The work reviewed here represents an attempt to gain an understanding of new tendencies in the modernization of contemporary Russia and its regions. The authors’ main focus is on the processes of the primary industrial stage of development in Russia and the transition to the secondary information stage. The authors aim to show the hierarchical differentiation of Russian federal subjects and federal districts in terms of modernization and to elicit contradictory tendencies in the regions’ evolution. The significance of this research lies in its implications for the modernization program outlined by Dmitrii Medvedev in 2009. According to the authors’ analysis, this program never resulted in the scientific development of a modernization strategy in Russia, let alone its practical implementation and regulation. The introductory section demonstrates the theoretical and methodological basis of their research, namely the concept of modernization as a civilizational process, and outlines the sociocultural challenges that Russian modernization has to tackle. In the following seven chapters, the authors consider processes, tendencies, and issues of modernization implemented between 2000 and 2012 in seven Russian federal districts. The authors connect Russian modernization processes with global development patterns. According to their data, approximately 90 developing countries are in the industrial stage of modernization and approximately 40 developed countries are in the informational stage, which points to the existence of multiple modernization processes. In a number of countries, including Russia, both stages of modernization are being implemented at the same time, with one type prevailing over the other in different parts of the country, thus indicating uneven modernization patterns in different regions. The novelty of the book is to be found in the authors’ analysis of these uneven modernization processes in different parts of Russia. As this area of research is undeveloped, the Russian academy, the authors of this volume, follow the approach developed by the Center for Modernization Studies of the Academy of Sciences of China.1 Doing so enables the use of annual modernization indices in 130 countries with populations over one million (including the Russian Federation). Analyzing these indices reveals a great imbalance between Russian regions in the primary industrial and secondary information
{"title":"Atlas modernizatsii Rossii i ee regionov: Sotsioekonomicheskie i sotsiokul'turnye tendentsii i problemy ed. by N. I. Lapin (review)","authors":"R. Tangalycheva","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0020","url":null,"abstract":"The work reviewed here represents an attempt to gain an understanding of new tendencies in the modernization of contemporary Russia and its regions. The authors’ main focus is on the processes of the primary industrial stage of development in Russia and the transition to the secondary information stage. The authors aim to show the hierarchical differentiation of Russian federal subjects and federal districts in terms of modernization and to elicit contradictory tendencies in the regions’ evolution. The significance of this research lies in its implications for the modernization program outlined by Dmitrii Medvedev in 2009. According to the authors’ analysis, this program never resulted in the scientific development of a modernization strategy in Russia, let alone its practical implementation and regulation. The introductory section demonstrates the theoretical and methodological basis of their research, namely the concept of modernization as a civilizational process, and outlines the sociocultural challenges that Russian modernization has to tackle. In the following seven chapters, the authors consider processes, tendencies, and issues of modernization implemented between 2000 and 2012 in seven Russian federal districts. The authors connect Russian modernization processes with global development patterns. According to their data, approximately 90 developing countries are in the industrial stage of modernization and approximately 40 developed countries are in the informational stage, which points to the existence of multiple modernization processes. In a number of countries, including Russia, both stages of modernization are being implemented at the same time, with one type prevailing over the other in different parts of the country, thus indicating uneven modernization patterns in different regions. The novelty of the book is to be found in the authors’ analysis of these uneven modernization processes in different parts of Russia. As this area of research is undeveloped, the Russian academy, the authors of this volume, follow the approach developed by the Center for Modernization Studies of the Academy of Sciences of China.1 Doing so enables the use of annual modernization indices in 130 countries with populations over one million (including the Russian Federation). Analyzing these indices reveals a great imbalance between Russian regions in the primary industrial and secondary information","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133086500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper argues that political stability was the main paradigm of the UN administrative mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). UNMIK has pursued this goal at the expense of democratization, economic development, and a clear vision for Kosovo. An insistence on working with local political elites with the aim of maintaining stability has greatly empowered these elites, at the cost of democratic consolidation. As a mission that has operated with an open-ended mandate and without an exit strategy, UNMIK co-opted the local political elites and gave tacit approval to their client-patron logic of governance and corruptive affairs in exchange for achieving what we call "negative stability" and postponing a final resolution of Kosovo's political status. In the period following the country's independence and European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) deployment, the same political elites consolidated their power and continued to build their clientelist networks and avoid public accountability. The paper concludes that despite massive investments, EULEX, like UNMIK, has prioritized stability at the cost of democratization.
{"title":"Statebuilding without Exit Strategy in Kosovo: Stability, Clientelism, and Corruption","authors":"Adem Beha, Gëzim Selaci","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper argues that political stability was the main paradigm of the UN administrative mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). UNMIK has pursued this goal at the expense of democratization, economic development, and a clear vision for Kosovo. An insistence on working with local political elites with the aim of maintaining stability has greatly empowered these elites, at the cost of democratic consolidation. As a mission that has operated with an open-ended mandate and without an exit strategy, UNMIK co-opted the local political elites and gave tacit approval to their client-patron logic of governance and corruptive affairs in exchange for achieving what we call \"negative stability\" and postponing a final resolution of Kosovo's political status. In the period following the country's independence and European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) deployment, the same political elites consolidated their power and continued to build their clientelist networks and avoid public accountability. The paper concludes that despite massive investments, EULEX, like UNMIK, has prioritized stability at the cost of democratization.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125052651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
So much has been said and written about the Balkans or, more specifically, the collapse of the Yugoslav Federation and the post-Yugoslav states. Since the early 1990s, academics, journalists, and policy experts have tried to figure out what went wrong and whom to blame, and to identify lessons learned so they could propose recommendations, the purpose of which is to help the region make progress and hopefully come closer to the rest of Europe, if admittedly not capable of catching up with it fully. But, figuring out what the region itself really wants has been extremely difficult. Back in 2013, while completing a volume on the post-Yugoslav space, I observed that
{"title":"Is There Any Hope for the Balkans?","authors":"B. Radeljić","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0019","url":null,"abstract":"So much has been said and written about the Balkans or, more specifically, the collapse of the Yugoslav Federation and the post-Yugoslav states. Since the early 1990s, academics, journalists, and policy experts have tried to figure out what went wrong and whom to blame, and to identify lessons learned so they could propose recommendations, the purpose of which is to help the region make progress and hopefully come closer to the rest of Europe, if admittedly not capable of catching up with it fully. But, figuring out what the region itself really wants has been extremely difficult. Back in 2013, while completing a volume on the post-Yugoslav space, I observed that","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"142 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116589760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Informal systemic practices in Serbia embedded in the political and administrative milieu impair public administration reform efforts. Formal rules produce no real incentives for achieving effective reform outcomes and suppressing these informalities. External conditionality provides incentives as it puts pressure on institutional actors to pursue reforms, promising the often vague but important prospect of European Union membership. Although effective in initiating change in formal procedures, external incentives still fall short of deconstructing informal practices that circumvent written norms and standards, despite pressures and conditionality. In this paper, the authors argue that parallelism between formal rules that exist on paper, and reality, which is resistant to these same rules, results in a "reform faking" syndrome characterized by the acceptance of formal standards that the system finds difficult to absorb, despite internal and external demands to apply them. The paper goes on to argue that the embedded practice of fabricating reforms carries long-term consequences for system stability and the rule of law.
{"title":"Challenges of Public Administration Reform in Serbia: Between Requirements and Reality","authors":"Miloš Đinđić, D. Bajic","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Informal systemic practices in Serbia embedded in the political and administrative milieu impair public administration reform efforts. Formal rules produce no real incentives for achieving effective reform outcomes and suppressing these informalities. External conditionality provides incentives as it puts pressure on institutional actors to pursue reforms, promising the often vague but important prospect of European Union membership. Although effective in initiating change in formal procedures, external incentives still fall short of deconstructing informal practices that circumvent written norms and standards, despite pressures and conditionality. In this paper, the authors argue that parallelism between formal rules that exist on paper, and reality, which is resistant to these same rules, results in a \"reform faking\" syndrome characterized by the acceptance of formal standards that the system finds difficult to absorb, despite internal and external demands to apply them. The paper goes on to argue that the embedded practice of fabricating reforms carries long-term consequences for system stability and the rule of law.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115881899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The analyses in this selection shed light on some of the central characteristics of informality in Southeast Europe, while also intersecting with some basic theoretical discussions in the study of informality generally. Some of the central characteristics of Southeast European states that make them especially interesting as sites for the study of informality include: frequently low levels of institutional density, repeated experience of "fundamental" structural change inspired from outside and imposed from above, and complex interaction between formal institutions that are consolidated to varying degrees and requirements for reform generated through external processes (in particular, through pursuit of the goal of integration with the European Union). It might be said that these states are seeking, and partially succeeding, in establishing democratic systems, having emerged from a period in which they pursued, with partial success, the establishment of socialist systems. The gaps left by ambitious efforts to construct society-transforming political systems left ample space for the development of compensatory informal practices, some of which developed into stable forms of corruption, while others made it possible for everyday needs to be met in dysfunctional institutional environments. Additionally, as some of the states of the region are new states which have recently experienced violent conflict, the issues of institutional functionality and trust in institutions become more prominent.
{"title":"Introduction: Gaps between Formal and Informal Practices in Southeast European States","authors":"E. Gordy","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0013","url":null,"abstract":"The analyses in this selection shed light on some of the central characteristics of informality in Southeast Europe, while also intersecting with some basic theoretical discussions in the study of informality generally. Some of the central characteristics of Southeast European states that make them especially interesting as sites for the study of informality include: frequently low levels of institutional density, repeated experience of \"fundamental\" structural change inspired from outside and imposed from above, and complex interaction between formal institutions that are consolidated to varying degrees and requirements for reform generated through external processes (in particular, through pursuit of the goal of integration with the European Union). It might be said that these states are seeking, and partially succeeding, in establishing democratic systems, having emerged from a period in which they pursued, with partial success, the establishment of socialist systems. The gaps left by ambitious efforts to construct society-transforming political systems left ample space for the development of compensatory informal practices, some of which developed into stable forms of corruption, while others made it possible for everyday needs to be met in dysfunctional institutional environments. Additionally, as some of the states of the region are new states which have recently experienced violent conflict, the issues of institutional functionality and trust in institutions become more prominent.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122140725","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper addresses the evolution of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), focusing in particular on newly endorsed institutional provisions for the common gas market (CGM) of the EAEU. The article is organized as follows. First, it outlines a conceptual framework informed by institutional theory. Second, it incorporates necessary insight into manifold developments related to integration among those post-Soviet economies which up to this point have been less definite in setting their agenda for formal economic association with the EU and examines the determinants for Eurasian integration. Third, it explains the principal institutions and model for the proposed CGM. Fourth, the paper discusses institutional complementarity and institutional change as they relate to the process of the CGM's formation. The study demonstrates that institutionally homogeneous EAEU economies display their intention to model the CGM by exploiting their existing complementarity in the gas sector, but assume the necessity of some institutional changes. The article concludes that institutional conversion and institutional drift (as they relate to market structure and pricing, respectively) will be the types of changes required to enforce complementarity in the process of materialization of the proposed CGM.
{"title":"The Common Gas Market of the Eurasian Economic Union: Progress and Prospects for Institutionalization","authors":"E. Shadrina","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper addresses the evolution of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), focusing in particular on newly endorsed institutional provisions for the common gas market (CGM) of the EAEU. The article is organized as follows. First, it outlines a conceptual framework informed by institutional theory. Second, it incorporates necessary insight into manifold developments related to integration among those post-Soviet economies which up to this point have been less definite in setting their agenda for formal economic association with the EU and examines the determinants for Eurasian integration. Third, it explains the principal institutions and model for the proposed CGM. Fourth, the paper discusses institutional complementarity and institutional change as they relate to the process of the CGM's formation. The study demonstrates that institutionally homogeneous EAEU economies display their intention to model the CGM by exploiting their existing complementarity in the gas sector, but assume the necessity of some institutional changes. The article concludes that institutional conversion and institutional drift (as they relate to market structure and pricing, respectively) will be the types of changes required to enforce complementarity in the process of materialization of the proposed CGM.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"95 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115253521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Twilight of Empire: The Brest-Litovsk Conference and the Remaking of East-Central Europe, 1917–1918 by Borislav Chernev (review)","authors":"J. Fahey","doi":"10.1353/reg.2018.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/reg.2018.0008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121077941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The title of this monograph is symbolic: in 1913–14 Maksim Maksimovich Kovalevskii and Evgenii Valentinovich De Roberti, who were among the first Russian sociologists, edited four collections of works with the same title.1 These volumes, published in St. Petersburg, included innovative articles by foreign and Russian scholars and significantly influenced Russian sociological thought by providing new and different methodological approaches to major topics of research. Likewise, the new monograph introduces the reader to ideas and theories in present-day Russian sociology. The book demonstrates that methodological issues in Russian sociology are as acute today as they were one hundred years ago. As the editor stresses, this book brings out “new facets of social consciousness, the processes of its development, in close connection with phenomena that contribute to, or complicate or hamper understanding, and reveal trends in the development of modern Russian society” (8). The book presents some modern Western ideas adopted by Russian sociologists to interpret and explain Russian realities, such as neurosociology, cellular globalization, and creative society: although well known at the world level of research, such concepts are innovative in the context of Russian sociology. The book makes these ideas available to a broad Russian audience that still lacks easy access to foreign sociological primary sources. The 27 articles by renowned Russian sociologists collected in this monograph outline these sociological innovations to explain “what is qualitatively changing our ideas about social reality in its manifold manifestations” (6). These articles describe and reassess new social phenomena in post-Communist Russia and the role of sociology in social knowledge production. Some of these articles enhance the theory of post-Communist transformation, while others provide empirical ground for an analysis of developments in the spheres of work, education, and the economy. The major focus of the book is on how Russia is currently changing: what the forms and levels of its modernization are, what kind of innovations are taking place in society, what new social conflicts arise in civil society, and why new types of alienation are appearing in cities and villages. According to the editor, this book describes the major characteristics of contemporary Russian society and gives examples on how to produce new social knowledge by researching social processes, social groups, and spheres of life.
{"title":"Novye idei v sotsiologii ed. by Zhan Terent'evich Toshchenko (review)","authors":"L. Titarenko","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0010","url":null,"abstract":"The title of this monograph is symbolic: in 1913–14 Maksim Maksimovich Kovalevskii and Evgenii Valentinovich De Roberti, who were among the first Russian sociologists, edited four collections of works with the same title.1 These volumes, published in St. Petersburg, included innovative articles by foreign and Russian scholars and significantly influenced Russian sociological thought by providing new and different methodological approaches to major topics of research. Likewise, the new monograph introduces the reader to ideas and theories in present-day Russian sociology. The book demonstrates that methodological issues in Russian sociology are as acute today as they were one hundred years ago. As the editor stresses, this book brings out “new facets of social consciousness, the processes of its development, in close connection with phenomena that contribute to, or complicate or hamper understanding, and reveal trends in the development of modern Russian society” (8). The book presents some modern Western ideas adopted by Russian sociologists to interpret and explain Russian realities, such as neurosociology, cellular globalization, and creative society: although well known at the world level of research, such concepts are innovative in the context of Russian sociology. The book makes these ideas available to a broad Russian audience that still lacks easy access to foreign sociological primary sources. The 27 articles by renowned Russian sociologists collected in this monograph outline these sociological innovations to explain “what is qualitatively changing our ideas about social reality in its manifold manifestations” (6). These articles describe and reassess new social phenomena in post-Communist Russia and the role of sociology in social knowledge production. Some of these articles enhance the theory of post-Communist transformation, while others provide empirical ground for an analysis of developments in the spheres of work, education, and the economy. The major focus of the book is on how Russia is currently changing: what the forms and levels of its modernization are, what kind of innovations are taking place in society, what new social conflicts arise in civil society, and why new types of alienation are appearing in cities and villages. According to the editor, this book describes the major characteristics of contemporary Russian society and gives examples on how to produce new social knowledge by researching social processes, social groups, and spheres of life.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"13 Suppl 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126235715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:After Georgia regained its independence following the collapse of the Soviet regime, national and religious identities gained particular importance. A religious revival was observed not only among Christians but also among the country's Muslim communities. The region of Adjara is populated by Georgians who profess Islam. The aim of this paper is to explore the transformation of the religious landscape in Georgia and the idiosyncratic characteristics of identity in post-Soviet Adjara. The change in Adjara's religious landscape has resulted in a specific and eclectic picture. Muslim identity in Georgia creates a religious and cultural model rooted in the specific historical, political, and cultural development of the region. For Muslim Adjarians Islam is the "religion of their forefathers" and at the same time part of their national [Georgian] identity. However, due to the long-standing dominance of the Christian national narrative in public discourse, Muslim identity has remained "suspicious." Hence, Muslim Adjarians have suffered the traumatic experience of being perceived by the mainstream, Christian majority as not "perfect Georgians" because of their Islamic identity. Alongside this perception of marginality, Muslim Georgians demonstrate a particular Islamic identity with high intercultural competencies and tolerance.
{"title":"The Unbearable Lightness of Being Muslim and Georgian: Religious Transformation and Questions of Identity among Adjara's Muslim Georgians","authors":"Sophie Zviadadze","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:After Georgia regained its independence following the collapse of the Soviet regime, national and religious identities gained particular importance. A religious revival was observed not only among Christians but also among the country's Muslim communities. The region of Adjara is populated by Georgians who profess Islam. The aim of this paper is to explore the transformation of the religious landscape in Georgia and the idiosyncratic characteristics of identity in post-Soviet Adjara. The change in Adjara's religious landscape has resulted in a specific and eclectic picture. Muslim identity in Georgia creates a religious and cultural model rooted in the specific historical, political, and cultural development of the region. For Muslim Adjarians Islam is the \"religion of their forefathers\" and at the same time part of their national [Georgian] identity. However, due to the long-standing dominance of the Christian national narrative in public discourse, Muslim identity has remained \"suspicious.\" Hence, Muslim Adjarians have suffered the traumatic experience of being perceived by the mainstream, Christian majority as not \"perfect Georgians\" because of their Islamic identity. Alongside this perception of marginality, Muslim Georgians demonstrate a particular Islamic identity with high intercultural competencies and tolerance.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125963215","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:In this article about the conflict between Georgia and Russia, the authors claim that the application of biopolitical—that is focused on controlling large population groups—instruments leads to the strengthening of imperial logic in Russian foreign policy. This argument is explored on the grounds of the projection of the Russian conservative agenda to Georgia, with its strong religious components and moral appeals, as well as on the basis of Moscow's policy of gradually absorbing Abkhazia and South Ossetia by means of incorporating their population through passportization and other instruments.
{"title":"Imperial Biopolitics and Its Disavowals: Russia, Georgia, and Spaces In-Between","authors":"A. Makarychev, A. Yatsyk","doi":"10.1353/REG.2018.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/REG.2018.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:In this article about the conflict between Georgia and Russia, the authors claim that the application of biopolitical—that is focused on controlling large population groups—instruments leads to the strengthening of imperial logic in Russian foreign policy. This argument is explored on the grounds of the projection of the Russian conservative agenda to Georgia, with its strong religious components and moral appeals, as well as on the basis of Moscow's policy of gradually absorbing Abkhazia and South Ossetia by means of incorporating their population through passportization and other instruments.","PeriodicalId":307724,"journal":{"name":"Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123588928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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