首页 > 最新文献

RUDN Journal of Political Science最新文献

英文 中文
Crypto-Anarchism: The Ideology of Blockchain Technologies 加密无政府主义:区块链技术的意识形态
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-393-407
Gleb S. Brekhov
One of the most modern currents of anarchism - crypto-anarchism - arose as a response to the global development of digital technologies and the Internet and operates exclusively within the framework of the “global web”. The paper attempts to study one of the most unusual branches of anarchist philosophy and its impact on the digital life and politics of several states. With the help of functional and comparative methods of political research, the author analyzes crypto-anarchism as part of the ideology of anarchism, the main goal of which is to find out how viable crypto-anarchism is as an independent movement. The article raises the question of whether the ideas of crypto-anarchism can be used to effectively address current socio-political problems. The theoretical basis of crypto-anarchism looks more and more relevant, as it affects the security of the individual on the Web and is aimed at fighting against widespread state control. Despite the fact that, as the study showed, cryptoanarchism as a movement does not have sufficient elaboration and influence on real politics, its deeper study can be useful for preparing political programs aimed at Internet users (which constitute around 62.5 % of the global population), as well as studying political models and their development paths using virtual simulations and virtual states (Liberland, Wirtland), which are characteristic of crypto-anarchism.
无政府主义最现代的潮流之一——加密无政府主义——是对数字技术和互联网全球发展的回应,并完全在“全球网络”的框架内运作。本文试图研究无政府主义哲学最不寻常的分支之一及其对几个州的数字生活和政治的影响。借助政治研究的功能和比较方法,作者将加密无政府主义作为无政府主义意识形态的一部分进行了分析,其主要目的是找出加密无政府论作为一个独立运动的可行性。这篇文章提出了一个问题,即加密无政府主义的思想是否可以用来有效地解决当前的社会政治问题。加密无政府主义的理论基础看起来越来越相关,因为它影响个人在网络上的安全,旨在对抗广泛的国家控制。尽管正如研究所表明的那样,加密无政府主义作为一种运动对现实政治没有足够的阐述和影响,但其更深入的研究可能有助于准备针对互联网用户(约占全球人口的62.5%)的政治节目,以及使用虚拟模拟和虚拟国家(Liberland,Wirtland)研究政治模型及其发展路径,这是加密无政府主义的特征。
{"title":"Crypto-Anarchism: The Ideology of Blockchain Technologies","authors":"Gleb S. Brekhov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-393-407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-393-407","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most modern currents of anarchism - crypto-anarchism - arose as a response to the global development of digital technologies and the Internet and operates exclusively within the framework of the “global web”. The paper attempts to study one of the most unusual branches of anarchist philosophy and its impact on the digital life and politics of several states. With the help of functional and comparative methods of political research, the author analyzes crypto-anarchism as part of the ideology of anarchism, the main goal of which is to find out how viable crypto-anarchism is as an independent movement. The article raises the question of whether the ideas of crypto-anarchism can be used to effectively address current socio-political problems. The theoretical basis of crypto-anarchism looks more and more relevant, as it affects the security of the individual on the Web and is aimed at fighting against widespread state control. Despite the fact that, as the study showed, cryptoanarchism as a movement does not have sufficient elaboration and influence on real politics, its deeper study can be useful for preparing political programs aimed at Internet users (which constitute around 62.5 % of the global population), as well as studying political models and their development paths using virtual simulations and virtual states (Liberland, Wirtland), which are characteristic of crypto-anarchism.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43053641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Digital Political Communication in Russia: Values of Humanism vs. Technocratic Approach 俄罗斯的数字政治传播:人文主义与技术官僚的价值观
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-419-432
I. Bykov, S. Kurushkin
The massive spread of digital technologies has led to the transformation of practices related to communication and, in particular, political communication. The development of digital technologies in political communication results in the emergence of new participants, who can be called network actors, the perception of which by various social groups is transformed under the influence of the values shared by the communication parties. The research discusses the current state of the communications theory in the light of the digitalizing media space and the transforming humanistic values. The authors suggest applying the ideas of post-humanistic philosophy to the analysis of the problems and prospects of political communication in the context of digitalization. The purpose of the research is to study the specific features of political communication in a digital society based on an anthropocentric approach and in the context of opposing modern humanistic values to the ideas of technocratic control and management. The empirical basis of the study includes the results of two focus groups (students and senior citizens) held in St. Petersburg in the spring of 2022, where participants discussed the problems of communication between people and chatbots. It was found that although young people in general interacted more actively with chatbots, both age groups showed a favorable attitude towards chatbots and technological progress. However, in the senior age group, humanistic values manifested themselves more explicitly (the problem of a “live voice”, issues related to the emotional component of communication, and even concern for jobs that people might lose). The authors conclude about the insufficiency of the technocratic approach and the need to take into account the values of modern humanism in implementing new forms of communication with network actors.
数字技术的大规模传播导致了与传播,特别是政治传播有关的做法的转变。数字技术在政治传播中的发展导致了新的参与者的出现,他们可以被称为网络行动者,在传播各方共享的价值观的影响下,各种社会群体对网络行动者的看法发生了变化。本研究从媒介空间数字化和人文价值观转型的角度探讨传播理论的现状。作者建议运用后人文主义哲学的思想来分析数字化背景下政治传播的问题和前景。本研究的目的是基于以人类为中心的方法,在反对现代人文价值观与技术官僚控制和管理思想的背景下,研究数字社会中政治传播的具体特征。该研究的实证基础包括2022年春季在圣彼得堡举行的两个焦点小组(学生和老年人)的结果,参与者在小组中讨论了人与聊天机器人之间的沟通问题。研究发现,尽管年轻人通常与聊天机器人互动更积极,但两个年龄段的人都对聊天机器人和技术进步表现出了积极的态度。然而,在老年群体中,人文价值观表现得更为明确(“现场声音”的问题,与沟通的情感成分有关的问题,甚至对人们可能失去的工作的担忧)。作者总结了技术官僚方法的不足,以及在实施与网络行为者的新沟通形式时需要考虑现代人文主义的价值观。
{"title":"Digital Political Communication in Russia: Values of Humanism vs. Technocratic Approach","authors":"I. Bykov, S. Kurushkin","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-419-432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-419-432","url":null,"abstract":"The massive spread of digital technologies has led to the transformation of practices related to communication and, in particular, political communication. The development of digital technologies in political communication results in the emergence of new participants, who can be called network actors, the perception of which by various social groups is transformed under the influence of the values shared by the communication parties. The research discusses the current state of the communications theory in the light of the digitalizing media space and the transforming humanistic values. The authors suggest applying the ideas of post-humanistic philosophy to the analysis of the problems and prospects of political communication in the context of digitalization. The purpose of the research is to study the specific features of political communication in a digital society based on an anthropocentric approach and in the context of opposing modern humanistic values to the ideas of technocratic control and management. The empirical basis of the study includes the results of two focus groups (students and senior citizens) held in St. Petersburg in the spring of 2022, where participants discussed the problems of communication between people and chatbots. It was found that although young people in general interacted more actively with chatbots, both age groups showed a favorable attitude towards chatbots and technological progress. However, in the senior age group, humanistic values manifested themselves more explicitly (the problem of a “live voice”, issues related to the emotional component of communication, and even concern for jobs that people might lose). The authors conclude about the insufficiency of the technocratic approach and the need to take into account the values of modern humanism in implementing new forms of communication with network actors.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41998057","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
From Distrust to Legitimization: The Difficult Path of Digital Electoral Technologies, an Evidence from Russia 从不信任到合法化:数字选举技术的艰难之路——来自俄罗斯的证据
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-433-446
N. Baranov
There are numerous issues surrounding digital technologies in elections: from ensuring the secrecy of voting to controlling the process of vote counting. The technology of the electoral blockchain, according to experts, does not solve the problem of achieving transparency and anonymity of online voting, therefore, existing technologies do not yet allow us to guarantee the indisputability of elections and avoid manipulation. At the same time, the advantages and opportunities brought by digital technologies are so obvious that, despite the existing problems, they are increasingly being used in elections. The author uses the comparative, normative and functional methods to analyze the usage of digital technologies in the electoral process, emphasizing the practice of electronic voting and remote electronic voting in the Russian Federation. The use of digital technologies, according to the author, entails legal, psychological and technical problems. However, the author concludes that it is possible to legitimize the use of digital technologies in elections if voters recognize the advantages of remote electronic voting and other digital innovations in the electoral process, and provided technological problems are solved.
选举中的数字技术存在许多问题:从确保投票保密到控制计票过程。专家表示,选举区块链技术并不能解决在线投票的透明性和匿名性问题,因此,现有技术还不能保证选举的无可争辩性,避免被操纵。与此同时,数字技术带来的优势和机遇非常明显,尽管存在问题,但它们越来越多地被用于选举。作者采用比较法、规范法和功能法分析了数字技术在选举过程中的使用情况,重点介绍了俄罗斯联邦电子投票和远程电子投票的实践。根据作者的说法,数字技术的使用带来了法律、心理和技术问题。然而,作者的结论是,如果选民认识到远程电子投票和其他数字创新在选举过程中的优势,并且技术问题得到解决,那么在选举中使用数字技术就有可能合法化。
{"title":"From Distrust to Legitimization: The Difficult Path of Digital Electoral Technologies, an Evidence from Russia","authors":"N. Baranov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-433-446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-433-446","url":null,"abstract":"There are numerous issues surrounding digital technologies in elections: from ensuring the secrecy of voting to controlling the process of vote counting. The technology of the electoral blockchain, according to experts, does not solve the problem of achieving transparency and anonymity of online voting, therefore, existing technologies do not yet allow us to guarantee the indisputability of elections and avoid manipulation. At the same time, the advantages and opportunities brought by digital technologies are so obvious that, despite the existing problems, they are increasingly being used in elections. The author uses the comparative, normative and functional methods to analyze the usage of digital technologies in the electoral process, emphasizing the practice of electronic voting and remote electronic voting in the Russian Federation. The use of digital technologies, according to the author, entails legal, psychological and technical problems. However, the author concludes that it is possible to legitimize the use of digital technologies in elections if voters recognize the advantages of remote electronic voting and other digital innovations in the electoral process, and provided technological problems are solved.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43327606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Ideological Acceleration of Schoolchildren as an Effect of New Media: Formulating the Question 新媒体效应下的学生思想加速问题的提出
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-573-585
S. Potseluev, T. Podshibyakina, M. Konstantinov
The early ideological socialization of schoolchildren is manifested in their increasing involvement in political (including protest) activities. In Russia, school students’ involvement in political processes hasn’t been properly studied, despite similar studies being conducted abroad since the middle of the last century. Meanwhile, in the information age, the students’ political participation should be considered in close connection with the younger generation’s digital socialization carried out in online communities and social networks. In this regard, the purpose of this article is to raise the question of the methodology for studying what until recently seemed insignificant in the minds of schoolchildren: fully formed ideological attitudes influenced by the ideological language of new media. To solve this methodological problem, we need to clarify the concepts of political and ideological socialization projected on the school; formulate the problem of ideological acceleration of schoolchildren; methodologically substantiate the concept of ideological socialization and describe the environment of new media as the main “accelerator” of the schoolchildren’s ideological socialization. The authors note the need for a political study of the issue, using the achievements of interdisciplinary research in the fields of linguistics, cognitive science and ideologies. They propose an approach based on the theory of metaphorical framing (J. Lakoff) and the authors’ concept of cognitive ideological matrices. The authors emphasize that new media act as an intermediary in the formation of cognitiveideological matrices in the individual and group consciousness of schoolchildren, as well as a catalyst for earlier ideological socialization.
学童早期的意识形态社会化表现在他们越来越多地参与政治(包括抗议)活动。在俄罗斯,学生对政治进程的参与还没有得到适当的研究,尽管自上世纪中叶以来,国外就进行了类似的研究。同时,在信息时代,学生的政治参与应该与年轻一代在网络社区和社交网络中进行的数字社会化紧密联系起来考虑。在这方面,本文的目的是提出研究方法的问题,直到最近在学童的思想中似乎微不足道:受新媒体意识形态语言影响的完全形成的意识形态态度。要解决这一方法论问题,我们需要厘清投射在学校上的政治和思想社会化的概念;制定小学生思想加速问题;从方法论上充实了思想社会化的概念,并将新媒体环境描述为学童思想社会化的主要“加速器”。作者指出,有必要利用语言学、认知科学和意识形态领域的跨学科研究成果,对这一问题进行政治研究。他们提出了一种基于隐喻框架理论(J. Lakoff)和作者的认知意识形态矩阵概念的方法。作者强调,新媒体是学童个体和群体意识中认知意识形态矩阵形成的中介,也是早期意识形态社会化的催化剂。
{"title":"Ideological Acceleration of Schoolchildren as an Effect of New Media: Formulating the Question","authors":"S. Potseluev, T. Podshibyakina, M. Konstantinov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-573-585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-573-585","url":null,"abstract":"The early ideological socialization of schoolchildren is manifested in their increasing involvement in political (including protest) activities. In Russia, school students’ involvement in political processes hasn’t been properly studied, despite similar studies being conducted abroad since the middle of the last century. Meanwhile, in the information age, the students’ political participation should be considered in close connection with the younger generation’s digital socialization carried out in online communities and social networks. In this regard, the purpose of this article is to raise the question of the methodology for studying what until recently seemed insignificant in the minds of schoolchildren: fully formed ideological attitudes influenced by the ideological language of new media. To solve this methodological problem, we need to clarify the concepts of political and ideological socialization projected on the school; formulate the problem of ideological acceleration of schoolchildren; methodologically substantiate the concept of ideological socialization and describe the environment of new media as the main “accelerator” of the schoolchildren’s ideological socialization. The authors note the need for a political study of the issue, using the achievements of interdisciplinary research in the fields of linguistics, cognitive science and ideologies. They propose an approach based on the theory of metaphorical framing (J. Lakoff) and the authors’ concept of cognitive ideological matrices. The authors emphasize that new media act as an intermediary in the formation of cognitiveideological matrices in the individual and group consciousness of schoolchildren, as well as a catalyst for earlier ideological socialization.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41542970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Digital Nomads and Migration Processes in the Russian IT: A Political Analysis 俄罗斯IT中的数字游牧民和迁移过程:政治分析
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-460-479
V. Taisheva
IT industry is one of the top priority areas for economic development not only in Russia, but also in other countries worldwide. The Russian government is pursuing a policy to promote the development of information technology in the country and support specialists in this field. The IT sphere is one of the most attractive among applicants, and the IT market volume shows stable growth. However, in the context of tightening Western sanctions and the aggravation of the political situation in February-March 2022, the Russian IT industry faced a massive outflow of qualified specialists from Russia. And although the problem of personnel shortage (including due to migration) has existed in Russia for a long time, the volume of the migration flow of IT specialists over the specified period was significant for the domestic IT industry. The author attempts to identify the reasons for the migration of IT specialists, considering various push and pull factors that exist in the context of the Russian IT market. To achieve this goal, the author conducted a semi-structured survey among representatives of the IT sector, including professionals who have already moved or are planning to move in the near future, as well as those who have decided to stay in Russia. Based on the results of the study, some particular and general factors for the migration of IT specialists were identified. In addition, the article gives the proposals of the interviewed specialists regarding state support for the IT industry.
IT产业不仅在俄罗斯,而且在世界其他国家都是经济发展的重中之重。俄罗斯政府正在推行一项政策,促进该国信息技术的发展,并支持该领域的专家。IT领域是申请者中最具吸引力的领域之一,IT市场规模稳步增长。然而,在西方制裁收紧和2022年2月至3月政治局势恶化的背景下,俄罗斯IT行业面临着来自俄罗斯的合格专家的大量外流。尽管俄罗斯长期存在人员短缺(包括移民)问题,但在特定时期内,IT专家的移民流量对国内IT行业来说意义重大。考虑到俄罗斯IT市场中存在的各种推拉因素,作者试图确定IT专家迁移的原因。为了实现这一目标,作者对IT部门的代表进行了一项半结构化调查,其中包括已经搬迁或计划在不久的将来搬迁的专业人士,以及决定留在俄罗斯的人。根据研究结果,确定了IT专家迁移的一些特殊和一般因素。此外,文章还提出了受访专家对国家支持信息技术产业的建议。
{"title":"Digital Nomads and Migration Processes in the Russian IT: A Political Analysis","authors":"V. Taisheva","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-460-479","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-460-479","url":null,"abstract":"IT industry is one of the top priority areas for economic development not only in Russia, but also in other countries worldwide. The Russian government is pursuing a policy to promote the development of information technology in the country and support specialists in this field. The IT sphere is one of the most attractive among applicants, and the IT market volume shows stable growth. However, in the context of tightening Western sanctions and the aggravation of the political situation in February-March 2022, the Russian IT industry faced a massive outflow of qualified specialists from Russia. And although the problem of personnel shortage (including due to migration) has existed in Russia for a long time, the volume of the migration flow of IT specialists over the specified period was significant for the domestic IT industry. The author attempts to identify the reasons for the migration of IT specialists, considering various push and pull factors that exist in the context of the Russian IT market. To achieve this goal, the author conducted a semi-structured survey among representatives of the IT sector, including professionals who have already moved or are planning to move in the near future, as well as those who have decided to stay in Russia. Based on the results of the study, some particular and general factors for the migration of IT specialists were identified. In addition, the article gives the proposals of the interviewed specialists regarding state support for the IT industry.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49052231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Political Implications of Hate Speech Digitalization in a Post-Truth Era: Impact on Emotional Regimes in Digital Conflicts 后真相时代仇恨言论数字化的政治含义:对数字冲突中的情感制度的影响
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-517-529
Y. Kolotaev
The digitalization of public life modifies old phenomena. Some of these changes prove to be detrimental to certain public spheres, including politics. Digital hate speech is one of the most obvious examples of digitalization’s impact on political processes. The manifestation of hatred online became an urgent challenge to political systems globally. In this respect, a theoretical and practical elaboration is necessary to counter the new threat. This study aims to identify the social mechanisms that make hate speech an instrument in information campaigns. The article illustrates the discursive and emotional aspects of the public manifestation of hatred. The theoretical basis of this work is the theory of “emotional regimes” and the concept of “regimes of truth”, which express the mutual influence of subjectivity and public discourse. Comparing the theoretical framework with the practical aspects of hate speech demonstrates that digital platforms and social networks form an environment that accelerates and facilitates the dissemination of hatred in the public space. As a result, various forms of hatred are accepted as a new social norm, which leads to such phenomena as harassment, humiliation, or even physical persecution. The modern technical reality allows to instrumentalize hate speech for manipulation, which results in three main scenarios for social impact: 1) large impact with low personalization; 2) targeted impact with high personalization; 3) broad and decentralized targeted impact using artificial intelligence. While countering each of these scenarios, a key challenge is to combine long-term and specialized measures.
公共生活的数字化改变了旧现象。其中一些变化被证明对某些公共领域有害,包括政治。数字仇恨言论是数字化对政治进程影响最明显的例子之一。网上仇恨的表现成为全球政治制度面临的紧迫挑战。在这方面,有必要从理论上和实践上加以阐述,以对付新的威胁。本研究旨在确定使仇恨言论成为信息运动工具的社会机制。这篇文章说明了公开表达仇恨的话语和情感方面。这部作品的理论基础是“情感政权”理论和“真理政权”概念,表达了主体性和公共话语的相互影响。将仇恨言论的理论框架与实践方面进行比较表明,数字平台和社交网络形成了加速和促进仇恨在公共空间传播的环境。因此,各种形式的仇恨被接受为一种新的社会规范,这导致了骚扰、羞辱甚至身体迫害等现象。现代技术现实允许将仇恨言论工具化以进行操纵,这导致了三种主要的社会影响情景:1)影响大,个性化低;2)针对性影响,高度个性化;3)利用人工智能产生广泛而分散的针对性影响。在应对这些情况的同时,一个关键的挑战是将长期措施和专门措施结合起来。
{"title":"Political Implications of Hate Speech Digitalization in a Post-Truth Era: Impact on Emotional Regimes in Digital Conflicts","authors":"Y. Kolotaev","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-517-529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-517-529","url":null,"abstract":"The digitalization of public life modifies old phenomena. Some of these changes prove to be detrimental to certain public spheres, including politics. Digital hate speech is one of the most obvious examples of digitalization’s impact on political processes. The manifestation of hatred online became an urgent challenge to political systems globally. In this respect, a theoretical and practical elaboration is necessary to counter the new threat. This study aims to identify the social mechanisms that make hate speech an instrument in information campaigns. The article illustrates the discursive and emotional aspects of the public manifestation of hatred. The theoretical basis of this work is the theory of “emotional regimes” and the concept of “regimes of truth”, which express the mutual influence of subjectivity and public discourse. Comparing the theoretical framework with the practical aspects of hate speech demonstrates that digital platforms and social networks form an environment that accelerates and facilitates the dissemination of hatred in the public space. As a result, various forms of hatred are accepted as a new social norm, which leads to such phenomena as harassment, humiliation, or even physical persecution. The modern technical reality allows to instrumentalize hate speech for manipulation, which results in three main scenarios for social impact: 1) large impact with low personalization; 2) targeted impact with high personalization; 3) broad and decentralized targeted impact using artificial intelligence. While countering each of these scenarios, a key challenge is to combine long-term and specialized measures.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47321293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Phenomenon of “Digital Trust” in the Context of Digital Government in Russia 俄罗斯数字政府背景下的“数字信任”现象
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-447-459
Sergey G. Chepelyuk
In recent years new digital technologies have become an integral part of daily life of civilians, including their interaction with government. Trust in innovation in the government sector became the most important feature of the relations between government and civilians. The main purpose of this research is to explore how the factor of civil trust influences the implementation of digital technologies in government. We studied new phenomenon - “digital trust” and made content analysis of the main programmatic and analytical documents on the realization of the digital government concept. Based on the research results, we described the impact of the trust on the digital government effectiveness, and defined the basic principles of trust building, such as openness of the digital government system for citizens, security and reliability of electronic services, two-way communication with citizens. However, Russia lacks a clear strategy on how to build “digital trust” to government services. This circumstance could become a barrier for government’s digitalization in the future.
近年来,新的数字技术已成为平民日常生活不可或缺的一部分,包括他们与政府的互动。对政府部门创新的信任成为政府与平民关系的最重要特征。本研究的主要目的是探讨公民信任因素如何影响数字技术在政府中的实施。我们研究了“数字信任”这一新现象,并对实现数字政府理念的主要纲领性和分析性文件进行了内容分析。基于研究结果,我们描述了信任对数字政府有效性的影响,并定义了建立信任的基本原则,如数字政府系统对公民的开放性、电子服务的安全性和可靠性、与公民的双向沟通。然而,俄罗斯在如何建立对政府服务的“数字信任”方面缺乏明确的战略。这种情况可能成为未来政府数字化的障碍。
{"title":"The Phenomenon of “Digital Trust” in the Context of Digital Government in Russia","authors":"Sergey G. Chepelyuk","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-447-459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-447-459","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years new digital technologies have become an integral part of daily life of civilians, including their interaction with government. Trust in innovation in the government sector became the most important feature of the relations between government and civilians. The main purpose of this research is to explore how the factor of civil trust influences the implementation of digital technologies in government. We studied new phenomenon - “digital trust” and made content analysis of the main programmatic and analytical documents on the realization of the digital government concept. Based on the research results, we described the impact of the trust on the digital government effectiveness, and defined the basic principles of trust building, such as openness of the digital government system for citizens, security and reliability of electronic services, two-way communication with citizens. However, Russia lacks a clear strategy on how to build “digital trust” to government services. This circumstance could become a barrier for government’s digitalization in the future.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43088857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Living with COVID-19: Opportunities for the Usual Socio-Political Life in an Unusual Situation 与新冠肺炎共存:在不寻常的情况下为正常的社会政治生活提供机会
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-562-572
D. Pastarmadzhieva, M. Angelova
The COVID-19 pandemic stressed national and international systems and relations and demonstrated the vulnerability of modern societies. The governments were forced to implement restrictive measures in order to protect public health. The most challenging aspect was balancing between public health protection and the functioning of the economy. As this wasn’t easy to reach, some of the governments faced challenges in communicating with the society, resulting in protests. Under these brand-new challenges, the protests only made the task of the governments harder and threatened to harm the fragile political stability. Thus, the aim of the current study is to identify the problems related to the communication between the society and the government and to identify the possible solutions for ensuring the dialogue in such situations. The study focuses on EU citizens and their attitudes toward government measures related to the pandemic in 2020 and 2021. Our materials and methods include review of scientific literature on the topics under considerations. We also performed a secondary processing of quantitative data from Eurobarometer using IBM SPSS v. 26. The results show that the measures limiting civil liberties lead to social tension even if the governments adapt their approach and search for new opportunities. This leads to the conclusion that in order to ensure the normal functioning of the social systems the governments should find ways to include the stakeholders in the decision-making. The latter is possible through digital tools and by developing a system to be implemented in times of crises even if the crisis is not caused by pandemics.
2019冠状病毒病大流行强调了国家和国际制度和关系,并展示了现代社会的脆弱性。各国政府被迫实施限制性措施,以保护公众健康。最具挑战性的方面是在公共卫生保护和经济运作之间取得平衡。由于这并不容易实现,一些政府在与社会沟通方面遇到了挑战,导致了抗议。在这些全新的挑战下,抗议活动只会使政府的任务更加艰巨,并威胁到脆弱的政治稳定。因此,当前研究的目的是确定与社会与政府之间的沟通有关的问题,并确定在这种情况下确保对话的可能解决方案。这项研究的重点是欧盟公民以及他们对2020年和2021年与疫情有关的政府措施的态度。我们的材料和方法包括对所考虑主题的科学文献的回顾。我们还使用IBM SPSS v. 26对Eurobarometer的定量数据进行了二次处理。结果表明,限制公民自由的措施导致社会紧张,即使政府调整他们的方法和寻找新的机会。因此,为了确保社会系统的正常运行,政府应该设法将利益相关者纳入决策。后者可以通过数字工具和开发一个在危机时实施的系统来实现,即使危机不是由流行病引起的。
{"title":"Living with COVID-19: Opportunities for the Usual Socio-Political Life in an Unusual Situation","authors":"D. Pastarmadzhieva, M. Angelova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-562-572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-562-572","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic stressed national and international systems and relations and demonstrated the vulnerability of modern societies. The governments were forced to implement restrictive measures in order to protect public health. The most challenging aspect was balancing between public health protection and the functioning of the economy. As this wasn’t easy to reach, some of the governments faced challenges in communicating with the society, resulting in protests. Under these brand-new challenges, the protests only made the task of the governments harder and threatened to harm the fragile political stability. Thus, the aim of the current study is to identify the problems related to the communication between the society and the government and to identify the possible solutions for ensuring the dialogue in such situations. The study focuses on EU citizens and their attitudes toward government measures related to the pandemic in 2020 and 2021. Our materials and methods include review of scientific literature on the topics under considerations. We also performed a secondary processing of quantitative data from Eurobarometer using IBM SPSS v. 26. The results show that the measures limiting civil liberties lead to social tension even if the governments adapt their approach and search for new opportunities. This leads to the conclusion that in order to ensure the normal functioning of the social systems the governments should find ways to include the stakeholders in the decision-making. The latter is possible through digital tools and by developing a system to be implemented in times of crises even if the crisis is not caused by pandemics.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41919671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Affective Political Polarization and Hate Speech: Made for Each Other? 情感政治两极分化与仇恨言论:为彼此而生?
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-480-498
D. Stukal, A. Akhremenko, A. Petrov
Abundant academic research has shown evidence of the growing polarization across the globe both in general and in terms of affective polarization. Previous research on this topic primarily employed reactive research methods like surveys or experiments, which however do not allow researchers to observe the behavior of the units of analysis in a natural setting. Presents an alternative approach that involves analyzing the observed behavior of social media users and identifying the key polarizing cleavages through the study of hate speech with respect to distinct target groups. We present a novel coding schema for textual data, which includes two components: first, an operationalized definition of hate speech as a phenomenon with at least one of the three elements - insult, discrimination, or aggression; and second, an original coding guide for human coders annotating the use of hate speech. We apply our approach to the analysis of empirical data that includes over 5000 posts on the social media platform VK about the meetings between the Presidents of Russia and Belarus in 2020-2021. After coding the collected data, we performed the empirical analysis that identified two generic cleavages. One is about domestic politics in Belarus and Russia, whereas the other is related to the opposition between these two countries on the one hand, and Western countries on the other. We also found an additional Russian/Belarusian cleavage that is peculiar to the collected dataset. Our methodology also allowed us to identify and analyze the dynamics of macro-groups that were targets of hate speech. Importantly, these results - as any other dynamic aspect of analysis - would be highly challenging in research based on reactive methods. Thereby our results highlight the prospects of applying the proposed methodology to a broad range of textual data, as well as the benefits of exploratory analysis that helps overcome the limitations of survey instruments.
大量的学术研究表明,在全球范围内,无论是在总体上还是在情感两极分化方面,两极分化都在加剧。此前关于这一主题的研究主要采用调查或实验等反应性研究方法,但研究人员无法在自然环境中观察分析单元的行为。提出了一种替代方法,包括分析社交媒体用户的观察行为,并通过研究针对不同目标群体的仇恨言论来识别关键的两极分化分歧。我们提出了一种新的文本数据编码模式,它包括两个组成部分:首先,将仇恨言论定义为一种至少包含侮辱、歧视或攻击三个元素之一的现象;第二,为人类编码人员注释仇恨言论使用的原始编码指南。我们将我们的方法应用于实证数据的分析,其中包括社交媒体平台VK上关于2020-2021年俄罗斯和白俄罗斯总统会晤的5000多条帖子。在对收集的数据进行编码后,我们进行了经验分析,确定了两个通用裂缝。一个是白俄罗斯和俄罗斯的国内政治,另一个是这两个国家与西方国家之间的对立。我们还发现了一个额外的俄罗斯/白俄罗斯解理,这是所收集的数据集所特有的。我们的方法还使我们能够识别和分析作为仇恨言论目标的宏观群体的动态。重要的是,这些结果——就像分析的任何其他动态方面一样——在基于反应方法的研究中都是极具挑战性的。因此,我们的研究结果突出了将所提出的方法应用于广泛的文本数据的前景,以及有助于克服调查工具局限性的探索性分析的好处。
{"title":"Affective Political Polarization and Hate Speech: Made for Each Other?","authors":"D. Stukal, A. Akhremenko, A. Petrov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-480-498","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-480-498","url":null,"abstract":"Abundant academic research has shown evidence of the growing polarization across the globe both in general and in terms of affective polarization. Previous research on this topic primarily employed reactive research methods like surveys or experiments, which however do not allow researchers to observe the behavior of the units of analysis in a natural setting. Presents an alternative approach that involves analyzing the observed behavior of social media users and identifying the key polarizing cleavages through the study of hate speech with respect to distinct target groups. We present a novel coding schema for textual data, which includes two components: first, an operationalized definition of hate speech as a phenomenon with at least one of the three elements - insult, discrimination, or aggression; and second, an original coding guide for human coders annotating the use of hate speech. We apply our approach to the analysis of empirical data that includes over 5000 posts on the social media platform VK about the meetings between the Presidents of Russia and Belarus in 2020-2021. After coding the collected data, we performed the empirical analysis that identified two generic cleavages. One is about domestic politics in Belarus and Russia, whereas the other is related to the opposition between these two countries on the one hand, and Western countries on the other. We also found an additional Russian/Belarusian cleavage that is peculiar to the collected dataset. Our methodology also allowed us to identify and analyze the dynamics of macro-groups that were targets of hate speech. Importantly, these results - as any other dynamic aspect of analysis - would be highly challenging in research based on reactive methods. Thereby our results highlight the prospects of applying the proposed methodology to a broad range of textual data, as well as the benefits of exploratory analysis that helps overcome the limitations of survey instruments.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48834611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The “Moscow Case” as a Factor of Protest Communication Activity in the Social Network “VK” “莫斯科事件”作为社交网络“VK”中抗议传播活动的一个因素
Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-530-544
Ilya B. Philippov
This paper addresses the impact of negative juridical sanctions implemented against the participants of the 2019 protest movement in Moscow on the communication in the social network “VK”. The empirical analysis of the mentions of protests and juridical prosecutions allowed to estimate the volume of discussions about the negative sanctions, to compare it with the discussions around the protest rallies and to outline the main factors affecting how active the discussion is on different episodes of negative sanctions. The results show that the coverage of the criminal persecution of activists provokes substantively less interest among the authors and the readers than the communication on the protest movement itself. Increased activity in comments is not observed, while the communication is concentrated in large communities. The input in the protest communication was not the same for sanctions against different activists: the impact was more notable when the media campaign in defense of the accused managed to involve persons with high media capital or a considerable number of people outside the protest movement. In the cases when the events around the accused were only relevant for other activists the surge in online communication turned out to be less noticeable. This implies that negative juridical sanctions are not a newsbreak themselves but have the potential to provoke an outburst in protest communication if the coverage is complemented by the traditional forms of political mobilization or includes opinion leaders.
本文讨论了对2019年莫斯科抗议运动参与者实施的负面司法制裁对社交网络“VK”通信的影响。对提及的抗议和司法起诉进行实证分析,可以估计关于消极制裁的讨论量,将其与围绕抗议集会的讨论进行比较,并概述影响对不同消极制裁事件的讨论活跃程度的主要因素。研究结果显示,与抗议运动本身的传播相比,对活动人士刑事迫害的报道在作者和读者中引起的兴趣要小得多。评论活动的增加没有被观察到,而交流集中在大型社区。针对不同活动人士的制裁,对抗议传播的投入不尽相同:当为被告辩护的媒体运动设法让拥有高媒体资本的人或抗议运动之外的相当多的人参与时,其影响更为显著。在一些案件中,当围绕被告的事件只与其他活动人士有关时,网上交流的激增就不那么引人注目了。这意味着负面的司法制裁本身并不是新闻,但如果报道辅以传统形式的政治动员或包括意见领袖,则有可能引发抗议传播的爆发。
{"title":"The “Moscow Case” as a Factor of Protest Communication Activity in the Social Network “VK”","authors":"Ilya B. Philippov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-530-544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-3-530-544","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses the impact of negative juridical sanctions implemented against the participants of the 2019 protest movement in Moscow on the communication in the social network “VK”. The empirical analysis of the mentions of protests and juridical prosecutions allowed to estimate the volume of discussions about the negative sanctions, to compare it with the discussions around the protest rallies and to outline the main factors affecting how active the discussion is on different episodes of negative sanctions. The results show that the coverage of the criminal persecution of activists provokes substantively less interest among the authors and the readers than the communication on the protest movement itself. Increased activity in comments is not observed, while the communication is concentrated in large communities. The input in the protest communication was not the same for sanctions against different activists: the impact was more notable when the media campaign in defense of the accused managed to involve persons with high media capital or a considerable number of people outside the protest movement. In the cases when the events around the accused were only relevant for other activists the surge in online communication turned out to be less noticeable. This implies that negative juridical sanctions are not a newsbreak themselves but have the potential to provoke an outburst in protest communication if the coverage is complemented by the traditional forms of political mobilization or includes opinion leaders.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45005055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
期刊
RUDN Journal of Political Science
全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1