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Beyond the Bounds of the State: Reinterpreting Cairo’s Infrastructures of Mobility 超越国家的边界:重新解读开罗的流动基础设施
Pub Date : 2018-06-14 DOI: 10.17192/META.2018.10.7589
Anna Rowell
Cairo is a city in flux, characterized by ceaseless intersections of residents who openly claim their rights to mobility beyond the city’s material infrastructure and political will. Egypt’s governing systems have, for many years, neglected to tackle urban inequality, particularly since the political turmoil of the January 2011 revolution. Against such a backdrop, this article seeks to understand how informal communities reinterpret structures of political division as expanded spaces of economic and cultural operation. It supports the notion that large segments of Cairo’s populace are in a constant negotiation between autonomy and integration. Compelled by physical and socioeconomic barriers, they carve out selfgovernance and develop structures which give them the freedom to work, socialize, and live in the public arena. This article proposes that Cairo’s local, or baladī streets, often neglected by the state and ill-serviced, offer their residents a spatial reservoir of possibilities, where elements of political subjugation often mask a highly mobile and connected social realm. This reading of informality infers that invisible infrastructures of networks and relationships open marginalized spaces to new productive exchanges and lived practices, where expressions of collective identity flourish.
开罗是一个不断变化的城市,其特点是居民不断地交叉,他们公开声称自己的流动权利超出了城市的物质基础设施和政治意愿。多年来,埃及的治理体系一直忽视解决城市不平等问题,尤其是自2011年1月革命引发政治动荡以来。在这样的背景下,本文试图理解非正式社区如何将政治分裂结构重新解释为经济和文化运作的扩展空间。它支持这样一种观点,即开罗的大部分民众在自治和融合之间不断进行谈判。在物质和社会经济障碍的驱使下,他们开创了自治,并建立了使他们能够在公共领域自由工作、社交和生活的结构。这篇文章提出,开罗的地方街道,或baladi街道,经常被国家忽视和服务不良,为他们的居民提供了一个空间水库的可能性,在那里,政治征服的元素往往掩盖了一个高度流动和联系的社会领域。这种对非正式性的解读推断,网络和关系的无形基础设施为新的生产性交流和生活实践打开了边缘空间,在那里集体身份的表达蓬勃发展。
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引用次数: 1
A Tramway Called Atonement : Genealogies of Infrastructure and Emerging Political Imaginaries in Contemporary Casablanca 一条被称为赎罪的电车:当代卡萨布兰卡基础设施和新兴政治想象的谱系
Pub Date : 2018-06-14 DOI: 10.17192/META.2018.10.7590
C. Strava
This article explores the role of infrastructure in the production of post-colonial political imaginaries linked to mobility and expectations of social justice. I focus on how the building of the Casablanca tramway opened up new ways for engaging in political commentary and participation for a segment of the city that frequently lacks the direct means for accessing power. In the process, the aim is to contribute a brief account of the historical genealogies behind such projects and argue for an understanding of infrastructure as a site for the production of future aspirations and political engagement for marginalized communities.
本文探讨了基础设施在后殖民政治想象的产生中的作用,这些想象与流动性和对社会正义的期望有关。我关注的是卡萨布兰卡有轨电车的建设如何为城市中经常缺乏直接获取权力手段的一部分人开辟了参与政治评论和参与的新途径。在这个过程中,目的是简要介绍这些项目背后的历史谱系,并主张理解基础设施是为边缘化社区产生未来愿望和政治参与的场所。
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引用次数: 6
In/visible Infrastructure: Thinking (along) with Martin Heidegger about Infrastructural Breakdowns in South Africa 有形基础设施:与马丁·海德格尔一起思考南非的基础设施崩溃
Pub Date : 2018-06-14 DOI: 10.17192/META.2018.10.7586
L. Baumgardt
In this paper I will argue against the idea that infrastructures are normally invisible and only become visible in certain moments. This notion is problematic because it is based on the idea that in the Western world things work smoothly and normally, while in the rest of the world breakdown is assumed to be a normal state of affairs and makes infrastructures visible. Rather, I will instead focus on the more individual, less visible–although not invisible–micro-modes of infrastructural breakdowns. The approach envisaged will be theoretically grounded by thinking (along) with the work of Martin Heidegger with particular regard to his widely interpreted § 16 of Being and Time on tools and “tool-being.” In this text, Heidegger outlines three existential modes of concern, namely conspicuousness, obtrusiveness and obstinacy, which will be helpful for understanding infrastructures as conflictual terrains as well as for thinking through people’s reconfigurations of aspirations in general. In other words, Heidegger describes three different modes of possible breakdowns that interrupt the course of everyday life in such a way that one is compelled to reflect upon one’s subjectivities and, equally important, upon the things themselves. The article will thus focus on how these in/visibilities are mobilized and situated within ethnographic accounts which I am drawing from readings and fieldwork experiences in South Africa.
在这篇论文中,我将反对基础设施通常是不可见的,只有在特定时刻才可见的观点。这一概念是有问题的,因为它基于这样一种观点,即在西方世界,事情进展顺利、正常,而在世界其他地区,崩溃被认为是一种正常的状态,并使基础设施可见。相反,我会把重点放在更个性化、更不显眼——尽管不是看不见的——基础设施崩溃的微观模式上。所设想的方法将通过思考(以及)马丁·海德格尔的工作,特别是他被广泛解读的《存在与时间》关于工具和“工具存在”的第16节,在理论上建立基础。在本文中,海德格尔概述了三种存在的关注模式,即显著性、突兀性和顽固性,这将有助于将基础设施理解为冲突的地形,并有助于思考人们对普遍愿望的重新配置。换言之,海德格尔描述了三种不同的可能崩溃模式,它们中断了日常生活的进程,迫使人们反思自己的主观主义,同样重要的是,反思事物本身。因此,这篇文章将重点关注这些内/可见性是如何被动员起来的,以及如何被定位在我从南非的阅读和实地调查经验中获得的民族志描述中。
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引用次数: 3
Infrastructures as the Social in Action: An Interview with Ronen Shamir 作为社会在行动的基础设施:Ronen Shamir访谈录
Pub Date : 2018-06-14 DOI: 10.17192/META.2018.10.7731
Ezgican Özdemir, A. Nolte
In the following interview, Ronen Shamir discusses the theoretical and methodological implications of researching infrastructure against the background of his own work on electrification in Mandatory Palestine. He draws our attention to the (post-)colonial genealogies of infrastructure and their role in shaping not just the common perceptions of a region called “Middle East”, but also manufacturing/creating/ producing/constructing this region by means material and social (dis-)connections. Throughout the interview, Shamir stresses on how infrastructural systems shape people’s everyday experiences with their physical surroundings. His emphasis points to the understanding of infrastructure as processes of assembling and disassembling people, everyday objects. We invited Ronen Shamir to this interview in order to put his work into a critical dialogue/exchange with the papers featured in this issue. As a prominent scholar of colonial infrastructure, we are convinced that his work and his insights point to issues that are discussed throughout this issue.
在接下来的采访中,Ronen Shamir以他自己在巴勒斯坦的电气化工作为背景,讨论了研究基础设施的理论和方法意义。他将我们的注意力吸引到基础设施的(后)殖民谱系,以及它们在塑造一个被称为“中东”的地区的共同认知方面的作用,而且还通过物质和社会(非)联系制造/创造/生产/构建这个地区。在整个采访过程中,沙米尔强调了基础设施系统如何影响人们与自然环境的日常体验。他强调将基础设施理解为将人和日常物品组装和拆卸的过程。我们邀请Ronen Shamir参加这次采访,是为了将他的作品与本期的专题论文进行批判性的对话/交流。作为研究殖民地基础设施的杰出学者,我们相信,他的工作和他的见解指出了贯穿本问题所讨论的问题。
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引用次数: 3
“Even if the Sons of Rum are not like Him” The Spatial and Temporal Journey of a Late 19th Century Egyptian Song “即使朗姆酒之子不像他”19世纪晚期埃及歌曲的时空之旅
Pub Date : 2018-06-14 DOI: 10.17192/META.2018.10.7587
Olga Verlato
This paper follows the material and discursive circulation of the Egyptian popular song “Fī-l-Jihādiyya” as it traveled from the urban context to Upper Egypt throughout the 19th century. The song narrates the farewell of a mother to her son recruited to war, and her helpless attempt to save him. I explore how centuries-old local forms of mobility enacted by authors and performers intersected with the infrastructural changes in transportation under British colonization increasingly since the third quarter of the 19th century. Additionally, by reflecting on the long duree of the song’s circulation and performative replication, I investigate the continuities within the military social infrastructure throughout the century, and argue that the ongoing exploitation of Upper Egyptian soldiers helps explain the endurance of “Fī-l-Jihādiyya’s” social relevance. I thus provide a case for the study of material and social infrastructures as interrelated realms of analysis, specifically with respect to the different implications of the material and social mobilities that my analysis uncovers.
本文跟踪了埃及流行歌曲“Fī-l-Jihādiyya”的材料和话语循环,因为它在整个19世纪从城市环境到上埃及。这首歌讲述了一位母亲对她被征召入伍的儿子的告别,以及她无助地试图拯救他的故事。我探索了作家和表演者所制定的具有数百年历史的地方交通形式是如何与英国殖民统治下的交通基础设施变化相交叉的,这些变化自19世纪第三季度以来日益增加。此外,通过反思这首歌的长期流通和表演复制,我研究了整个世纪军事社会基础设施的连续性,并认为对上埃及士兵的持续剥削有助于解释“Fī-l-Jihādiyya”社会相关性的持久性。因此,我为物质和社会基础设施作为相互关联的分析领域的研究提供了一个案例,特别是关于我的分析所揭示的物质和社会流动的不同含义。
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引用次数: 0
The Violence of Infrastructural Connectivity: Jerusalem’s Light Rail as a Means of Normalisation 基础设施连通性的暴力:耶路撒冷的轻轨作为正常化的手段
Pub Date : 2018-06-14 DOI: 10.17192/META.2018.10.7593
Hanna Baumann
It is commonly claimed that infrastructures are so banal and taken-for-granted that they only become visible when they collapse or cease to function. Indeed, the exclusion or disconnection of certain areas from infrastructural services has been termed ‘infrastructural violence’. In East Jerusalem, where infrastructure has long been underfunded and Palestinian Jerusalemites are excluded from access to many urban services, infrastructure also became apparent as a political question when it appeared in the form of a new light rail connection – and even more so when this ostensibly useful public service was attacked by residents.  The violent disruption of the light rail, the piece argues, called attention to the manner in which Jerusalem’s light rail serves to normalise both Palestinian urban space and movements, thus feeding into an agenda of annexation. The expansion of infrastructural networks, and the resulting connectivity of previously marginalised areas, then, can also act as a form of violence rather than ‘atonement’ for past neglect.
人们普遍认为,基础设施是如此平庸和理所当然,以至于只有当它们崩溃或停止运行时,它们才会变得可见。事实上,将某些地区排除在基础设施服务之外或与之脱节被称为“基础设施暴力”。在东耶路撒冷,基础设施长期资金不足,巴勒斯坦耶路撒冷人被排除在许多城市服务之外,当基础设施以新的轻轨连接的形式出现时,它也成为了一个明显的政治问题——当这项表面上有用的公共服务遭到居民的攻击时,情况更是如此。文章认为,轻轨的暴力破坏引起了人们对耶路撒冷轻轨实现巴勒斯坦城市空间和交通正常化的方式的关注,从而纳入了吞并议程。基础设施网络的扩张,以及由此产生的先前边缘化地区的连通性,也可能是一种暴力形式,而不是对过去忽视的“赎罪”。
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引用次数: 3
Infrastructuring Geographies: Histories and Presents in and of the Middle East and North Africa 基础设施地理:中东和北非的历史和现状
Pub Date : 2018-06-14 DOI: 10.17192/META.2018.10.7794
A. Nolte, Ezgican Özdemir
The 10th issue of Middle East – Topics and Arguments engages with infrastructure studies from an interdisciplinary perspective. It presents different empirical cases and theoretical discussions that take infrastructural formations and their effects both to the center stage and as the analytical focus. In this editorial, we first discuss two epistemic locations from which infrastructure can be studied. Then, we highlight the featured authors and the way each of them make compelling cases through the lenses of material and social infrastructures in different MENA contexts. In light of these, we argue that infrastructures, as the material conditions of modern human life, have shaped and continue to shape geographical constructs of the Middle East and North Africa. Lastly, we call for further social and historical research to investigate how infrastructural systems as material and symbolic networks of imperial expansion and exploitation have contributed to the geographical and political entities that make up the construct called MENA.
《中东——主题与争论》第10期从跨学科的角度探讨基础设施研究。它提出了不同的实证案例和理论讨论,将基础设施的形成及其影响作为中心舞台和分析重点。在这篇社论中,我们首先讨论了可以研究基础设施的两个认识位置。然后,我们重点介绍了专题作者,以及他们每个人在不同中东和北非地区背景下,通过物质和社会基础设施的视角提出令人信服的案例的方式。有鉴于此,我们认为,基础设施作为现代人类生活的物质条件,已经并将继续塑造中东和北非的地理结构。最后,我们呼吁进行进一步的社会和历史研究,以调查作为帝国扩张和剥削的物质和象征性网络的基础设施系统如何对构成中东和北非地区的地理和政治实体做出贡献。
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引用次数: 2
Insurgent Infrastructure: Tunnels of the Gaza Strip 叛乱分子的基础设施:加沙地带的隧道
Pub Date : 2018-06-14 DOI: 10.17192/META.2018.10.7594
Toufic Haddad
This article explores the emergence of tunnels within the Gaza Strip. It argues that tunnels emerged as an implicit response to Israeli policies of separation and control, and the increasingly sophisticated means used to realize these ends during the peace process and thereafter. The latter included approaches that actively embraced a “politics of verticality,” incorporating a volume-based approach to Israeli geopolitical interests and designs. Tunnels would come to reify an insurgent impetus vis-a-vis Israeli ideological, political and military doctrines on the one hand, and the structured dependency and ineffectiveness of the Palestinian Authority on the other. Their emergence speaks to the organization and coagulation of many externalities generated by both dynamics, which effectively captured existent infrastructural assemblages toward colonial imperatives.
本文探讨了加沙地带隧道的出现。它认为,隧道的出现是对以色列的分离和控制政策以及在和平进程及其后为实现这些目的而使用的日益复杂的手段的含蓄回应。后者包括积极接受“垂直政治”的方法,包括对以色列地缘政治利益和设计的基于数量的方法。一方面,隧道将具体化反叛分子对以色列意识形态、政治和军事学说的推动,另一方面,将具体化巴勒斯坦权力机构的结构性依赖和无效性。它们的出现说明了这两种动态所产生的许多外部性的组织和凝聚,它们有效地捕捉到了现有的基础设施组合,以实现殖民统治。
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引用次数: 2
It's Time to Talk about Youth in the Middle East as The Precariat 是时候把中东的青年称为无产者了
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.7061
L. Herrera
In 2011, the year of the Arab uprisings, The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class by Guy Standing hit the bookstands. The concept precariat describes the condition of life and labour among educated urbanized youth in the twenty-first century more lucidly and persuasively than the key policy literature on the region, as exemplified in The Arab Human Development Report (AHDR) 2016: Youth and the Prospects for Human Development in a Changing Reality . This paper argues that any meaningful conceptualization of youth in North Africa and West Asia going forward should incorporate the notion of precariat and the condition of precariousness.
2011年,阿拉伯起义之年,盖伊·斯坦丁(Guy Standing)的《无业游民:新的危险阶级》(the Precariat: the New Dangerous Class)上市。与《2016年阿拉伯人类发展报告:不断变化的现实中的青年与人类发展前景》等有关该地区的主要政策文献相比,“不稳定青年”这一概念更清晰、更有说服力地描述了21世纪受过教育的城市化青年的生活和劳动状况。本文认为,任何对北非和西亚未来的青年有意义的概念化都应该包括不稳定的概念和不稳定的条件。
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引用次数: 6
Analyzing Moroccan ‘Youth’ in Historical Context: Rethinking the Significance of Social Entrepreneurship 分析历史背景下的摩洛哥“青年”:重新思考社会企业家精神的意义
Pub Date : 2017-12-08 DOI: 10.17192/META.2017.9.7584
Shana R. Cohen
Popular analyses of political discontent among young people converged on a global level after the advent of the economic crisis in 2007-08. They have referred to pervasive alienation, frustration, disappointment, and fear, depicting a generation exploited by ruthless business owners, neglected by policy elites, and abandoned by older generations. The analyses likewise share an understanding of the meaning of ‘youth’, namely a population defined by narrowing economic opportunities under global market capitalism and subsequent protest. This paper attempts to go beyond this conception to explore the emergence of a new framework for agency. More specifically, the paper aims to go beyond interpreting the behavior of ‘youth’ in the Arab World, especially among educated young men and women, as simply about protest. Instead, the paper posits that concurrent trends in privatization of public services, increasing individual and local responsibility for social problems and job creation, job insecurity, and greater exposure to rights and government accountability are influencing capacity to influence local change and likewise, challenging boundaries between social, political, and economic agency. Drawing on longstanding research on social activism in Morocco, the paper adapts the language of theorists of generational formation and consciousness (see Edmunds and Turner 2002, 2005) to argue that the initial consequence of market reform in the eighties and nineties was the formation of an ‘interval generation’, disenfranchised economically and unrepresented politically. Over the past 5-10 years, though, the entrenchment of globalization and neoliberal ideology have led to the emergence of an ‘active generation’ maneuvering to influence policy and liberal market capitalism through altering local economic and social opportunities. This maneuvering is particularly apparent in the rise of social entrepreneurship, not just as an employment policy, but also as an indicator of how the boundaries between economic, political, and social agency at a local level have blurred.
2007-08年经济危机爆发后,对年轻人政治不满的流行分析在全球范围内趋于一致。他们提到了普遍存在的异化、沮丧、失望和恐惧,描绘了被无情的企业主剥削、被政策精英忽视、被老一辈抛弃的一代人。这些分析同样对“青年”的含义有着共同的理解,即在全球市场资本主义和随后的抗议下,通过缩小经济机会来定义的人口。本文试图超越这一概念,探索一种新的代理框架的出现。更具体地说,该论文旨在超越将阿拉伯世界“年轻人”的行为,特别是在受过教育的年轻男女中的行为,仅仅解释为抗议。相反,该论文认为,公共服务私有化、个人和地方对社会问题和创造就业的责任增加、就业不安全以及更多地接触权利和政府问责的同时趋势正在影响影响地方变革的能力,同样也在挑战社会、政治和经济机构之间的界限。根据对摩洛哥社会激进主义的长期研究,该论文采用了代际形成和意识理论家的语言(见Edmunds和Turner 20022005),认为80年代和90年代市场改革的最初后果是形成了“中间一代”,在经济上被剥夺了权利,在政治上没有代表性。然而,在过去的5-10年里,全球化和新自由主义意识形态的巩固导致了“活跃的一代”的出现,他们通过改变当地的经济和社会机会来影响政策和自由市场资本主义。这种策略在社会创业的兴起中尤为明显,这不仅是一项就业政策,也是地方一级经济、政治和社会机构之间界限如何模糊的一个指标。
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引用次数: 1
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Middle East Topics Arguments
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