamiento interpersonal, la cantidad de trabajo que puede realizarse desde casa va a ser un determinante crucial de los resultados economicos durante la pandemia. En primer lugar mostramos que la proporcion de trabajo que puede realizarse a distancia varia significativamente segun la renta de los paises: en las areas urbanas de los paises pobres, esta proporcion alcanza solo a aproximadamente el 20%, comparado con cerca del 40% en los paises ricos. Este resultado se debe en gran medida al predominio de los trabajadores autonomos (autoempleo) en paises de bajos ingresos. Posteriormente mostramos que el nivel de educacion, el estatus de empleo formal, y la riqueza de los hogares guardan una relacion positiva con la posibilidad de trabajar desde casa, hecho que refleja la vulnerabilidad de varios grupos de trabajadores. Destacamos la importancia de identificar rapidamente a los trabajadores vulnerables en cada pais con el fin de disenar las politicas mas adecuadas para combatir las repercusiones negativas sobre el empleo de la pandemia del Covid-19.
{"title":"Trabajar desde casa: implicaciones para los países en desarrollo","authors":"Charles Gottlieb, Jan Grobovsek, Markus Poschke, Fernando Saltiel","doi":"10.4000/poldev.3522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4000/poldev.3522","url":null,"abstract":"En este articulo nos proponemos examinar la viabilidad e implicaciones del trabajo a distancia en los paises en vias de desarrollo. Dado que un numero importante de paises ha implementado politicas de distanciamiento interpersonal, la cantidad de trabajo que puede realizarse desde casa va a ser un determinante crucial de los resultados economicos durante la pandemia. En primer lugar mostramos que la proporcion de trabajo que puede realizarse a distancia varia significativamente segun la renta de los paises: en las areas urbanas de los paises pobres, esta proporcion alcanza solo a aproximadamente el 20%, comparado con cerca del 40% en los paises ricos. Este resultado se debe en gran medida al predominio de los trabajadores autonomos (autoempleo) en paises de bajos ingresos. Posteriormente mostramos que el nivel de educacion, el estatus de empleo formal, y la riqueza de los hogares guardan una relacion positiva con la posibilidad de trabajar desde casa, hecho que refleja la vulnerabilidad de varios grupos de trabajadores. Destacamos la importancia de identificar rapidamente a los trabajadores vulnerables en cada pais con el fin de disenar las politicas mas adecuadas para combatir las repercusiones negativas sobre el empleo de la pandemia del Covid-19.","PeriodicalId":30371,"journal":{"name":"Revue Internationale de Politique de Developpement","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48142186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Charles Gottlieb, Jan Grobovsek, Markus Poschke, Fernando Saltiel
Cette contribution propose une analyse de la faisabilite et des implications du travail a domicile (TAD) dans les pays en developpement. En raison de la pandemie de COVID-19, de nombreux Etats ont mis en place des mesures de distanciation sociale. De fait, la part du travail qui pourra se faire au domicile jouera un role majeur dans la determination des resultats economiques constates pendant la periode. Dans cet article, nous montrerons dans un premier temps que la part de l’emploi qui peut etre realisee a distance varie enormement en fonction des revenus des pays : dans les zones urbaines des Etats pauvres, cette part represente 20 % du total, tandis qu’elle monte a 40 % dans les pays riches. Ce taux resulte largement de la prevalence des travailleurs independants dans les pays a faible revenu. Nous montrerons egalement que le niveau d’instruction, un statut formel d’emploi et le niveau de revenus du foyer sont correles positivement a la possibilite de teletravailler et que cela reflete la vulnerabilite de certains groupes sociaux. Nous notons l’importance de l’identification rapide des actifs occupes vulnerables dans les differents pays afin que des politiques adaptees puissent etre pensees pour combattre les effets negatifs de la COVID-19 sur l’emploi.
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