Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8255
Dimitra Dermitzaki, Sylvia Riewendt
With an estimated 250,000 migrant domestic workers (MDW), migrant women perform household chores normally assigned to Lebanese women in their own households. Since labor laws do not apply to MDWs, MDW from the Global South in particular are affected by exploitative regulations under the Kafāla system. Due to gender-specific aspects of migration and asylum and gendered and racialized labor division, they inevitably become a focus of public interest. This paper conducts an overview of Lebanese gendered and racialized labor laws under Kafāla based on a materialist theory, analyzing a range of local NGOs that address MDW’s rights.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8259
M. Biondi
The article explores the themes of body, physical pain, and corporeal memory as framed by Fatna El Bouih’s and Latifa Jbabdi’s prison narratives contained in Ḥadīth al-‘Atama (Tale from the Dark). Members of the Marxist-Leninist movement, El Bouih and Jbabdi were subjected to sensory annihilation, brutal tortures, practices of gender erosion, and sexual abuses during the Moroccan Years of Lead (1965 – 1999). The article provides a critical reading of the memoirs by identifying a trajectory from a gendered inflicted suffering (abuses and tortures) to an agentive self-inflicted pain (hunger strike). Drawing on Banu Bargu’s perspective on the manipulative use of corporeality in the carceral framework, the article emphasizes the weaponization of women’s bodies in undertaking a hunger strike which ultimately improves the inmates’ conditions of detention. Furthermore, the body is defined as a crucial medium of memory as the two women approach the recollection of violent past experiences to restore historical truth about Moroccan state violence of the Years of Lead.
这篇文章探讨了Fatna El Bouih和Latifa Jbabdi在《Ḥadīth al-'Atama（来自黑暗的故事）。马列主义运动成员El Bouih和Jbabdi在摩洛哥执政期间（1965年至1999年）遭受了感官毁灭、残酷折磨、性别侵蚀和性虐待。这篇文章通过确定从性别造成的痛苦（虐待和折磨）到代理人造成的自我痛苦（绝食）的轨迹，对回忆录进行了批判性解读。文章借鉴了巴努·巴尔古关于在尸体框架中操纵使用肉体的观点，强调了在绝食抗议中将女性身体武器化，最终改善了囚犯的拘留条件。此外，身体被定义为一种重要的记忆媒介，因为这两位女性开始回忆过去的暴力经历，以恢复领导年代摩洛哥国家暴力的历史真相。
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Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8266
M. Agosti
#14–2020 Book Reviewed. Indiana UP, 2019 ISBN 9780253040602 Women of the Midan: Untold stories of Egypt’s Revolutionaries, by Sherine Hafez, is a much needed contribution to our understanding of the Egyptian Revolution. While this critical event, precursor of the many other conflicts that are still reshaping the region, has been narrated from multiple angles, using gendered corporality as the lens through which to investigate the revolution is an innovative and important approach. The book amply discusses the intersections of gender, sexuality, politics, citizenship and social movements which is a less-explored angle of the Egyptian revolution. The book starts by laying out the concept of rememory, a term the author borrows from Toni Morrison’s Beloved, to explain the experiences of ordinary women who joined the protests in Tahrir Square. Rememory is presented as a corporeal act where the body is a “signifying agent of collective action and transformation” (Hafez xxvi). In this context, therefore, rememory is part of the repertoire of acts of contentious politics that revolt against the entrapment of women’s voices, bodies, and stories in the nationalist project. As many academics have argued, including Hafez, the state is highly concerned with tailoring the notion of womanhood in accordance with the nation-building project and as such it shapes and oppresses women while also providing avenues for resistance and contestation. The scholalry work of Abouelnaga; Abu-Lughod; Ahmed; Badran; Baron; and Botman among others, has vaslty addressed these issues. The act of remembering is presented as a powerful process to build collective identities and preserve the social memory of a collective action currently under threat; for the present regime, January 25th was a brief anecdote preceding the real revolution of June 30th (an idea that is highly contested because many actors saw in that day a coup d’état that counted on the support of a vast majority of the population). The narrative of June 30th portrays El-Sisi as leader of the nation against the terrorist threat posed by the Muslim Brotherhood and who later instituted the prosperous current rule. Hafez explains how ever since then the ordinary women activists spawned in Tahrir Square have been forced to forget and are currently living in exile or have been imprisoned, demobilized or their activity otherwise suspended. While combatting precarity and under threat from a repressive security apparatus, these women struggled to redefine their resistance and positionality. Rememory emerges as a complex corporeal act that mediates the past and the present and forces the interlocutors in the REVIEW 181
{"title":"Sherine Hafez: \"Women of the Midan. The Untold Stories of Egypt's Revolutionaries\"","authors":"M. Agosti","doi":"10.17192/META.2020.14.8266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17192/META.2020.14.8266","url":null,"abstract":"#14–2020 Book Reviewed. Indiana UP, 2019 ISBN 9780253040602 Women of the Midan: Untold stories of Egypt’s Revolutionaries, by Sherine Hafez, is a much needed contribution to our understanding of the Egyptian Revolution. While this critical event, precursor of the many other conflicts that are still reshaping the region, has been narrated from multiple angles, using gendered corporality as the lens through which to investigate the revolution is an innovative and important approach. The book amply discusses the intersections of gender, sexuality, politics, citizenship and social movements which is a less-explored angle of the Egyptian revolution. The book starts by laying out the concept of rememory, a term the author borrows from Toni Morrison’s Beloved, to explain the experiences of ordinary women who joined the protests in Tahrir Square. Rememory is presented as a corporeal act where the body is a “signifying agent of collective action and transformation” (Hafez xxvi). In this context, therefore, rememory is part of the repertoire of acts of contentious politics that revolt against the entrapment of women’s voices, bodies, and stories in the nationalist project. As many academics have argued, including Hafez, the state is highly concerned with tailoring the notion of womanhood in accordance with the nation-building project and as such it shapes and oppresses women while also providing avenues for resistance and contestation. The scholalry work of Abouelnaga; Abu-Lughod; Ahmed; Badran; Baron; and Botman among others, has vaslty addressed these issues. The act of remembering is presented as a powerful process to build collective identities and preserve the social memory of a collective action currently under threat; for the present regime, January 25th was a brief anecdote preceding the real revolution of June 30th (an idea that is highly contested because many actors saw in that day a coup d’état that counted on the support of a vast majority of the population). The narrative of June 30th portrays El-Sisi as leader of the nation against the terrorist threat posed by the Muslim Brotherhood and who later instituted the prosperous current rule. Hafez explains how ever since then the ordinary women activists spawned in Tahrir Square have been forced to forget and are currently living in exile or have been imprisoned, demobilized or their activity otherwise suspended. While combatting precarity and under threat from a repressive security apparatus, these women struggled to redefine their resistance and positionality. Rememory emerges as a complex corporeal act that mediates the past and the present and forces the interlocutors in the REVIEW 181","PeriodicalId":30565,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Topics Arguments","volume":"14 1","pages":"181-186"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47920477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8241
Kyle Clark
This article will examine Ottoman and British diplomatic correspondence and the satirical press and argue that during the Eastern Crisis of 1875-78, representatives of the Great Powers conceived of a hierarchy of masculinities that became a major part of their diplomatic rhetoric. At the top of this order was the masculinity that European statesmen saw in themselves and legitimized their imperialist projects; they particularly emphasized honor, and a logic-based intelligence which enabled them to order their governments, economies, and households so that noble, white, Christian men controlled the people of presumed lesser classes, races, religions, and genders. Until the end of this crisis, Ottoman officials sought to convince their European counterparts that they should accept them as, if not equals, at least junior partners. Therefore, Ottomans did not challenge the European belief in a hierarchy of masculinities but sought instead to prove that the new Ottoman statesman was a modern and rational man both capable and in possession of the moral imperative to rule over the lesser peoples of the Ottoman Empire. In particular, Ottoman officials depicted Christian separatists as cruel, savage, and too ignorant for independence, mirroring the arguments that anti-Ottoman Europeans made about the Ottomans.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8242
Radwa S. Elsaman
Egypt’s history has witnessed notable strides in connection with women’s rights. Meanwhile, Egypt is a signatory of the significant international conventions on gender equality. Nevertheless, interference to change women’s position is faced with colossal failure sometimes. One of the reasons could be the lack of relevant legislation. Other essential obstacles include social practices and stereotypes that prevent the application of the rule of law. The absence of community support is the third reason. Finally, misconceiving Islamic religious rules impacts women’s rights in Egypt. Solutions include legal reform and complementary policy actions; allowing real political participation; opening the door for women initiatives; teaching gender in schools and universities; and ensuring better access to resources when it comes to economic rights is another possibility.
{"title":"Women’s Rights In Egyptian Law: The Legal Battle For A Safer Life","authors":"Radwa S. Elsaman","doi":"10.17192/META.2020.14.8242","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17192/META.2020.14.8242","url":null,"abstract":"Egypt’s history has witnessed notable strides in connection with women’s rights. Meanwhile, Egypt is a signatory of the significant international conventions on gender equality. Nevertheless, interference to change women’s position is faced with colossal failure sometimes. One of the reasons could be the lack of relevant legislation. Other essential obstacles include social practices and stereotypes that prevent the application of the rule of law. The absence of community support is the third reason. Finally, misconceiving Islamic religious rules impacts women’s rights in Egypt. Solutions include legal reform and complementary policy actions; allowing real political participation; opening the door for women initiatives; teaching gender in schools and universities; and ensuring better access to resources when it comes to economic rights is another possibility.","PeriodicalId":30565,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Topics Arguments","volume":"14 1","pages":"117-125"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41656467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8274
Julia Nauth
This analysis discusses the sexual objectification of the Tunisian woman in the drama Of Skin and Men by director Mehdi Ben Attia. The film deals with the position of women in Tunisian society and offers an insight into the everyday life of the protagonist. In recent years, there have already been some academic discussions on feminist theories and publications on gender-based violence in the MENA region. For this reason, the portrayal of women as the weaker sex should be considered from a media studies perspective. In this work it is argued that the protagonist is exposed to the sexual objectification, power and violence of the Tunisian man.
这篇分析讨论了导演Mehdi Ben Attia的戏剧《皮肤与男人》中突尼斯女性的性物化。这部电影探讨了突尼斯社会中女性的地位，并提供了对主人公日常生活的洞察。近年来，在中东和北非地区已经出现了一些关于女性主义理论的学术讨论和关于性别暴力的出版物。因此，应该从媒介研究的角度来考虑女性作为弱势性别的形象。在这部作品中，作者认为主人公暴露在突尼斯男人的性物化、权力和暴力之下。
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#14–2020 The protests and upheavals that erupted in the Arab world since 2010 were the starting point in 2019 to look at issues of gender in political and social crises. At the moment, since the beginning of 2020, we are facing the global coronavirus pandemic and witnessing gender imbalances in this crisis, imbalances that turn against wo*men and their role in contemporary societies. This goes for Europe as well as the Middle East and North and South America. Wo*men bear and will bear a disproportionate burden of the measures taken against the coronavirus. Mostly wo*men have been working in the nursing sector in general and with Covid-19 patients in particular. Wo*men did more unpaid work before Corona, and do so even more during the Corona epidemic. Mostly wo*men have seen their working hours reduced, stay at home, and take care of the children due to the closed childcare facilities and schools. In addition, more jobs in which predominantly wo*men work are being cut, explains the ESCWA (Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia) study on the impact of Covid-19 on gender equality in the Arab region. What does the lockdown mean for gender relations? What is being locked down and to what places? A conservative understanding of the family seems to be the EDITORIAL 05
{"title":"Gender in Crisis","authors":"Ines Braune, Saliha Engler, Patricia Jannack, Angela Krewani","doi":"10.5040/9781472593900.ch-004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5040/9781472593900.ch-004","url":null,"abstract":"#14–2020 The protests and upheavals that erupted in the Arab world since 2010 were the starting point in 2019 to look at issues of gender in political and social crises. At the moment, since the beginning of 2020, we are facing the global coronavirus pandemic and witnessing gender imbalances in this crisis, imbalances that turn against wo*men and their role in contemporary societies. This goes for Europe as well as the Middle East and North and South America. Wo*men bear and will bear a disproportionate burden of the measures taken against the coronavirus. Mostly wo*men have been working in the nursing sector in general and with Covid-19 patients in particular. Wo*men did more unpaid work before Corona, and do so even more during the Corona epidemic. Mostly wo*men have seen their working hours reduced, stay at home, and take care of the children due to the closed childcare facilities and schools. In addition, more jobs in which predominantly wo*men work are being cut, explains the ESCWA (Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia) study on the impact of Covid-19 on gender equality in the Arab region. What does the lockdown mean for gender relations? What is being locked down and to what places? A conservative understanding of the family seems to be the EDITORIAL 05","PeriodicalId":30565,"journal":{"name":"Middle East Topics Arguments","volume":"14 1","pages":"05-13"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41704605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8265
Dina Wahba
During the eighteen days of the Egyptian revolution, some hundred police stations in popular quarters in Cairo were burned down. Official accounts reported this as the work of baltagiya (thugs). The question of who burned the police stations serves as an entry point to problematizing the identity of baltagiya. Thus, examining the gendered affective registers linked to the baltagi (thug) is essential in understanding the potential of the revolutionary moment and the urgency with which the state had to reinstate the narrative of the baltagi as a dangerous criminal to justify mass violence and speed urban transformation projects.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8273
Jamie Woitynek
In Tunisia, the University of Manouba and the University of Sousse each offered a master’s program in Gender Studies in 2019. This essay examines these programs’ structures and foci, providing some comments on their contexts. Based on fieldwork including four expert interviews, this provides one limited attempt to introduce readers to specific perspectives on and narratives about two Gender Studies programs.
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Pub Date : 2020-07-13DOI: 10.17192/META.2020.14.8252
Dima Al Munajed
Based on qualitative research conducted in Lebanon and Turkey in 2018, this paper centers on Syrian women working in various civil society organizations (CSOs) in the Syrian post-2011 context. It examines conflict and host-context impacts on Syrian women’s participation in CSOs. Using an intersectional framework derived from feminist studies, it argues that gender, socioeconomic status and ethnic/national identity are key intersecting social markers that influence the ability of Syrian women to participate in CSOs in these countries. Findings also demonstrate the value of intersectional approaches in improving our current understanding of discriminatory practices against Syrian women in civil society.
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