Abstract:In 2017–21, the symbol of childhood became especially noticeable in the political life of Russia due to the participation of minors in protest activity and the involvement of the age factor in political rhetoric.Based on an analysis of political discourse, media publications, and interviews, the authors conclude that the slogan of saving children served as a weapon in both the legitimation of power and its delegitimation. The opposition criticized the Kremlin for its alleged cruelty towards underage protesters and represented the authorities as outdated. The authorities accused the liberal opposition of manipulating the minds of minors; jeopardizing their health and life; and also carrying out the work of the Western secret services that were trying to split Russian society by age. The Kremlin positions itself as a pillar of strength of not only the physical but also the spiritual health of children.The public opinion survey shows that for the informants the question of whether the authorities protected children or displayed cruelty towards them was important for their evaluation of the legitimacy of power.
{"title":"\"Save the Children!\": The Symbol of Childhood and (De)Legitimation of Power in Russian Protests, 2017–21","authors":"O. Riabov, T. Riabova, Liudmila L. Kleshchenko","doi":"10.1353/reg.2022.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2022.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In 2017–21, the symbol of childhood became especially noticeable in the political life of Russia due to the participation of minors in protest activity and the involvement of the age factor in political rhetoric.Based on an analysis of political discourse, media publications, and interviews, the authors conclude that the slogan of saving children served as a weapon in both the legitimation of power and its delegitimation. The opposition criticized the Kremlin for its alleged cruelty towards underage protesters and represented the authorities as outdated. The authorities accused the liberal opposition of manipulating the minds of minors; jeopardizing their health and life; and also carrying out the work of the Western secret services that were trying to split Russian society by age. The Kremlin positions itself as a pillar of strength of not only the physical but also the spiritual health of children.The public opinion survey shows that for the informants the question of whether the authorities protected children or displayed cruelty towards them was important for their evaluation of the legitimacy of power.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128599823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:European Public Sector Accounting Standards (EPSAS) are being introduced by the European Commission to facilitate the harmonization of public sector accounting standards across the European Union countries. The main aim of this research is to explore the existing level of awareness, attitude, and expectations of public sector accountants at the subnational levels of government towards implementation of EPSAS in Croatia. Additionally, this paper explores the relationship between the existing level of public sector transparency, as perceived by public sector accountants, and the expected outcomes of EPSAS implementation. The findings suggest that public sector accountants are quite skeptical regarding the outcomes of EPSAS implementation. Among the positive effects, public sector accountants point to an expected increase of accountability and budget control, and greater transparency of public expenditures. Finally, the findings indicate that higher existing levels of budgetary transparency, as perceived by public sector accountants, lead to anticipation of more favorable effects of EPSAS.
{"title":"Challenges and Opportunities of European Public Sector Accounting Standards (EPSAS) Implementation and Transparency of the Public Sector in the European Union: Croatian Accountants' Perceptions","authors":"Silvia Golem, Andrijana Rogošić, G. Dedić","doi":"10.1353/reg.2022.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2022.0010","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:European Public Sector Accounting Standards (EPSAS) are being introduced by the European Commission to facilitate the harmonization of public sector accounting standards across the European Union countries. The main aim of this research is to explore the existing level of awareness, attitude, and expectations of public sector accountants at the subnational levels of government towards implementation of EPSAS in Croatia. Additionally, this paper explores the relationship between the existing level of public sector transparency, as perceived by public sector accountants, and the expected outcomes of EPSAS implementation. The findings suggest that public sector accountants are quite skeptical regarding the outcomes of EPSAS implementation. Among the positive effects, public sector accountants point to an expected increase of accountability and budget control, and greater transparency of public expenditures. Finally, the findings indicate that higher existing levels of budgetary transparency, as perceived by public sector accountants, lead to anticipation of more favorable effects of EPSAS.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133470567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Arrested Development: The Soviet Union in Ghana, Guinea, and Mali, 1955–1968 by Alessandro Iandolo (review)","authors":"Hilary Lynd","doi":"10.1353/reg.2022.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2022.0016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126689206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:An evolving concept in the realm of international law is the right to remedial secession. Even though this concept has not been completely embedded in customary international law, it is being taken into account as a de lege ferenda (new law) and human-oriented right by scholars of international law. In order for the right of remedial secession to materialize, at least four criteria must be met, namely the existence of a specific group of "people" deemed likely to benefit from secession; that this people is the victim of extensive and long-term persecution and harassment; the impossibility of coexistence between the seceding group and the state encompassing it; and the recognition of such an entity by a minimum number of members of the international community. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict satisfies the first three criteria, but the enclave is not recognized by any sovereign state or international governmental organization. In light of constructivist theory regarding the "social construct of political realities," including "statehood," as well as the on-the-ground political realities, it appears that the status quo, that is, the de facto independence of Karabakh without international recognition, will persist in the future. It appears that the geopolitical changes that took place in Karabakh after the 2020 war will not resolve the legal impasse. The present paper, which is based on a descriptive-analytical method, investigates the compatibility of remedial secession criteria with regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
{"title":"Analyzing the Compatibility of the Remedial Right of Secession with Regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict","authors":"A. Omidi","doi":"10.1353/reg.2022.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2022.0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:An evolving concept in the realm of international law is the right to remedial secession. Even though this concept has not been completely embedded in customary international law, it is being taken into account as a de lege ferenda (new law) and human-oriented right by scholars of international law. In order for the right of remedial secession to materialize, at least four criteria must be met, namely the existence of a specific group of \"people\" deemed likely to benefit from secession; that this people is the victim of extensive and long-term persecution and harassment; the impossibility of coexistence between the seceding group and the state encompassing it; and the recognition of such an entity by a minimum number of members of the international community. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict satisfies the first three criteria, but the enclave is not recognized by any sovereign state or international governmental organization. In light of constructivist theory regarding the \"social construct of political realities,\" including \"statehood,\" as well as the on-the-ground political realities, it appears that the status quo, that is, the de facto independence of Karabakh without international recognition, will persist in the future. It appears that the geopolitical changes that took place in Karabakh after the 2020 war will not resolve the legal impasse. The present paper, which is based on a descriptive-analytical method, investigates the compatibility of remedial secession criteria with regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126542826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This study examines the life satisfaction of migrants from Uzbekistan who have individually chosen Türkiye as a migration destination. Within the significant migration flows from post-Soviet countries to Türkiye, female migrants, including migrants from Uzbekistan, outnumber male migrants at least two to one. This gendered influx into Türkiye is puzzling: studies on labor migration from Central Asia overall show that male migrants outnumber females by orders of magnitude, which is explained by normative attitudes that women should stay at home. This article contributes to understandings of gendered migration flows through attention to women migrants' explanations of their satisfaction with employment in Türkiye in relation to their migration goals.
{"title":"Uzbek Migrants in Türkiye: Gender, Satisfaction in Türkiye, and Return Intentions","authors":"M. Kamp, Shoirakhon Nurdinova","doi":"10.1353/reg.2022.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2022.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This study examines the life satisfaction of migrants from Uzbekistan who have individually chosen Türkiye as a migration destination. Within the significant migration flows from post-Soviet countries to Türkiye, female migrants, including migrants from Uzbekistan, outnumber male migrants at least two to one. This gendered influx into Türkiye is puzzling: studies on labor migration from Central Asia overall show that male migrants outnumber females by orders of magnitude, which is explained by normative attitudes that women should stay at home. This article contributes to understandings of gendered migration flows through attention to women migrants' explanations of their satisfaction with employment in Türkiye in relation to their migration goals.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116092281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article deals with the process of how beer drinking became a factor in party organization in East Central European politics in the 1990s. It presents historical data on party formation in several nations (Ukraine, Russia, Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary) as well as campaign activity and results. The characteristics and history of beer lovers’ parties are not simply illustrations of postcommunist party systems. Party organizers saw beer drinking as conveying a complex and coherent message that would attract members and followers: friendly beer drinking suggests a peaceful political climate; beer brewing is closely connected to manufacturing, agriculture, and the hospitality industry; it is also a starting point for environmental protection. They found that while beer is indeed a complex symbol, it was not enough to sustain a successful party. And yet an exploration of the theoretical underpinnings of beer parties, and of these parties’ birth and eventual demise, provides valuable insights into both the region and the early postcommunist era.
{"title":"Rise and Fall of Beer Lovers’ Parties in East Central Europe: Party History and General Lessons","authors":"Csaba Fazekas","doi":"10.1353/reg.2021.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2021.0013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article deals with the process of how beer drinking became a factor in party organization in East Central European politics in the 1990s. It presents historical data on party formation in several nations (Ukraine, Russia, Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary) as well as campaign activity and results. The characteristics and history of beer lovers’ parties are not simply illustrations of postcommunist party systems. Party organizers saw beer drinking as conveying a complex and coherent message that would attract members and followers: friendly beer drinking suggests a peaceful political climate; beer brewing is closely connected to manufacturing, agriculture, and the hospitality industry; it is also a starting point for environmental protection. They found that while beer is indeed a complex symbol, it was not enough to sustain a successful party. And yet an exploration of the theoretical underpinnings of beer parties, and of these parties’ birth and eventual demise, provides valuable insights into both the region and the early postcommunist era.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115837420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The role of the state in the industrialization of the late Russian Empire has been a recurrent topic in historiography. Scholars have studied certain segments of state-owned entrepreneurship but have not taken a holistic approach to enterprises run or controlled by central or local government. This article draws on statistical yearbooks and other primary sources to address this gap in scholarship. It demonstrates that while Tsarist Russia had a diverse public sector, it employed no more than 10 percent of all economically active workers in all areas apart from public administration, the military, education, human health, and social work. The government kept certain enterprises in its ownership for various reasons, such as fiscal correction, regional development, and defense. Although the economic footprint of the state was considerable, there is no evidence that its role was significantly more prominent in the Russian case than elsewhere in Europe. The financial performance of most state-owned enterprises was poor; they were less efficient than their European counterparts and compared to private enterprises with a similar profile operating in Russia.
{"title":"Tsarist Business: State-owned Enterprises in the Late Russian Empire","authors":"V. Kulikov, M. Kragh","doi":"10.1353/reg.2021.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2021.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The role of the state in the industrialization of the late Russian Empire has been a recurrent topic in historiography. Scholars have studied certain segments of state-owned entrepreneurship but have not taken a holistic approach to enterprises run or controlled by central or local government. This article draws on statistical yearbooks and other primary sources to address this gap in scholarship. It demonstrates that while Tsarist Russia had a diverse public sector, it employed no more than 10 percent of all economically active workers in all areas apart from public administration, the military, education, human health, and social work. The government kept certain enterprises in its ownership for various reasons, such as fiscal correction, regional development, and defense. Although the economic footprint of the state was considerable, there is no evidence that its role was significantly more prominent in the Russian case than elsewhere in Europe. The financial performance of most state-owned enterprises was poor; they were less efficient than their European counterparts and compared to private enterprises with a similar profile operating in Russia.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116832980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This article intends to focus on Russia’s strategies toward North Korea from the perspective of its alliance behavior following the general contour presented by Victor D. Cha in his work entitled Powerplay. The main argument of this study is that Russia has rebuilt its strategic alignment with North Korea since 2000 to constrain the undertaking of adventuristic unilateral behavior that may drag Russia into an unwanted military contingency and crisis in its border region. Since the first nuclear crisis in North Korea, its nuclear ambitions and propensity to venture has increased Russia’s fear of entrapment. With the increasing intensity of such a fear, the only option for Russia is to apply the adhesion strategy to exert a direct restraint on North Korea as a preemptive measure. The rationale for this scheme is that avoiding any crisis in the border area is an overriding diplomatic goal in the newly established Russian Federation. This argument highlights institutional aspects of alignment and suggests fundamental purposes and functions of the Russia-North Korea alignment, which remains operational.
{"title":"Restoration of the Russia-North Korea Alignment in the Early 2000s: Russia’s Alliance Strategies and Achievements","authors":"Dayea Kim","doi":"10.1353/reg.2021.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2021.0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article intends to focus on Russia’s strategies toward North Korea from the perspective of its alliance behavior following the general contour presented by Victor D. Cha in his work entitled Powerplay. The main argument of this study is that Russia has rebuilt its strategic alignment with North Korea since 2000 to constrain the undertaking of adventuristic unilateral behavior that may drag Russia into an unwanted military contingency and crisis in its border region. Since the first nuclear crisis in North Korea, its nuclear ambitions and propensity to venture has increased Russia’s fear of entrapment. With the increasing intensity of such a fear, the only option for Russia is to apply the adhesion strategy to exert a direct restraint on North Korea as a preemptive measure. The rationale for this scheme is that avoiding any crisis in the border area is an overriding diplomatic goal in the newly established Russian Federation. This argument highlights institutional aspects of alignment and suggests fundamental purposes and functions of the Russia-North Korea alignment, which remains operational.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"52 31","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120836328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In addition to their own interpretation of Christianity, Old Believers in eastern Kazakhstan believe in spirits that link lived space to the people who occupy this space. These beliefs are expressed in personal narratives. The house spirit, or domovoi, is an anomalous creature connected to both the physical structure of the home and to the family that inhabits it. The spirit is of ambiguous gender. It supports religious actions such as blessing the home, and yet its misbehavior can be controlled by priests, by special persons who have no connection to religion, or by cursing the spirit. As a contradictory and anomalous being, the spirit allows Old Believers to explain uncanny events and offer prescriptions for dealing with such events. Analysis of Old Believer personal narratives about the domovoi can provide the distance that helps us understand contemporary attempts to deal with the uncanny, such as conspiracy theories.
{"title":"Understanding the Uncanny: Personal Narratives about the House Spirit (Domovoi) Collected among Old Believers in Eastern Kazakhstan","authors":"Alevtina D. Tsvetkova, N. Kononenko","doi":"10.1353/reg.2021.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2021.0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In addition to their own interpretation of Christianity, Old Believers in eastern Kazakhstan believe in spirits that link lived space to the people who occupy this space. These beliefs are expressed in personal narratives. The house spirit, or domovoi, is an anomalous creature connected to both the physical structure of the home and to the family that inhabits it. The spirit is of ambiguous gender. It supports religious actions such as blessing the home, and yet its misbehavior can be controlled by priests, by special persons who have no connection to religion, or by cursing the spirit. As a contradictory and anomalous being, the spirit allows Old Believers to explain uncanny events and offer prescriptions for dealing with such events. Analysis of Old Believer personal narratives about the domovoi can provide the distance that helps us understand contemporary attempts to deal with the uncanny, such as conspiracy theories.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130201325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Remains of Socialism: Memory and the Futures of the Past in Postsocialist Hungary by Maya Nadkarni (review)","authors":"L. Kürti","doi":"10.1353/reg.2021.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2021.0018","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123551817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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