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Construction of the Identity of Russia’s Muslim Regions in the Context of the Emerging All-Russian Identity 全俄认同形成背景下俄罗斯穆斯林地区认同的建构
Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-651-664
Yu M Pochta
A problem for researchers of modern Russian society is the relationship between the identity of the regions, conditionally called Muslim by the author, with the all-Russian identity. The actualization of the problem of the all-Russian identity in the context of the aggravation of the geopolitical and civilizational conflict between Russia and the collective West leads to the need to analyze the contribution to the reproduction of this identity of various confessions, ethno-national groups, including Muslim regions. Despite a large amount of research, the role of Muslim regions in the formation of a common Russian identity is a highly debatable issue. The purpose of the study is to determine the role of Islam in the formation of regional and all-Russian identity. The study was conducted on the basis of a systematic approach, discourse analysis, narrative approach and social constructivism. As a result of the study, it was revealed that the ruling elites in a number of regions use Islam along with the ethnic factor as a resource legitimizing their power in relations with the federal center and their own population, constructing a regional identity in the context of the socialization and politicization of Islam. The results obtained contribute to the development of ideas about the role of Islam in the formation of an all-Russian identity and to clarify the process of development of federalism in a multinational and multi-confessional Russian society.
现代俄罗斯社会研究人员面临的一个问题是,作者有条件地称之为穆斯林的地区认同与全俄罗斯认同之间的关系。在俄罗斯与集体西方之间地缘政治和文明冲突加剧的背景下,全俄罗斯认同问题的实现导致有必要分析包括穆斯林地区在内的各种忏悔,民族-民族群体对这种认同的再生产的贡献。尽管有大量的研究,穆斯林地区在形成共同的俄罗斯身份中的作用是一个非常有争议的问题。这项研究的目的是确定伊斯兰教在形成区域和全俄罗斯认同方面的作用。本研究采用系统论方法、话语分析方法、叙事论方法和社会建构主义理论。研究结果显示,许多地区的统治精英将伊斯兰教连同族群因素作为一种资源,在与联邦中心和本地区人口的关系中使其权力合法化,在伊斯兰教的社会化和政治化背景下构建了一种地区认同。所获得的结果有助于发展关于伊斯兰教在形成全俄罗斯认同中的作用的思想,并澄清在多民族和多宗教的俄罗斯社会中联邦制的发展过程。
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引用次数: 0
Leaders and Wingmen: Youth Policy in the Views of its Participants - an Evidence from Krasnodar Territory 领导者和僚机:参与者观点中的青年政策——来自克拉斯诺达尔地区的证据
Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-856-882
I. Samarkina, I. V. Miroshnichenko, Sergey S. Maltsev
The article presents the results of a study of young people’s perceptions of regional youth policy. The authors use the theoretical model of the subjective space of politics to analyze empirical data reflecting the state of the subjective space of sectoral policy - the state youth policy of the Krasnodar Krai. The main motives of youth activity in regional youth policy are determined based on the data from a mass survey of young people, focus group interviews and a series of expert sessions with representatives of authorities and other entities implementing state youth policy. The article reveals the constructive and negative potential of young people’s social activity, as well as identifies the main social profiles of young people and describes their content parameters. The authors conclude that young people are involved in interactions with the authorities to solve their own problems or the problems of other people. They show that social projects, territorial development projects, the activities of political parties and local self-government have the biggest potential for involving young people in social activity. They also note the existing potential of young people’s participation in protests. The authors describe the profiles of young people according to two parameters: according to the severity of social orientation young people are divided into consumers (orientation towards themselves, solving their own problems) and transformers (orientation towards solving other people’s problems); and according to the degree of leadership positions and social activity they are characterized as leaders and followers.
这篇文章介绍了一项关于年轻人对地区青年政策看法的研究结果。作者运用政治主观空间的理论模型,分析反映部门政策主观空间状态的实证数据——克拉斯诺达尔边疆区的国家青年政策。区域青年政策中青年活动的主要动机是根据对青年的大规模调查、焦点小组访谈和与执行国家青年政策的当局和其他实体的代表举行的一系列专家会议的数据确定的。文章揭示了青少年社会活动的建设性和消极潜力,并确定了青少年的主要社会特征,描述了他们的内容参数。作者得出的结论是,年轻人参与与当局的互动,以解决自己的问题或他人的问题。调查结果显示,社会项目、领土开发项目、政党活动和地方自治政府最有可能让年轻人参与社会活动。他们还注意到年轻人参与抗议活动的现有潜力。作者根据两个参数描述了年轻人的概况:根据社会取向的严重程度,将年轻人分为消费者(以自己为导向,解决自己的问题)和变形者(以解决他人的问题为导向);根据领导地位和社会活动的程度,他们被分为领导者和追随者。
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引用次数: 0
Factors of Influence of the Regional Political Elite in Modern Russia: Evidences from St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region 现代俄罗斯地区政治精英的影响因素:来自圣彼得堡和列宁格勒地区的证据
Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-795-826
O. Popova
The relevance of the research project is determined by the dominant role of elite groups in modern Russian politics. The opportunity and ability of the elite to solve topical social issues to a large extent depend on the degree of their influence. The article presents the results of an expert study in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region (late November to early December 2021). Representatives of the regional political elite themselves, as well as “key informants” acted as experts. The technology for collecting expert information included a set of qualitative and quantitative methods (methods of grouping data with an estimate of the average values of the variation series and dispersion measures, as well as multidimensional scaling, factorial and cluster analysis). The evaluation was carried out on 22 parameters. In St. Petersburg, six factors are associated with the strategies used by the authorities to strengthen their influence: the conditions of general and political socialization; dominant communication strategies of politicians based on the type of their leadership; economic resources; informal grounds for political career related to the politicians’ families; cultivation of clientelism, atypical for a metropolis; the regional elite having work experience in other areas, in addition to public administration and public policy. The politicians themselves are mostly attracted to three image types: a) a productive political “heavyweight”, belonging to a clan by birthright or “overgrown” with economic and informal ties, including with “shadow structures”, who has real economic opportunities to influence the situation in the region; b) a “political tribune”, who actively communicates with the population and relies on cultivating a stable positive attitude towards themselves among the inhabitants of the region; c) an “insider”, connected with the region by their destiny and having stable political views. The study showed that in St. Petersburg, public communicative activity online and offline is not a significant condition for strengthening the “political weight” of a politician; belonging to a clan (family, friend group, professional clan) is much more important. Experts deny that accentuated masculine or feminine behaviour patterns of politicians in St. Petersburg are a significant factor in strengthening their influence. In the Leningrad Region, the configuration of the latent factors influencing the significance of politicians is different. The most important factors include the following: the channel and method of politician’s recruitment to power; the activity of personal information policy on the Internet; the presence of social, human and status capital through birth in a certain family or effective interaction with certain influential regional groups; an accentuated demonstration of personal resources; the presence of real leadership qualities; control over economic resources in the region. Five dominant types of politicians were identif
该研究项目的相关性取决于精英群体在现代俄罗斯政治中的主导作用。精英阶层解决社会热点问题的机会和能力在很大程度上取决于他们的影响力。本文介绍了圣彼得堡和列宁格勒地区(2021年11月底至12月初)的一项专家研究结果。地区政治精英本身的代表以及“关键线人”充当了专家。收集专家信息的技术包括一套定性和定量方法(对数据进行分组,估计变异序列的平均值和离散测度,以及多维比例、因子和聚类分析的方法)。对22个参数进行了评估。在圣彼得堡,有六个因素与当局加强影响力的战略有关:一般社会化和政治社会化的条件;政治家基于其领导类型的主导沟通策略;经济资源;与政客家庭有关的政治生涯的非正式理由;培养客户主义,这对于大都市来说是非典型的;除了公共行政和公共政策外,还拥有其他领域工作经验的地区精英。政客们自己大多被三种形象类型所吸引:a)富有成效的政治“重量级人物”,与生俱来的权利属于一个家族,或者与经济和非正式关系“过度发达”,包括与“影子结构”的关系,他有实际的经济机会影响该地区的局势;b) “政治论坛”,积极与人民沟通,并依靠在该地区居民中培养稳定、积极的自我态度;c) 一个“内部人士”,与该地区命运相连,拥有稳定的政治观点。研究表明,在圣彼得堡,线上和线下的公共交流活动并不是增强政治家“政治影响力”的重要条件;属于一个氏族(家庭、朋友团体、职业氏族)要重要得多。专家们否认,圣彼得堡政客突出的男性或女性行为模式是加强其影响力的重要因素。在列宁格勒地区,影响政治家意义的潜在因素的配置是不同的。其中最重要的因素包括以下几个方面:政治家被招募上台的渠道和方法;个人信息政策在互联网上的活动;社会资本、人力资本和地位资本通过出生在某个家庭或与某些有影响力的地区群体进行有效互动而存在;强调个人资源的展示;真正的领导素质;对该地区经济资源的控制。根据他们所利用并向公众展示的各种品质,确定了五种占主导地位的政治家类型。政治家在解决区域问题方面进行大规模战略思考的能力以及公共政治中突出的性别行为的重要性得到了证实。
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引用次数: 0
The Neighbourhood Effect in Russian Regional Policies: Autocorrelation and Cluster Analysis 俄罗斯区域政策中的睦邻效应:自相关与聚类分析
Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-634-650
I. Okunev, V. R. Lopatina
Regional convergence is one of the greatest strategic challenges for the Russian Federation. Socio-economic zoning directly affects the regional policy in Russia, as most administrative and political practices are reproduced within a federal district or an economic region. This study is aimed at identifying steady clusters or, in other words, groups of Russian regions, based on quantitative data on socio-economic development. The study relies on the methods of spatial econometrics. The authors also aim to compare the results of their study to the macro-regions suggested by the Strategy of Regional Development of the Russian Federation and therefore to the current administrative practices. The paper determines 12 clusters continual in space, based on 62 regional development indicators and reflecting the statistical resemblance of the regions within a cluster. The study has not found stable macro-regions of similar values except in Siberia and the Far East. Thus, the authors conclude that addressing the wide range of socio-economic problems based on one standardized grid for dividing the country will likely not lead to success. Therefore, a more asymmetric and multi-level regional policy should be sought. This implies that every ministry responsible for an area of regional development should come up with its own spatial structure of Russia in order to define its targets and the practices required to meet them.
区域趋同是俄罗斯联邦面临的最大战略挑战之一。社会经济区划直接影响到俄罗斯的区域政策,因为大多数行政和政治实践都是在联邦区或经济区域内复制的。这项研究的目的是根据社会经济发展的数量数据确定稳定的集群,换句话说,确定俄罗斯地区的群体。本研究采用空间计量经济学的方法。作者还打算将他们的研究结果与俄罗斯联邦区域发展战略所建议的宏观区域进行比较,从而与目前的行政实践进行比较。本文根据62个区域发展指标,反映集群内区域的统计相似性,确定了空间上连续的12个集群。除了西伯利亚和远东地区,该研究还没有发现具有类似数值的稳定宏观区域。因此,作者得出结论,基于一个标准化的划分国家的网格来解决广泛的社会经济问题可能不会导致成功。因此,应寻求一种更加不对称和多层次的区域政策。这意味着,负责区域发展领域的每个部门都应该提出自己的俄罗斯空间结构,以便确定其目标和实现这些目标所需的实践。
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引用次数: 2
Managing an “Unfinished Project”: Analyzing the Elites of Perm Krai Through the Lens of Expert Opinion 管理一个“未完成的项目”:通过专家意见的视角分析彼尔姆边疆区的精英
Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-711-731
D. Kazarinova
Perm Krai and the socio-political processes taking place in it are in many ways typical of Russia, and therefore of interest to a wide audience of researchers and political analysts. Based on the theoretical constructions of international elites studies and the Perm School of Political Science and elitology, we study the political and business elites of the region, their political behavior, aspects of identity, as well as the most politically sensitive topics in the life of the region. Relying primarily on the literature analysis and subsequent own semi-standardized in-depth interviews (N10) with representatives of regional elites - the following results were obtained. The identity of the elites and everymen in Perm region is somewhat vague, associated with the neutral notion of geographical region of the Kama region. Liberalism in the economic sphere and a relatively stable inter-elite consensus in the political sphere, based on technocracy, are characteristic of the region’s policy for some decades. The region is characterized by a low socio-political dynamics compared to the benchmark regions of the Urals and Siberia, due to lack of regionally oriented elites and businesses and the predominance of various kinds of “Varangians” in the political class. The socio-political and cultural landscape of the region (the Perm Cultural Project) becomes a starting place and a source of supplies for the elites, receiving back very little. Thus, the region remains a promising project that cannot be realized in any way.
彼尔姆边疆区及其发生的社会政治进程在许多方面都是俄罗斯的典型,因此引起了广泛的研究人员和政治分析人士的兴趣。基于国际精英研究的理论建构和彼尔姆政治科学与精英学院,我们研究了该地区的政治和商业精英,他们的政治行为,身份的各个方面,以及该地区生活中最具政治敏感性的话题。主要依靠文献分析和随后自己对区域精英代表的半标准化深度访谈(N10),得到以下结果。彼尔姆地区的精英和普通人的身份有些模糊,与卡马地区的地理区域的中立概念有关。经济领域的自由主义和政治领域相对稳定的精英间共识,以技术官僚为基础,是该地区几十年来政策的特点。与乌拉尔和西伯利亚的基准地区相比,该地区的特点是社会政治动态较低,这是由于缺乏以地区为导向的精英和企业,以及各种“瓦良格人”在政治阶层中占主导地位。该地区的社会政治和文化景观(彼尔姆文化项目)成为精英们的起点和供应来源,得到的回报很少。因此,该区域仍然是一个有希望的项目,但不可能以任何方式实现。
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引用次数: 0
Russian Regions in Political Research and Identity Studies: Introducing the Issue 政治研究与身份认同研究中的俄罗斯地区问题介绍
Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-613-618
M. Mchedlova, A. Sokolov
The editorial board presents an issue dedicated to the analysis of politics in the regions of Russia. Two interrelated paradigms of the political design of Russia’s regional diversity are to trace - territorial and ethno-national. They have become not only options for state registration of a space diversified by political, economic and ethno-cultural grounds, but also the subject of ideological battles, including assessments and the degree of preference of management strategies and political priorities. In the political and institutional context, the regional dimension of Russia implies an emphasis on the correlation of particular features and universalizing intentions. Such a ratio of the general and the special is included in the subject pool associated with understanding and ensuring the completeness of Russia’s sovereignty.
编委会发表了一期专门分析俄罗斯各地区政治的文章。俄罗斯区域多样性政治设计的两个相互关联的范式是追溯——领土和民族。它们不仅成为国家登记一个因政治、经济和民族文化原因而多样化的空间的选择,而且也是意识形态斗争的主题,包括管理战略和政治优先事项的评估和偏好程度。在政治和体制背景下,俄罗斯的区域层面意味着强调特定特征与普遍化意图之间的相关性。这种一般和特殊的比例包含在与理解和确保俄罗斯主权完整性相关的主题库中。
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引用次数: 0
To Discover the Future: About the Book by Alexander Yanov (2020), “Where Is Russia’s Place in History? The Riddle of Donald Treadgold”. Moscow: New Chronograph, 336 p. 探索未来:关于亚历山大·亚诺夫(Alexander Yanov)的书,《俄罗斯在历史中的位置在哪里?》唐纳德·特雷德金的谜语”。莫斯科:新计时码表,336页。
Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-918-923
N. Bubnova
-
-
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引用次数: 0
Contemporary State in the Context of Digital Technological Transformations: Political Opportunities, Risks, and Challenges 数字技术变革背景下的当代国家:政治机遇、风险和挑战
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-351-366
S. Volodenkov, S. Fedorchenko, Yulia D. Artamonova
Modern state faces the need to adapt to the changing external environment, which is characterized by intensive digital technological transformations. Thus, it is important to determine how contemporary state and its power institutions adapt to digital technological transformations and identify the key risks, threats, and challenges associated with such adaptation. To do so, the authors of the article conducted a corresponding international expert study, which allowed them to determine the degree of digital technological transformations’ influence on the functioning of traditional states and their power institutions. Also, based on the integration of expert assessments, the authors identified the essential characteristics of digital technological transformations’ effect on contemporary institutions of state power. The study results concluded that the digitalization of contemporary states and their adaptation to current technological transformations is a complex and largely ambiguous set of processes. These include both political opportunities and the associated risks, threats, and challenges for both the state and its institutions, as well as directly for the civil society, which is rapidly increasing its complexity and diversity through intensive digitalization. This brings to a wide range of scenarios for forming state and political management models in the context of a rapidly emerging digital technological reality of a new type. The article proves that the adaptation of the traditional state as a management system to the technologically more complex environment is necessary to ensure the effective viability of both the state itself and its institutions.
现代国家面临着适应不断变化的外部环境的需要,其特征是密集的数字技术转型。因此,重要的是要确定当代国家及其权力机构如何适应数字技术转型,并确定与这种适应相关的关键风险、威胁和挑战。为此,文章作者进行了一项相应的国际专家研究,使他们能够确定数字技术转型对传统国家及其权力机构运作的影响程度。此外,在整合专家评估的基础上,作者确定了数字技术变革对当代国家权力机构影响的基本特征。研究结果得出结论,当代国家的数字化及其对当前技术变革的适应是一组复杂且在很大程度上模糊的过程。这既包括政治机会,也包括国家及其机构面临的相关风险、威胁和挑战,也直接包括民间社会面临的风险、威胁、挑战,而民间社会正通过密集的数字化迅速增加其复杂性和多样性。这为在快速出现的新型数字技术现实背景下形成国家和政治管理模式带来了广泛的场景。文章证明,为了确保国家本身及其机构的有效生存能力,有必要使传统国家作为一种管理系统适应技术上更复杂的环境。
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引用次数: 0
“How to March at the Computer”: The Role of Digitalization in the Activities of the Regional Patriotic Organizations of Siberian Federal District “如何在计算机前行进”:数字化在西伯利亚联邦区爱国组织活动中的作用
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-586-604
Dmitry A. Kazantsev, D. Kachusov, Y. Shashkova
In Russia, the government’s demand for the patriotic education of young people is constantly growing. However, the content of the programs, their implementation strategies and the prospects for introducing digital technologies into the activities of patriotic youth NGOs remain vague. Based on the analysis of online resources, including the organizations’ social media accounts, the authors conclude that informative content prevails. In addition, they distinguish 4 clusters of non-commercial organizations: Yunarmiyan (Young Army Cadets National Movement), military-athletic, historical and civic, with 60 000 members in total. With the help of TargetHunter parser, the study analyzes social media posts, paying attention to their content and format, the number of posts, likes, comments, viewers and followers. The authors conclude that the level of online involvement has risen as the amount of news traditionally increases in the first quarter of each year, as well as due to the adaptation to the conditions set by the pandemic. The digitalization of patriotic education is complicated and diverse because of the specifics of patriotic organizations, as patriotic content is second to entertainment and educational content on the web.
在俄罗斯,政府对年轻人爱国主义教育的需求不断增长。然而,这些项目的内容、实施策略以及将数字技术引入爱国青年非政府组织活动的前景仍然模糊不清。基于对在线资源的分析,包括组织的社交媒体账户,作者得出结论,信息内容占主导地位。此外,他们区分了4个非商业组织集群:Yunarmiyan(青年陆军学员全国运动),军事体育,历史和公民,共有6万名成员。在TargetHunter解析器的帮助下,该研究分析了社交媒体帖子,关注其内容和格式,帖子数量,喜欢,评论,观众和追随者。这组作者得出的结论是,随着新闻数量传统上在每年第一季度增加,以及由于对大流行所造成的条件的适应,在线参与的水平有所上升。由于爱国主义组织的特殊性,爱国主义内容在网络上仅次于娱乐和教育内容,因此爱国主义教育的数字化是复杂多样的。
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引用次数: 0
Digital Echo Chambers as Phenomenon of Political Space 作为政治空间现象的数字回音室
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-499-516
Mikhail A. Beznosov, A. Golikov
This article attempts to provide a comprehensive overview of the academic literature on the subject, examining the different approaches, their similarities and general differences, advantages and disadvantages, and providing a consolidated and critical perspective that will hopefully be useful for future research in the field. The paper presents the results of a systematic review of Western academic studies on the existence of echo chambers in social media, an initial classification of the literature and the identification of research patterns. The authors show how conceptual and methodological choices influence research findings on the topic. Future research should take into account the potential shortcomings of different approaches and the significant potential of linking data.
本文试图对有关该主题的学术文献进行全面概述,考察不同的方法、它们的相似性和一般性差异、优点和缺点,并提供一个综合的、批判性的视角,希望对该领域的未来研究有用。本文对西方学术界关于社交媒体中回音室存在的研究进行了系统回顾,对文献进行了初步分类,并确定了研究模式。作者展示了概念和方法选择如何影响该主题的研究结果。未来的研究应考虑到不同方法的潜在缺点以及将数据联系起来的巨大潜力。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
RUDN Journal of Political Science
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