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Frantic Waiting: NGO Anti-Politics and "Timepass" for Young Syrian Refugees in Jordan 疯狂的等待:约旦年轻叙利亚难民的非政府组织反政治和“时间流逝”
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.7004
Ann-Christin Wagner
Drawing on Sukarieh and Tannock's political economy of youth approach, this paper explores how Syrian refugee youth is constituted in protracted displacement in Jordan. It investigates a juvenile population often overlooked in Forced Migration Studies, disenfranchised rural Syrians, who fail to develop practices of youthfulness, yet in exile are subjected to alternative productions of youth by the aid sector. Depoliticized NGO youth programming overlooks Syrians' limited access to the labour market and higher education. While educational trainings aim to produce entrepreneurial and citizen refugees, they ultimately contribute to the creation of timepass and precarious lives. This research is grounded in fourteen months of ethnographic fieldwork with Syrian refugees in a border town in northern Jordan.
本文借鉴Sukarieh和Tannock的青年政治经济学方法,探讨了叙利亚难民青年在约旦长期流离失所中的构成。它调查了一个在强迫移民研究中经常被忽视的青少年群体,即被剥夺权利的叙利亚农村人,他们没有养成年轻化的习惯,但在流亡中却受到援助部门对青年的替代生产。非政府组织青年方案的非政治化忽视了叙利亚人进入劳动力市场和接受高等教育的机会有限。虽然教育培训旨在培养企业家和公民难民,但它们最终有助于创造时间流逝和不稳定的生活。这项研究是基于对约旦北部一个边境城镇的叙利亚难民进行的为期14个月的民族志实地调查。
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引用次数: 7
The Sportive Origin of Revolution: Youth Movements and Generational Conflicts in Late Colonial Algeria 革命的运动起源:阿尔及利亚殖民后期的青年运动和代际冲突
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.6965
Jakob Krais
Starting in the 1920s and 30s, youth came to be seen, in colonial Algeria as elsewhere in the Arab world, as a social category that educators, academics and politicians had to deal with in one way or another. Modernizers and many young men and women established a host of youth movements from the 1920s onwards: cultural circles and student associations, sports teams and scout troops as well as youth wings of political parties. In this contribution I examine such youth movements and the generational conflicts they brought with them in French Algeria from around 1930 until the achievement of independence in 1962. Based on theories by Johan Huizinga and Jose Ortega y Gasset about the generative potential of generational communities centered around play, I will demonstrate the importance of allegedly non-political youth groups for the social and political transformations in late colonial Algeria.
从20世纪二三十年代开始,无论是在阿尔及利亚殖民地,还是在阿拉伯世界的其他地方,青年开始被视为教育工作者、学者和政治家必须以某种方式处理的一个社会类别。从20世纪20年代开始,现代化人士和许多青年男女建立了大量的青年运动:文化圈和学生协会,运动队和童子军以及政党的青年翼。在这篇文章中,我研究了这些青年运动,以及他们带来的代际冲突,从1930年左右到1962年法属阿尔及利亚获得独立。根据Johan Huizinga和Jose Ortega y Gasset关于以游戏为中心的代际社区的生成潜力的理论,我将展示所谓的非政治青年团体对阿尔及利亚殖民后期社会和政治变革的重要性。
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引用次数: 5
The Rise of the Arab Youth Paradigm: A Critical Analysis of the Arab Human Development Report 2016 阿拉伯青年范式的崛起:对2016年阿拉伯人类发展报告的批判性分析
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/meta.2017.9.6896
M. Sukarieh
This article offers a critical analysis of the  Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) 2016,  that was released by the United Nations Development Programme in November 2016.  AHDR 2016  represents the return of the Arab Human Development project, that had been interrupted by the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011. It also epitomizes the Arab youth paradigm that has increasingly come to frame development and security discourse in the region. While there is much that is familiar in  AHDR 2016 , there are also concerning developments: a historical revisionism that holds Arab youth responsible for the Arab Spring, and the Arab Spring responsible for the Arab Winter that followed; and a new trend that views not just Arab youth deficits as a dangerous threat to regional and global security, but Arab youth abilities and surfeits as well.
本文对联合国开发计划署于2016年11月发布的2016年阿拉伯人类发展报告(AHDR)进行了批判性分析。2016年《阿拉伯人类发展报告》代表着被2011年阿拉伯之春打断的阿拉伯人类发展项目的回归。它也是阿拉伯青年模式的缩影,这种模式日益成为该地区发展和安全话语的框架。虽然《2016年人权与发展报告》中有很多熟悉的地方,但也有一些令人担忧的事态发展:一种历史修正主义认为阿拉伯青年要为阿拉伯之春负责,阿拉伯之春要为随后的阿拉伯之冬负责;还有一种新趋势,不仅将阿拉伯青年的不足视为对地区和全球安全的危险威胁,还将阿拉伯青年的能力和优势视为危险威胁。
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引用次数: 3
A Confined Youth? Lived Space and Shifting Boundaries in Beirut 一个封闭的青年?贝鲁特的生活空间与边界的转换
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.6836
Bruno Lefort
This article questions spatial experiences among students in Beirut. It mobilizes collaborative map interviews to explore the ways young people experiment with space and the social boundaries it incorporates. I argue that their perception of their lived space underlines a crucial shift: whereas their parents experimented the city in terms of sectarian and political divisions, my interlocutors have integrated these boundaries not as ideological but as the result of daily practices of segregation born during the Lebanese wars (1975-1990). This evolution reveals renewed understandings of the Lebanese complex landscape and contributes to delineate youth as a social shifter.
这篇文章质疑贝鲁特学生的空间体验。它动员了合作地图采访,探索年轻人对空间的实验方式及其所包含的社会边界。我认为,他们对生活空间的看法突显了一个关键的转变:尽管他们的父母在宗派和政治分歧方面对这座城市进行了实验,但我的对话者并没有将这些界限视为意识形态,而是黎巴嫩战争(1975年至1990年)期间产生的日常隔离做法的结果。这一演变揭示了对黎巴嫩复杂景观的重新理解,并有助于将青年描绘成一个社会转型者。
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引用次数: 0
Is There A Youth Politics 有青年政治吗
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.7219
A. Bayat
What is the nature of ‘youth politics’, if any? This article proposes an analytical lens which may help us consider ‘youth’ as a useful category, and ‘youth politics’ in terms of the conflicts and negotiations over claiming or defending youthfulness. Understood in this fashion, youth politics is mediated by the position of the young in class, gender, racial, sexual and other involved social structures. It concludes that the political outlook of a young person may be shaped not just by the exclusive preoccupation with ‘youthfulness’, but also by his/her position in society as citizen, poor, female, or a member of a sexual minority.
“青年政治”的性质是什么?本文提出了一个分析视角,可以帮助我们将“青年”视为一个有用的类别,并将“青年政治”视为关于主张或捍卫青年性的冲突和谈判。以这种方式理解,青年政治是由年轻人在阶级、性别、种族、性和其他相关社会结构中的地位来调节的。它得出的结论是,年轻人的政治观不仅可能由对“年轻”的执着所决定,还可能由他/她作为公民、穷人、女性或性少数群体成员在社会中的地位所决定。
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引用次数: 7
Armando Salvatore: "The Sociology of Islam: Knowledge, Power and Civility" 阿曼多·塞尔瓦托(Armando Salvatore):《伊斯兰社会学:知识、权力和文明》
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.7528
Igor Johannsen
#09–2017 Hoboken, N.J.: Wiley, 2016; pp. 344; ISBN 978-1-119-10997-6 (paperback) With this book, Armando Salvatore, Professor of Global Religious Studies at McGill University in Montreal, Canada, presents the first volume of a forthcoming trilogy on the sociology of Islam. This introductory volume focuses especially on the role and function of civility in Muslim thought and practice, considering mainly the timespan of the Middle Periods, which are in academic and public discourse often associated with the slow cultural, religious, and material decay of the realm of Islam, up until the postcolonial present. In contrast to resting on the simplified and defective notion of retrogression, Salvatore challenges the reader to dare go beyond those rather naïve and basic (dis) qualification in a quest to examine the unique and ambivalent ways through which civility was crafted and remained intact in the Muslim world. To accomplish this, the book introduces a row of adjustments to key significations that are relevant in the respective academic and public discourse. Crucially, the very notion of civil society – a recurring trope in the analysis of Islamic societies and their presumed deficiency regarding their modernizing potential – is unmasked as a quite distinct feature of an essentially European quest for modernity and in its static and circumscribed quality unfit to present itself as a coherent concept for evaluating the attendant qualifications in non-European societies. Another word and concept that is crucial for understanding Salvatore’s approach is the term “Islamdom,” borrowed from Marshall Hodgson, to clarify the three-dimensional frame of comprehension followed through in his analysis: the religious (Islam), civilizational (Islamdom), and meta-institutional or traditional (Islam/Islamdom nexus and node) aspects of what is commonly referred to by using the disclaimer Islam(ic) (286). By understanding civil society as the specific way of institutionalization of civility in a European context, determined by the theory of the State as it emanated from the Westphalian order and attendant political theory, Salvatore argues for a more open conceptualization of civility to be able to incorporate divergent forms of comprehending and instituting forms of the knowledgepower equation. In acknowledging the challenge that Islam poses to solidified sociological categories, Salvatore reminds us about the strong focus (or obsession) of sociology as a field of knowledge production with the concept of modernity and equates that with “initial paradigmatic limitations of Western sociology”, as it proves unable to escape the comparative mode of sociological research (2). Here, he rephrases an argument he made in the edited volume Islam review 143
# 09-2017霍博肯,新泽西州:Wiley, 2016;页。344;在这本书中,加拿大蒙特利尔麦吉尔大学全球宗教研究教授阿曼多·萨尔瓦托(Armando Salvatore)介绍了即将出版的伊斯兰社会学三部曲的第一卷。这个介绍性的卷特别侧重于角色和功能的文明在穆斯林的思想和实践,主要考虑的时间跨度的中期,这是在学术和公共话语往往与缓慢的文化,宗教和物质腐朽的伊斯兰教的领域,直到后殖民现在。与停留在简化和有缺陷的倒退概念上相反,塞尔瓦托挑战读者敢于超越那些相当naïve和基本(不)资格,探索独特而矛盾的方式,通过这些方式,文明在穆斯林世界被精心制作并保持完整。为了做到这一点,本书引入了一系列调整,以适应各自学术和公共话语中相关的关键意义。至关重要的是,公民社会这一概念本身——在分析伊斯兰社会及其在现代化潜力方面的假定缺陷中反复出现的一个比喻——被揭露为本质上是欧洲对现代性的追求的一个相当明显的特征,其静态和受限制的性质不适合作为一个连贯的概念来评价非欧洲社会的相关资格。另一个对理解塞尔瓦托的方法至关重要的词和概念是“伊斯兰世界”(Islamdom),这是从马歇尔·霍奇森(Marshall Hodgson)那里借来的,用来澄清他分析中所遵循的三维理解框架:宗教(伊斯兰教)、文明(伊斯兰教)和元制度或传统(伊斯兰教/伊斯兰教的联系和节点)方面,这些方面通常被使用免责声明Islam(ic)(286)所提及。通过将公民社会理解为文明在欧洲背景下制度化的具体方式,并由源自威斯特伐利亚秩序和随之而来的政治理论的国家理论所决定,Salvatore主张一个更开放的文明概念化,以便能够将不同形式的理解和建立形式的知识权力等式。在承认伊斯兰教对固化的社会学范畴构成的挑战时,塞尔瓦托提醒我们,社会学作为一个具有现代性概念的知识生产领域的强烈关注(或痴迷),并将其等同于“西方社会学的初始范式限制”,因为它无法逃脱社会学研究的比较模式(2)。在这里,他重新阐述了他在编辑的《伊斯兰评论143》卷中提出的论点
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引用次数: 0
What Does It Mean to Be Young for Syrian Men Living as Refugees in Cairo 对生活在开罗的叙利亚难民来说,年轻意味着什么
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.6838
Magdalena Suerbaum
This article deals with Syrian young men who fled to Egypt after the uprising in 2011. Their life was affected by the challenges stemming from displacement, such as their confrontation with new responsibilities, unknown vulnerabilities and emotions, liminality and precarity. They suffered from forced displacement in a gender- and age-specific way.
这篇文章讲述的是2011年起义后逃到埃及的叙利亚年轻人。他们的生活受到流离失所带来的挑战的影响,例如他们面临新的责任、未知的脆弱性和情绪、脆弱性和不稳定。他们因性别和年龄不同而被迫流离失所。
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引用次数: 1
Political Temporalities of Youth 青年的政治时代性
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.7634
Christoph H. Schwarz, Anika Oettler
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引用次数: 1
Knowledge Production in the Arab World: The impossible Promise. 阿拉伯世界的知识生产:不可能的承诺。
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.7341
S. Maani
Knowledge Production in the Arab World provides a wealth of vital and useful insights on the dynamics of research in the Arab region. This meticulously well-researched volume is an inside look at what goes on behind the doors of Arab universities, research centers, and policy-makers' saloons to find "exits" or possible ways out of the current research impasse. The book authored by Sari Hanafi, a professor of sociology at AUB, and Rigas Arvanitis, a sociologist at IRD, detects what render a research in the Arab world an irrelevant/ineffective experience, a difficult mission or ‘an/the impossible promise' at national, regional and global levels.
《阿拉伯世界的知识生产》为阿拉伯地区的研究动态提供了大量重要而有用的见解。这本经过精心研究的书深入了解了阿拉伯大学、研究中心和决策者的沙龙为寻找“出口”或走出当前研究僵局的可能途径所发生的事情。这本书是由奥布尔大学社会学教授萨里·哈纳菲(Sari Hanafi)和IRD社会学家里加斯·阿瓦尼提斯(Rigas Arvanitis)合著的,它发现了在国家、地区和全球层面上,是什么让阿拉伯世界的研究成为不相关/无效的经历、一项艰巨的任务或“一个/不可能的承诺”。
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引用次数: 7
Ahmed Abdalla: Youth Leader, Intellectual, and Community Worker 艾哈迈德·阿卜杜拉:青年领袖、知识分子和社区工作者
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.7527
H. Nassif
#09–2017
#09-2017
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Middle East Topics Arguments
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