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The Power of Song: Nonviolent National Culture in the Baltic Singing Revolution by Guntis Šmidchens (review) 《歌曲的力量:波罗的海歌唱革命中的非暴力民族文化》冈蒂斯Šmidchens(书评)
Pub Date : 2017-09-19 DOI: 10.1353/REG.2017.0019
L. Kürti
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Crimea: The New Russian Empire by Agnia Grigas (review) 《超越克里米亚:新俄罗斯帝国》作者:Agnia Grigas
Pub Date : 2017-09-19 DOI: 10.1353/reg.2017.0021
K. Hevey
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s Involvement in the Kosovo Case: Defending Serbian Interests or Securing Its Own Influence in Europe? 俄罗斯介入科索沃事件:捍卫塞尔维亚利益还是确保自己在欧洲的影响力?
Pub Date : 2017-09-08 DOI: 10.1353/REG.2017.0017
B. Radeljić
Abstract: This article examines Russia’s involvement in the Kosovo question. It shows that the Russian leadership has generally favored the Serbian authorities, but more importantly for its own influence, that it felt the urge to oppose the 1999 NATO intervention and the post-interventionist Western rhetoric. The argument that Russia has been primarily concerned with strengthening its own position and that involvement in the Kosovo question was expected to serve such an ambition can also be better understood by looking at some recent discrepancies. Namely, the fact that Russia has strongly insisted on the principle of territorial integrity in the case of Serbia but then completely ignored it in the case of Ukraine shows that its loud advocacy of Serbian territorial integrity was merely a strategic instrument to be deployed in European official debates, especially when the post-1999 discussions about Kosovo’s final status took place.
摘要:本文考察了俄罗斯在科索沃问题上的介入。这表明,俄罗斯领导层总体上支持塞尔维亚当局,但更重要的是,为了自己的影响力,它感到了反对1999年北约干预和后干预主义西方言论的冲动。俄罗斯主要关心的是加强自己的地位,而介入科索沃问题是为了实现这一目标,这一论点也可以通过观察最近的一些差异来更好地理解。也就是说,俄罗斯在塞尔维亚问题上强烈坚持领土完整的原则,但在乌克兰问题上却完全忽视了这一原则,这一事实表明,它对塞尔维亚领土完整的大声倡导仅仅是欧洲官方辩论中部署的一种战略工具,尤其是在1999年后关于科索沃最终地位的讨论进行时。
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引用次数: 3
Jews in Szczecin, 1945–50: At the Crossroad between Emigration and Assimilation 犹太人在捷克,1945-50年:在移民和同化的十字路口
Pub Date : 2017-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/REG.2017.0003
A. Wörn
Abstract: In 1946, the Polish authorities settled about 28,000 Polish-Jewish repatriates from the Soviet Union in Szczecin (Stettin). Situated on the Baltic Sea northeast of Berlin, Szczecin had been a German city until the end of the Second World War and then became Polish in July 1945 as a result of the Potsdam Agreement. The Polish government settled Jews in the “regained territories” for a range of opportunistic reasons. In the summer of 1946, Jewish life started to flourish in the city and a wide range of Jewish political and social organizations were established. However, the attempt to keep Jews in Szczecin failed. Anti-Semitism and harsh living conditions encouraged many Szczecin Jews to emigrate. The city became a hot spot of Jewish postwar emigration from Poland. The remaining Jews went through a process of “red assimilation” during the Stalinization of Poland. Most of them left the country later on, due to anti-Semitic government campaigns in 1956–57 and 1968–69.
摘要:1946年,波兰当局在什切青(stetttin)安置了约28,000名从苏联遣返的波兰犹太人。什切青位于柏林东北的波罗的海沿岸,二战结束前一直是德国的一个城市,1945年7月根据《波茨坦协定》成为波兰的一个城市。出于一系列机会主义的原因,波兰政府将犹太人安置在“收复的领土”上。1946年夏天,犹太人的生活开始在这座城市蓬勃发展,各种各样的犹太政治和社会组织也相继成立。然而,把犹太人留在什切青的企图失败了。反犹太主义和恶劣的生活条件促使许多捷克犹太人移居国外。这座城市成为战后波兰犹太人移民的热点。剩下的犹太人在波兰斯大林化期间经历了“红色同化”的过程。由于1956-57年和1968-69年的反犹太主义政府运动,他们中的大多数人后来离开了这个国家。
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引用次数: 1
The German Minority in Poland between 1945 and 1960: A Key Element of Poland’s Postwar Economy 1945年至1960年间波兰的德国少数民族:波兰战后经济的一个关键因素
Pub Date : 2017-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/REG.2017.0002
Yaman Kouli
Abstract: After the end of the war, the overall impression of large-scale destruction in Poland led many people to believe that much of the economy had to be rebuilt from scratch, even though economic growth was relatively high. This growth was not uniform across the country, though: Poland consisted of two economically different regions, one of which was former German territory which experienced very slow economic growth and from which 95 percent of the native inhabitants—ethnic Germans—had been forcibly removed. This paper argues that the massive border changes and the expulsion of the Germans from this region negatively affected productivity, contributed to the region’s slow economic growth, and exacerbated Poland’s economic problems. Only after the expulsion of the Germans from this territory was it realized that their knowledge, skills, and experience were key factors in economic reconstruction, and that rebuilding the economy “from scratch” was not necessary. Ultimately, this realization had a profound impact on Poland’s policy towards the German minority.
摘要:战争结束后,波兰大规模破坏的整体印象使许多人认为,尽管经济增长相对较高,但大部分经济都必须从头开始重建。然而,这种增长在全国范围内并不一致:波兰由两个经济不同的地区组成,其中一个是前德国领土,经历了非常缓慢的经济增长,95%的当地居民——德国人——被强行迁出。本文认为,大规模的边界变化和将德国人驱逐出该地区对生产力产生了负面影响,导致该地区经济增长缓慢,并加剧了波兰的经济问题。只有在把德国人赶出这片领土后,它才意识到,他们的知识、技能和经验是经济重建的关键因素,“从零开始”重建经济是没有必要的。最终,这种认识对波兰对德国少数民族的政策产生了深远的影响。
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引用次数: 0
National Minorities in the Soviet Bloc after 1945: New Historical Research in Micro- and Regional Studies 1945年后苏联集团的少数民族:微观与区域研究的新历史研究
Pub Date : 2017-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/REG.2017.0000
David Feest, Heidi Hein-Kircher
The development of ethnicity and nationality as key concepts of local identities in East-Central Europe has been thoroughly explored in regional studies. Yet, these studies have largely focused on the 19th and early 20th century. This focus can easily create the impression that the region’s ethnic groups and nationalities had developed into stable and well-established entities by the time of the Second World War. It is only in recent research that the formation of ethnic and national groups is understood as an ongoing process which continued even during the Second World War and into the postwar Eastern bloc. The circumstances were considerably different from those of the prewar years. Soviet annexations of territory in eastern Poland, the Baltic states, and Romania as well as Poland’s “westward shift” had created new border regions. Meanwhile, the war and the horrors of the German occupation had led to a radicalization of nationality policy. Forced population exchanges and the displacement of ethnic and religious groups, especially during the 1930s and 1940s, were not only a feature of Soviet nationality policy but were also accepted by the West as a means of shaping the postwar order in East-Central Europe.1 However, policy
在区域研究中,族群和民族作为地方认同的关键概念在中东欧的发展得到了深入的探讨。然而,这些研究主要集中在19世纪和20世纪初。这种重点很容易造成这样一种印象,即到第二次世界大战时,该区域的族裔和民族已经发展成为稳定和成熟的实体。只有在最近的研究中,才把种族和民族集团的形成理解为一个持续的过程,甚至在第二次世界大战期间和进入战后的东方集团。情况与战前大为不同。苏联吞并波兰东部、波罗的海诸国和罗马尼亚的领土,以及波兰的“西迁”,创造了新的边境地区。与此同时,战争和德国占领的恐怖导致了民族政策的激进化。特别是在20世纪30年代和40年代,强迫人口交换和种族和宗教团体的流离失所不仅是苏联民族政策的一个特点,而且也被西方接受为塑造东欧和中欧战后秩序的一种手段
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引用次数: 0
Nowa Huta: Generations of Change in a Model Socialist Town by Kinga Pozniak (review) 《现代胡塔:社会主义模范城镇的世代变迁》作者:金加·波兹尼亚克
Pub Date : 2017-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/reg.2017.0010
Natalie Misteravich-Carroll
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引用次数: 0
The Cult of the Balts: Mythological Impulses and Neo-Pagan Practices in the Touristic Clubs of the Lithuanian SSR of the 1960s and 1970s 波罗的海的崇拜:神话的冲动和新异教徒的做法,在20世纪60年代和70年代立陶宛苏维埃社会主义共和国的旅游俱乐部
Pub Date : 2017-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/REG.2017.0004
Odeta Rudling
Abstract: In the 1960s, Soviet Lithuania witnessed the rise of an intensified interest in paganism. Aiming to diminish the influence of the Roman Catholic Church, the Communist Party promoted Lithuanian pre-Christian customs and rituals that, in turn, not only became a successful instrument against Catholicism but also an effective stimulus of nationalism. Arising within the framework of academic touristic clubs, this interest turned into a deep study of the proto-Balts, their mythology, and their way of life, soon becoming the basis for an entire system of values based upon the superiority of Lithuanian ancestors. The biography and works of Vilhelmas Storostas (German: Wilhelm Storost), a.k.a. Vydūnas, a writer, theosophist, and nationalistic activist in the late 19th and early 20th century in Eastern Prussia, played a central role in the development of their world views. The newfound popularity of Vydūnas’s thinking as well as the influential writings on the proto-Balts and their Indo-European links by the American scholar Marija Gimbutas (Lithuanian: Gimbutienė) were essential in the creation of a new, primordialist concept of Lithuanianhood. The influence of their work was felt not only in the self-reflection of the movement but also in the construction of their religious neo-pagan practices.
摘要:20世纪60年代,苏联立陶宛对异教的兴趣日益浓厚。为了减少罗马天主教会的影响,共产党推广了立陶宛前基督教的习俗和仪式,这些习俗和仪式反过来不仅成为反对天主教的成功工具,而且还有效地刺激了民族主义。在学术旅游俱乐部的框架内,这种兴趣变成了对原始波罗的海人、他们的神话和他们的生活方式的深入研究,很快成为基于立陶宛祖先优越性的整个价值体系的基础。Vilhelmas Storostas(德语:Wilhelm Storost),又名Vydūnas, 19世纪末和20世纪初东普鲁士的作家、神智学者和民族主义活动家,他的传记和作品在他们世界观的发展中发挥了核心作用。Vydūnas思想的新流行,以及美国学者Marija Gimbutas(立陶宛语:gimbutien立陶宛语)关于原始波罗的海及其印欧联系的有影响力的著作,对于创造一个新的、原始的立陶宛概念至关重要。他们的工作的影响不仅体现在运动的自我反思中,而且体现在他们的宗教新异教实践的建构中。
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引用次数: 2
Religion and the Construction of Ethnic Identity in Kyrgyzstan 宗教与吉尔吉斯斯坦民族认同的建构
Pub Date : 2017-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/REG.2017.0006
Baris Isci Pembeci
With the introduction of new definitions of religion and religious actors, defining the relationship of Islam to national identity has been essential for the post-Soviet Central Asian states. This work, based on qualitative field research, examines how two particular groups of public figures, the Muslim authorities and the intelligentsia, attempt to define how religion should relate to the ethnic identity of the Kyrgyz in Kyrgyzstan. By analyzing the identity-building process as it plays out in a public debate over funeral practices between Muslim authorities and the intelligentsia, this article illuminates the context in which the idea of ethnicity is enacted and reproduced in definitions of post-Soviet identities in Kyrgyzstan. It argues that both the Muslim authorities and the intelligentsia are still informed by Soviet ideas on ethnicity and religion, but they enlarge the definition of Kyrgyz Muslimness in an authentic way without Soviet constraints, enriched with post-Soviet concerns, opportunities, and constraints.
随着对宗教和宗教角色的新定义的引入,确定伊斯兰教与民族认同的关系对后苏联中亚国家来说至关重要。这项工作基于定性的实地研究,研究了两个特定的公众人物群体,穆斯林当局和知识分子,如何试图定义宗教应该如何与吉尔吉斯斯坦吉尔吉斯人的民族认同联系起来。通过分析穆斯林当局与知识分子之间关于葬礼习俗的公开辩论中的身份建构过程,本文阐明了种族概念在吉尔吉斯斯坦后苏联身份定义中被制定和复制的背景。它认为,穆斯林当局和知识分子仍然受到苏联关于种族和宗教的观念的影响,但他们以一种真实的方式扩大了吉尔吉斯穆斯林的定义,没有苏联的限制,丰富了后苏联的关注、机会和限制。
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引用次数: 1
Stalinist City Planning: Professionals, Performance, and Power by Heather DeHaan (review) 斯大林主义城市规划:专业人士、绩效和权力作者:希瑟·德哈恩(Heather DeHaan)
Pub Date : 2017-06-09 DOI: 10.1353/REG.2017.0008
N. Levy
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia
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