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Reading Marx in Beirut: Disorganised Study and the Politics of Queer Utopia 在贝鲁特读马克思:混乱的研究和酷儿乌托邦的政治
Pub Date : 2020-07-13 DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8021
Sophie Chamas
This article draws on ethnographic research carried out with Marxist reading groups run by a Lebanese revolutionary socialist organization. I examine the labor that Marxist theoretical practice was doing in a political conjuncture widely viewed as post-Marxist , discussing the relationship between theory and affect, and the role that affective infrastructures play in maintaining and reproducing social movements and political organisations. Drawing on Moten and Harney, I frame this intellectual labor as a form of dissonant , disorganized study - a mode of preparing for revolution by being together in brokenness and routinely generating a commitment to a particular political horizon. This form of political praxis as study unfolded within a Lebanese activist scene dominated by a pragmatic conception of politics, within which the critical labor of the radical and revolutionary left was largely considered sterile , mired in something akin to what Berlant calls cruel optimism. Drawing on Munoz, his conceptualisation of the politics of queer utopia, and his defence of utopian imaginativeness, I argue that for radical and revolutionary leftists in counter-revolutionary times, cultivating solidarity and camaraderie by maintaining a space of study that could enable technologies of both self and collective constituted a productive political act.
本文借鉴了黎巴嫩革命社会主义组织管理的马克思主义阅读小组进行的民族志研究。我考察了马克思主义理论实践在被广泛视为后马克思主义的政治环境中所做的工作,讨论了理论与情感之间的关系,以及情感基础设施在维持和再现社会运动和政治组织中所起的作用。以莫滕和哈尼为例,我将这种智力劳动定义为一种不和谐、无组织的学习形式——一种通过在破碎的环境中团结在一起,并经常对特定的政治领域做出承诺来为革命做准备的模式。这种形式的政治实践研究是在黎巴嫩活动家的场景中展开的,该场景由务实的政治概念主导,在这个场景中,激进和革命左派的批判劳动在很大程度上被认为是徒劳的,陷入了类似于Berlant所说的残酷乐观主义的境地。借鉴穆尼奥斯,他对酷儿乌托邦政治的概念化,以及他对乌托邦想象力的辩护,我认为,对于反革命时代的激进和革命左派来说,通过保持一个可以使自我和集体技术成为可能的研究空间来培养团结和同志情谊,是一种富有成效的政治行为。
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引用次数: 0
Shame a Litmus Test to the Revolutionary Affects: the Female Protestor and the Reconfiguration of Gender Normativity 羞耻是革命影响的试金石:女性抗议者与性别规范的重构
Pub Date : 2020-07-13 DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8247
M. Agosti
Tahrir Square was the critical event that prompted a new generation of Egyptian feminist and human rights activists to join citizens in the streets to claim a new social and gender contract. While female protestors were an essential part of the revolution, their bodies powerfully triggered the economy of shame to ostracize some activists and to underpin, as Williams explains structures of feeling that sidelined the need to address rape in the square. This paper argues that the female protestor is a focus of political violence whose experiences illuminate the matrix that sustains and normalizes sexual violence in a society. This allows us to connect female body politics with broader socio-economic and political conflicts and with processes of state reconfiguration in marginal/liminal spaces.
解放广场是一个关键事件,促使新一代埃及女权主义者和人权活动家与公民一起走上街头,要求建立新的社会和性别契约。虽然女性抗议者是革命的重要组成部分,但正如威廉姆斯所解释的那样,她们的身体有力地引发了羞耻感,排斥了一些活动人士,并巩固了这一点。本文认为,女性抗议者是政治暴力的焦点,其经历阐明了维持社会性暴力并使其正常化的矩阵。这使我们能够将女性身体政治与更广泛的社会经济和政治冲突以及边缘/边缘空间中的国家重组过程联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
The Leader as Groom, the Nation as Bride. Patriarchal Nationalism under Nasser and Sisi 领袖是新郎,国家是新娘。纳赛尔和塞西领导下的父权民族主义
Pub Date : 2020-07-13 DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8232
R. Naguib
This article surveys and analyzes the gendered symbols and imageries in the hegemonic nationalist discourse in Egypt, under Nasser and under Sisi. It advances that gender binaries are projected onto the relation between ruler and ruled, state and nation, military and civilian, as a means to demobilize and subordinate “the people” following coups d’etat. The article also analyzes the negative feminization of the Egyptian populace under Sisi, which serves to discredit demands for political participation and social justice and to legitimate their suppression, especially following the mass mobilizations of January 25, 2011.
本文考察和分析了纳赛尔和塞西统治下埃及霸权民族主义话语中的性别符号和意象。它提出,性别二元对立被投射到统治者与被统治者、国家与民族、军队与平民之间的关系上,作为政变后“人民”复员和服从的一种手段。文章还分析了塞西领导下埃及民众的负面女性化,这有助于抹黑政治参与和社会正义的要求,并使镇压合法化,特别是在2011年1月25日大规模动员之后。
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引用次数: 3
Īlāf Badr al-Dīn: ʿIndama hatafū “li-l-abad”. Lughat al-thawra al-sūriyya (When They Chanted "Forever": The Language of the Syrian Revolution), Damascus: Mamdūḥ ʿAdwān 2018. Īlāf Badr al-Dīn:[UNK]Indamahataf́'li-l-abad'。Lughat al-thawra al-súriyya(当他们高呼“永远”时:叙利亚革命的语言),大马士革:MamdúōAdwān 2018。
Pub Date : 2020-07-13 DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8269
Areej Allawzi
#14–2020 Book Reviewed. Mamduh 'Adwan, 2018 ISBN 9789933540388 A collection of six chapters and a probing introduction by author Eylaf Bader Eddin make up the journey of When They Chanted „Forever“: The Language of The Syrian Revolution. This book marks the first attempt to examine the features of the linguistic discourse used during the Syrian revolution, as referred to by the author, which started in 2011. The main period of the discussed language of the revolution is 2011-2012. It records the manifestations and the turning points in the development of the visual, audio, and linguistic discourse of this revolution. The importance of this work is that it discusses the cultural material produced during the time of the Syrian revolution. It also forms an unprecedented scholarly work that studies the two opposing types of discourse of the pro-Assad regime, during the pre-revolutionary period, and the anti-Assad regime during the first year of the revolution. A similar work entitled Translating Egypt’s Revolution: The Language of Tahrir and edited by Samia Mehrez translates the archive of the Egyptian revolution. The contributors to this edited volume have translated a significant amount of cultural production during the time of the Egyptian revolution such as chants, banners, poems, and interviews, as well as presidential speeches. Their translations are informed by the cultural turn in translation studies and the nuanced role of the translator as negotiator between texts and cultures (Mehrez 15). Mehrez’s book highlights the importance of translation in understanding how events have transformed Egypt during the revolution. Similarly, Bader Eddin’s book, also within the context of the Arab spring, provides an account of the events changing Syria by discussing the discourse of the revolution, particularly, in 2011-2012. Bader Eddin starts his work with a quote from Samuel Beckett‘s Unnamable: No, they have nothing to fear, I am walled around with their vociferations, non will ever hear me say it, I won‘t say it, I can‘t say it, I have no language but theirs, no, perhaps I‘ll say it, even with their language (15). The Unnamable is a monologue told by an unnameable narrator. It is a story to find one’s identity, to define one’s self and to examine the role of language in defining one’s self (Nojoumian 387-388). The pronoun they in this epigraph may be taken to refer to the Syrian revolutionist who, according to the author, have nothing to fear and whose chants are vociferous against tyranny. Bader Eddin appears to determine his sense of belonging when he dedicates his book „to my Syria about which and for which I am writing, hoping to return to it“ (17). By writing this book and REVIEW 176
#14-2020书评。Mamduh’Adwan,2018 ISBN 9789933540388作者Eylaf Bader Eddin的六章合集和探索性介绍构成了《当他们唱着“永远”:叙利亚革命的语言》的旅程。这本书标志着作者首次尝试研究叙利亚革命期间使用的语言话语的特征,正如作者所说,叙利亚革命始于2011年。讨论革命语言的主要时期是2011-2012年。它记录了这场革命在视觉、音频和语言话语发展中的表现形式和转折点。这部作品的重要性在于,它讨论了叙利亚革命时期产生的文化材料。它还形成了一部前所未有的学术著作,研究了革命前时期亲阿萨德政权和革命第一年反阿萨德政权的两种对立的话语类型。萨米娅·梅赫雷斯编辑的一本名为《翻译埃及革命:解放的语言》的类似作品翻译了埃及革命的档案。这本编辑过的书的作者翻译了埃及革命时期的大量文化作品,如圣歌、横幅、诗歌、采访以及总统演讲。他们的翻译受到翻译研究中文化转向的影响,以及译者作为文本和文化之间谈判者的微妙角色(Mehrez 15)。梅赫雷斯的书强调了翻译在理解革命期间事件如何改变埃及方面的重要性。同样,Bader Eddin的书也是在阿拉伯之春的背景下,通过讨论革命的话语,特别是在2011-2012年,描述了改变叙利亚的事件。Bader Eddin在他的作品开始时引用了Samuel Beckett的《Undamable》中的一句话:不,他们没有什么可害怕的,我被他们的叫喊声包围着,没有人会听到我说,我不会说,我不能说,我没有语言,只有他们的,不,也许我会说,即使用他们的语言(15)。《无名》是一个无名叙述者的独白。这是一个寻找自己身份、定义自己以及审视语言在定义自己中的作用的故事(Nojoumian 387-388)。这句题词中的代词they可以用来指代叙利亚革命家,据作者说,他没有什么可害怕的,他的口号是反对暴政。Bader Eddin似乎决定了他的归属感,他将自己的书献给了“我正在为之写作的叙利亚”(17)
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引用次数: 0
Elisabeth A. Frazer: Mediterranean Encounters: Artists between Europe and the Ottoman Empire, 1774-1839 伊丽莎白·A·弗雷泽:《地中海邂逅:欧洲和奥斯曼帝国之间的艺术家》,1774-1839
Pub Date : 2020-07-13 DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8258
William Kynan-Wilson
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引用次数: 0
The Minoritized Yazidi Body as a Signifier 作为标志的未成年雅兹迪身体
Pub Date : 2020-07-13 DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8257
Shereen Abouelnaga
This paper reads the testimonies of Yazidi women who survived their slavery at the hands of ISIS (DAESH) to understand how this ‘minoritized’ body, a term coined by Arjun Appadurai, has become a worldwide signifier. Due to the circulation of images and technologies, the testimonies of those women who survived have become the only means that allows visibility; yet, the visibility of the violated minoritized body is a fact that still signifies power and instills worldwide horror. The paper attempts to  understand how the minoritized individual body has become a body politic, onto which power relations are played out and where several discourses intersect.
本文阅读了在ISIS(DAESH)奴役下幸存下来的雅兹迪妇女的证词,以了解这个由Arjun Appadurai创造的“少数化”身体是如何成为世界性的象征的。由于图像和技术的传播,那些幸存下来的妇女的证词已成为唯一可以被看到的手段;然而,被侵犯的少数民族身体的可见性仍然意味着权力,并在世界范围内灌输恐怖。本文试图理解少数民族化的个体是如何成为一个政治体的,权力关系在这个政治体上展开,几个话语在哪里交叉。
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引用次数: 0
Neighborhood in Nablus City: The Formation of a Social Safety Network during the Siege 纳布卢斯市的社区:围城期间社会安全网络的形成
Pub Date : 2020-07-13 DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8254
Noura Kamal
In 2002, Nablus City in Palestine had to face more than one siege. The first siege affected all Palestinian cities; the Israeli army invaded the Palestinian territories and imposed a curfew for around a month in April. Later the same year between June and October, the city of Nablus witnessed a siege that was characterized by immobility and destruction. No one was allowed to leave their home; to do so put their lives under threat. This paper will reflect upon the role of the neighborhood in the construction of a social safety network. This network supported the inhabitants in their struggle to confront the occupational apparatus and to practice their daily activities despite the three-month siege that was imposed by the Israeli army. This paper focuses on neighborhood relations: describing their distinctive influence on peoples’ lives and reflecting on the meaning of being a neighbor, the obligations of neighbors within the same district, and how these relations manifested during the siege in 2002 and afterwards.
2002年,巴勒斯坦纳布卢斯市不得不面对不止一次的围困。第一次围困影响了所有巴勒斯坦城市;以色列军队入侵巴勒斯坦领土,并在4月份实施了大约一个月的宵禁。同年晚些时候,在6月至10月期间,纳布卢斯市发生了以不动和破坏为特征的围困。任何人都不得离开自己的家;这样做会使他们的生命受到威胁。本文将反思社区在社会安全网络建设中的作用。尽管以色列军队实施了为期三个月的围困,但该网络支持居民对抗职业设备和进行日常活动的斗争。本文关注的是邻里关系:描述了邻里关系对人们生活的独特影响,并反思了作为邻居的意义、同一地区内邻居的义务,以及这些关系在2002年及其后的围攻中是如何表现的。
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引用次数: 2
Urban Development in Beirut: Gender and Space 贝鲁特的城市发展:性别与空间
Pub Date : 2019-12-22 DOI: 10.17192/META.2019.13.7928
Sandrine Melki
While tackling the gender/urban development approach is new, but widely spread in the western world, the subject is almost irrelevant to Middle-Eastern research. The case study of one neighborhood in the cosmopolitan and distinctive Beirut explores this approach while focusing on women, either as recipients or as producers within their experience of space and their involvement with urban material.
虽然解决性别/城市发展方法是一种新方法,但在西方世界广泛传播,但这一主题与中东研究几乎无关。对国际化和独特的贝鲁特一个社区的案例研究探讨了这种方法,同时关注女性,无论是作为接受者还是作为生产者,在她们的空间体验和对城市材料的参与中。
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引用次数: 0
Sarhan Dhouib, editor: "Sprache und Diktatur. Formen des Sprechens, Modi des Schweigens." 《语言与专政》说话模式沉默模式
Pub Date : 2019-12-22 DOI: 10.17192/META.2019.13.8105
Anna Christina Scheiter
#13–2019 Book Reviewed. Velbrück Wissenschaft, 2018. ISBN 9783958320826 The book “Sprache und Diktatur – Formen des Sprechens, Modi des Schweigens“ („Language and Dictatorship – Forms of Speaking, Modes of Silence”), edited by Sarhan Dhouib, is the first volume in a series of publications entitled “Experiences of Injustice from a Transcultural Perspective”. As an Arab-German collaboration, the series takes an intercultural and interdisciplinary approach and focuses on the function and meaning of language in the context of authoritarian systems of rule, specifically the two German dictatorships of the 20th century and the postcolonial authoritarian systems in the Arab world. The fact that the volume as a whole appears as a coherent compilation of research can be attributed to the project’s own understanding of transculturality, which it defines as the result of intercultural work stemming from an open and patient dialogue among different theories and academic actors (10). In the light of the recent transformations in the course of the Arab Spring, it is one aim of this dialogue to explore the possibility of drawing on experiences and methodological and thematic approaches established for coming to terms with past experiences of injustice in the German context when dealing with such experiences in the Arab states (9). The editor considers the critical engagement with authoritarian structures a prerequisite for the establishment of democratic institutions and social systems (9). The 18 chapters of this volume are arranged in three segments that approach the use of language in a dictatorship from different perspectives: the first part lays out methods of language regulation employed by dictatorial regimes, the second part deals with counter-discourse and subversion, and the third part considers the role of language in the context of public protest. While a preface by the editor lays out the general aims and thoughts guiding the book, each segment also begins with an introduction summarizing its central ideas. With regard to the structure and length of the book, a general conclusion might have been sensible; instead, the volume ends with a transitional commentary linking the volume at hand to the next volume of the series, which is entitled “Experiences of Injustice from a Transcultural Perspective”. Though the focus of the following volume is on injustice and memory, the last chapter shows the proximity between the two subject areas by drawing attention to the ways in which art can accompany the critical reflection of experiences of injustice (13). In the first chapter, Bettina Bock outlines what could be described as an underlying theoretical framework, which is taken up and applied in several of the following REVIEW 96
# 13-2019书评。《科学通报》,2018。由Sarhan Dhouib编辑的《语言和独裁——说话的形式,沉默的模式》一书是题为《跨文化视角下的不公正经历》系列出版物的第一卷。作为阿拉伯和德国的合作,该系列采用跨文化和跨学科的方法,重点关注语言在专制统治制度背景下的功能和意义,特别是20世纪的两个德国独裁政权和阿拉伯世界的后殖民专制制度。这本书整体上看起来是一个连贯的研究汇编,这一事实可以归因于该项目对跨文化的理解,它将其定义为不同理论和学术参与者之间开放和耐心对话所产生的跨文化工作的结果(10)。鉴于最近阿拉伯之春的变化,本对话的目的之一是探讨在处理阿拉伯国家的此类经验时,借鉴经验、方法和主题方法的可能性,这些方法和方法是为在德国背景下处理过去的不公正经验而建立的(9)。编辑认为,与专制结构的批判性接触是建立民主制度和社会制度的先决条件(9)。本卷的18章分为三个部分这篇文章从不同的角度探讨了独裁统治下的语言使用:第一部分阐述了独裁政权使用的语言管制方法,第二部分讨论了反话语和颠覆,第三部分考虑了语言在公众抗议背景下的作用。虽然编辑的序言列出了指导本书的总体目标和思想,但每个部分也以概述其中心思想的介绍开始。关于这本书的结构和长度,一个总的结论可能是明智的;相反,该卷以一段过渡性评论结束,将手头的卷与该系列的下一卷联系起来,该卷的标题是“跨文化视角下的不公正经历”。虽然下一卷的重点是不公正和记忆,但最后一章通过提请注意艺术可以伴随对不公正经历的批判性反思的方式,显示了这两个主题领域之间的接近性(13)。在第一章中,Bettina Bock概述了可以被描述为基本理论框架的内容,该框架在以下几篇REVIEW 96中被采用和应用
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引用次数: 0
Inquiries into Proto-World Literatures: 原始世界文献探究:
Pub Date : 2019-12-22 DOI: 10.17192/META.2019.13.8088
Chiara Fontana
Western studies on Persian metrical system debate the linguistic origins of quatrains, (Per. robāʽiyyāt - Ar. rubāʽiyyāt) in Arabic, and regard prosodic Persian schemes independently of Arabic counterparts, despite reciprocally influenced metrical patterns. Attempts to dismantle Arabo-centric critical inferences about Persian metres are largely prosodic observations of the robāʽi/rubāʽī, thus neglecting their ontological evolution from a metrical scheme into an aesthetically experimental frame in Persian and Arabic poetry. This study closely investigates the spread of robāʽī/rubāʽī from Persian to Arabic literature employing a holistic culturally embedded methodology to reread their linkages in global terms, as an example of an inherited “Proto-World Literature”.
西方对波斯韵律系统的研究争论了阿拉伯语中绝句的语言起源(Per.robāʽiyyāt-Ar.rubā。试图推翻以阿拉伯人为中心的关于波斯韵律的批判性推论,主要是对robāʽi/rubāəī的韵律观察,从而忽视了它们在波斯和阿拉伯诗歌中从韵律方案到美学实验框架的本体论演变。本研究以继承的“原始世界文学”为例,采用一种全面的文化嵌入方法,仔细调查了robāʽī/rubā701ī从波斯文学到阿拉伯文学的传播。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Middle East Topics Arguments
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