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Information and Drug Prices: Evidence from the Medicare Discount Drug Card Program 信息和药品价格:来自医疗保险折扣药品卡计划的证据
Pub Date : 2005-11-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.869449
Emin M. Dinlersoz, Han Li, R. Sherman, Rubén Hernández-Murillo
In early 2004, the U.S. Government initiated the Medicare Discount Drug Card Program (MDDCP), which created a market for drug cards that allowed elderly and handicapped subscribers to obtain discounts on their prescription drug purchases. Pharmacy-level prices for many drugs were posted on the program website weekly from May 29, 2004 to December 31, 2005, as the largest undertaking in the history of government-sponsored information release began with the hope of promoting competition by facilitating access to prices. A large panel of pharmacy-level drug price data collected from the Medicare website indicates that there was significant and persistent dispersion in prices across cards throughout the program. Moreover, the time-path of prices was non-monotonic; the prices declined initially when consumers were choosing cards but rose later when subscribers were unable to switch from one card to another. In contrast, contemporaneous control prices from on-line drug retailers, which were unrelated to the program, rose steadily over time, indicating that MDDCP prices evolved in a way different from the general evolution of prices outside the program. In view of the fact that the program rules prevented consumers from changing their cards at will, the evolution of MDDCP prices is consistent with certain models of dynamic price competition with consumer switching costs, such as Klemperer’s (1987a,b). Estimates of potential savings from purchasing at program prices are also provided.
2004年初,美国政府启动了医疗保险折扣药物卡计划(MDDCP),该计划创建了一个药物卡市场,允许老年人和残疾人用户在购买处方药时获得折扣。从2004年5月29日至2005年12月31日,许多药品的药价每周在该项目网站上公布,这是政府发起的信息发布历史上规模最大的一项事业,旨在通过促进价格获取来促进竞争。从医疗保险网站收集的大量药房级药品价格数据表明,在整个计划中,卡片之间的价格存在显著且持续的分散。此外,价格的时间路径是非单调的;最初,当消费者选择信用卡时,价格下降,但后来,当用户无法从一张卡切换到另一张卡时,价格上升。相比之下,与该计划无关的在线药品零售商的同期对照价格随着时间的推移稳步上升,表明MDDCP价格的演变方式不同于该计划外价格的一般演变。鉴于计划规则阻止消费者随意换卡,MDDCP价格的演变符合某些具有消费者转换成本的动态价格竞争模型,如Klemperer (1987a,b)。还提供了按项目价格采购可能节省的费用的估计。
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引用次数: 0
Quantifying Medco's Business Model 量化美可的商业模式
Pub Date : 2005-04-05 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2849271
L. Abrams
Based on a theory of market share rebates as exclusionary, rather than share-shifting, devices, we have estimated that Medco has a rebate negotiation competitive advantage over smaller entities equal to 4.8% of all ingredient costs. That figure is an estimate of the cost to clients of switching to entities with more transparent business models. In order to offset that loss, smaller entities would have to manage formularies aggressively and produce a generic utilization rate that is 4.8 percentage points greater than Medco’s current 46.8%
基于市场份额回扣是排他性的,而不是份额转移的理论,我们估计Medco相对于较小的实体具有相当于所有成分成本4.8%的回扣谈判竞争优势。这个数字是对客户转向具有更透明商业模式的实体的成本的估计。为了弥补这一损失,较小的实体将不得不积极管理处方,并产生比美可目前的46.8%高出4.8个百分点的仿制药利用率
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引用次数: 5
How Commissioner Vestager's Mistaken Views on Standard-Essential Patents Illustrate Why President Trump Needs a Unified Policy on Antitrust and Innovation 维斯塔格委员对标准必要专利的错误看法如何说明为什么特朗普总统需要一个统一的反垄断和创新政策
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3178349
J. Sidak
Thirteen days after America elected Donald Trump its 45th president, Margrethe Vestager, the European Commissioner for Competition, spoke on antitrust’s role in policing a dominant firm’s “excessively high prices,” which of course do not constitute an antitrust offense in the United States. Her remarks revealed the erroneous factual premise of her views on standard-essential patents (SEPs). Commissioner Vestager credulously repeats an unidentified conjecture that the cumulative royalty for SEPs used in smartphones is $120, which is at least six times greater than what reliable empirical analysis finds the amount to be. She suggests that EU competition policy is so malleable as to permit intervention even when there are no reliable empirical data that she is willing to identify publicly in support of that conjecture. Antitrust lawyers on both sides of the Atlantic should not be surprised if President Trump rejects Commissioner Vestager’s vision of competition and innovation and consequently repudiates much of what has been the Obama administration’s vision as well. The Trump administration will surely be more concerned than the Obama administration was about the harm to dynamic efficiency from using antitrust policy to suppress royalties for SEPs. Steven Salop and Carl Shapiro have speculated about two potential approaches that President Trump might take with respect to antitrust enforcement. The first would be interventionist and have “the overarching goal of reducing the power of large corporations in the American economy.” The second would be “a highly permissive, minimalist approach to antitrust (outside of price fixing enforcement) of the type associated with Robert Bork and former Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia.” That Salop and Shapiro cannot envision a Trump administration capable of any greater nuance than these two approaches make one wonder whether they know anybody who knows anybody who voted for Trump. It is also telling that their high-level predictions about antitrust in the Trump administration promptly drill down specifically on, of all topics, SEPs. They claim that a “laissez-faire” approach to royalties for SEPs would lead to “potentially huge amounts of money... flow[ing] from ordinary consumers purchasing smartphones... to a small number of entities... that hold SEPs relating to smartphones.” Salop and Shapiro evidently stand with Commissioner Vestager. I doubt that President Trump will. The federal government lacks a unified strategy for promoting innovation and competition and for reducing the burden of economic regulation. President Trump might consider appointing one person to oversee the formulation and implementation of that unified strategy. The Antitrust Division and the Federal Trade Commission are best equipped to focus on established product markets. The agencies understandably try to insinuate themselves in competitive disputes in markets experiencing technological disruption. But the efficacy of such interven
在唐纳德·特朗普当选美国第45任总统13天后,欧盟竞争专员玛格丽特·维斯塔格(Margrethe Vestager)就反垄断在监管主导企业“过高价格”方面的作用发表了讲话,这在美国当然不构成反垄断罪。她的言论暴露了她对标准必要专利(sep)观点的错误事实前提。维斯塔格轻信地重复了一个未经证实的猜测,即智能手机中使用的sep的累计版税为120美元,这至少是可靠的实证分析所发现的数字的六倍。她认为,欧盟的竞争政策是如此具有可塑性,以至于即使没有可靠的实证数据,也允许干预,她愿意公开指出这些数据来支持这一猜测。如果特朗普总统拒绝维斯特格委员的竞争和创新愿景,从而也否定了奥巴马政府的大部分愿景,大西洋两岸的反垄断律师不应该感到惊讶。特朗普政府肯定会比奥巴马政府更担心利用反垄断政策压制专利专利使用费对动态效率的损害。史蒂文·萨洛普和卡尔·夏皮罗推测了特朗普总统在反垄断执法方面可能采取的两种潜在方法。第一种是干预主义,其“首要目标是减少大公司在美国经济中的权力”。第二种是“高度宽松的、极简主义的反垄断方式(不包括价格垄断执法),就像罗伯特·博克和前最高法院大法官安东宁·斯卡利亚那样。”萨洛普和夏皮罗无法想象一个特朗普政府能够比这两种方法更细微的差别,这让人怀疑他们是否认识任何认识投票给特朗普的人的人。同样说明问题的是,他们对特朗普政府反垄断的高层预测,在所有话题中,迅速深入到标准普尔身上。他们声称,对标准专利使用费采取“自由放任”的做法将导致“潜在的巨额资金……来自购买智能手机的普通消费者……对少数实体来说……持有与智能手机相关的标普指数。”萨洛普和夏皮罗显然站在维斯塔格专员一边。我怀疑特朗普总统会这么做。联邦政府在促进创新和竞争以及减轻经济监管负担方面缺乏统一的战略。特朗普总统可能会考虑任命一个人来监督这一统一战略的制定和实施。反垄断部门和联邦贸易委员会最有能力专注于成熟的产品市场。可以理解的是,这些机构试图在经历技术颠覆的市场中卷入竞争纠纷。但这种干预的效果值得商榷。此外,公共选择方面的考虑应该提醒我们注意这样一种可能性,即执法机构被技术部门吸引,正是因为这是经济创造最多财富的领域。监管机构干预的危险之处在于,它将阻碍或消散动态竞争带来的巨大好处——尤其是如果这种干预像维斯塔格委员对标准普尔的看法那样被严重误导的话。
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引用次数: 0
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LSN: Other Law & Society: Public Law - Antitrust (Topic)
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