Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-63-76
A. Ukhanov
The problem of legal force and the hierarchy of normative legal acts must be considered at the intersection of political and legal knowledge, since such acts are not just a form of external consolidation of legal norms prescribing a certain model of behavior to the subject, but also express the state-power will, fix the institutional and political framework and the alignment of political forces in society. In the history of political and legal thought, two main ways of substantiating the legal force of normative legal acts have taken shape: normative and subject-political. The most consistently and argumentatively indicated methods are set out in the theoretical works of German lawyers of the last century, Hans Kelsen and Karl Schmitt. The article proposes to compare the views of thinkers on the nature of legal force and the hierarchy of normative legal acts. In the final part of the work, a variant of a conciliatory interpretation of competing approaches is substantiated, and conclusions are drawn about the relative practical significance of the analyzed theoretical models in the context of legal practice and the political process.
{"title":"There Is No Hierarchy of Norms, There Is a Hierarchy of Instances: Normative and Subject-Political Justification of the Hierarchy of Normative Legal Acts in the Teachings of Hans Kelsen and Karl Schmitt","authors":"A. Ukhanov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-63-76","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-63-76","url":null,"abstract":"The problem of legal force and the hierarchy of normative legal acts must be considered at the intersection of political and legal knowledge, since such acts are not just a form of external consolidation of legal norms prescribing a certain model of behavior to the subject, but also express the state-power will, fix the institutional and political framework and the alignment of political forces in society. In the history of political and legal thought, two main ways of substantiating the legal force of normative legal acts have taken shape: normative and subject-political. The most consistently and argumentatively indicated methods are set out in the theoretical works of German lawyers of the last century, Hans Kelsen and Karl Schmitt. The article proposes to compare the views of thinkers on the nature of legal force and the hierarchy of normative legal acts. In the final part of the work, a variant of a conciliatory interpretation of competing approaches is substantiated, and conclusions are drawn about the relative practical significance of the analyzed theoretical models in the context of legal practice and the political process.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68273936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-757-778
Yu.P. Shabaev
This article analyzes the nature of colonization processes in the European north of Russia in different eras. Special consideration is given to the problematic nature of modern demographic and social processes and their ethno-cultural component. Significant attention is paid to the analysis of the nature of the social and cultural development in the European North in previous eras and to the rethinking of existing interpretations of the process of the socialist industrialization in this area. It is demonstrated that from the standpoint of the general sociological approach, this industrialization cannot be viewed as a process of modernization, and therefore it would be more correct to speak of the next stage of colonization, the penal one. In the late Soviet period, a transition to a new model of the regional development took place. However, this new model presupposed neither the civil integration nor the formation of rooted societies. Strong rooted territorial communities with a clearly defined identity have not formed in the northern republics and oblasts. It is shown that there is an urgent need to form a new model for the development of the European north, using both the resource of cultural heritage and modern approaches to the formation of the industrial and social environment. In addition, the need for a large-scale renewal of the regional political elites as well as the very principles of their formation is becoming more and more obvious. The work uses comparative historical and ethnographic methods, the provisions of migration theory, the statistical and sociological methods (mass polls), as well as political and sociological approaches to understanding social conflict. As for the political science approaches, the article is based on the provisions of rational choice theory.
{"title":"‘New’ Russian North: The Historical Province Amidst оf Social and Political Problems","authors":"Yu.P. Shabaev","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-757-778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-757-778","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the nature of colonization processes in the European north of Russia in different eras. Special consideration is given to the problematic nature of modern demographic and social processes and their ethno-cultural component. Significant attention is paid to the analysis of the nature of the social and cultural development in the European North in previous eras and to the rethinking of existing interpretations of the process of the socialist industrialization in this area. It is demonstrated that from the standpoint of the general sociological approach, this industrialization cannot be viewed as a process of modernization, and therefore it would be more correct to speak of the next stage of colonization, the penal one. In the late Soviet period, a transition to a new model of the regional development took place. However, this new model presupposed neither the civil integration nor the formation of rooted societies. Strong rooted territorial communities with a clearly defined identity have not formed in the northern republics and oblasts. It is shown that there is an urgent need to form a new model for the development of the European north, using both the resource of cultural heritage and modern approaches to the formation of the industrial and social environment. In addition, the need for a large-scale renewal of the regional political elites as well as the very principles of their formation is becoming more and more obvious. The work uses comparative historical and ethnographic methods, the provisions of migration theory, the statistical and sociological methods (mass polls), as well as political and sociological approaches to understanding social conflict. As for the political science approaches, the article is based on the provisions of rational choice theory.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42591620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-827-855
V. Rakachev, E. Morozova
One of the main intangible resources, along with regional and local identity, is human capital. Multiplying human capital is one of the main functions of the education system, including higher education. The theoretical framework of the study is defined by the concept of responsible development (I.S. Semenenko), the theories of “triple helix”, “preceding events” (path dependence) of P. David and “track of dependence”. The empirical base is represented by the results of a sociological study, held among students of Krasnodar universities in June 2022. As part of comprehensive analysis, documents of regional authorities and administration, and data from federal and regional statistics were used. The Krasnodar Krai was initially formed and integrated as an agricultural region; thus, the system of higher education focused largely on training specialists for agriculture and related industries. Structural transformations that began in the 1990s changed the region’s vector of development. The rapid progress of the resort and recreational industry, and enterprises of the tertiary sector influenced both intra-regional and inter-regional migration. The universities of the Krasnodar Krai are attractive to educational migrants from other regions of the country - from both the neighbouring Southern Russia regions and the north-eastern regions. At the same time, from the point of view of global competitiveness, the region has systemic problems in the development of human capital, innovation, and space. The authors focus on the educational trajectories of students, the reasons for their choice of Krasnodar as education destination, satisfaction with the quality of educational services, the degree and forms of social activities, as well as further life and professional plans. The authors identified three contradictions in the current state of the region’s higher education system, without the resolution of which it will be impossible to convert human capital into a real factor of regional development. These are the contradictions between the significantly growing population of the region and the reduction in the number of students, between the needs of the labour market of the “knowledge economy” and the structure of specialists’ training, and between the governmental trend for the development of rural areas and the lack of motivation among university graduates to work in rural municipalities. The article formulates several proposals for resolving these contradictions.
{"title":"Higher Education as a Resource for Regional Development: The Case of Krasnodar","authors":"V. Rakachev, E. Morozova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-827-855","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-827-855","url":null,"abstract":"One of the main intangible resources, along with regional and local identity, is human capital. Multiplying human capital is one of the main functions of the education system, including higher education. The theoretical framework of the study is defined by the concept of responsible development (I.S. Semenenko), the theories of “triple helix”, “preceding events” (path dependence) of P. David and “track of dependence”. The empirical base is represented by the results of a sociological study, held among students of Krasnodar universities in June 2022. As part of comprehensive analysis, documents of regional authorities and administration, and data from federal and regional statistics were used. The Krasnodar Krai was initially formed and integrated as an agricultural region; thus, the system of higher education focused largely on training specialists for agriculture and related industries. Structural transformations that began in the 1990s changed the region’s vector of development. The rapid progress of the resort and recreational industry, and enterprises of the tertiary sector influenced both intra-regional and inter-regional migration. The universities of the Krasnodar Krai are attractive to educational migrants from other regions of the country - from both the neighbouring Southern Russia regions and the north-eastern regions. At the same time, from the point of view of global competitiveness, the region has systemic problems in the development of human capital, innovation, and space. The authors focus on the educational trajectories of students, the reasons for their choice of Krasnodar as education destination, satisfaction with the quality of educational services, the degree and forms of social activities, as well as further life and professional plans. The authors identified three contradictions in the current state of the region’s higher education system, without the resolution of which it will be impossible to convert human capital into a real factor of regional development. These are the contradictions between the significantly growing population of the region and the reduction in the number of students, between the needs of the labour market of the “knowledge economy” and the structure of specialists’ training, and between the governmental trend for the development of rural areas and the lack of motivation among university graduates to work in rural municipalities. The article formulates several proposals for resolving these contradictions.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47624276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-665-685
S. Demidenko, Sergey B. Margulis, R. I. Fainshmidt
Radical Islam as a political phenomenon has undergone significant changes during the first decades of the 21st century. This process was accompanied, firstly, by the strengthening unification trends in the ideological field, and secondly, by the development of a specific “Jihadi Cool” subculture that combined the features of the consumer society (modern music, stylish clothes, Islamic merch, youth magazines, etc.) and jihadist agenda. These factors, in combination, form a new version of religious radicalism - post-industrial Islamism, which poses a significant threat to international security. Questions regarding the degree and the nature of post-industrial Islamism in the Russian Federation have not yet been scrutinized in academic literature. The article is the first attempt to understand this problem, which exists in a complex socio-economic and ethno-confessional environment of Russia. The theoretical framework of the study was the works of leading domestic Islamic scholars dealing with the problems of Islamic radicalism. In the indicated paradigm, the authors made an attempt to give their own definition of radical Islam, to identify the characteristic features of the phenomenon, to separate religious extremism from fundamentalism. Work with the empirical base was carried out through the methods of descriptive statistics, as well as the use of qualitative and quantitative content analysis. It was made on the basis of Google Trends data, cross-checked through the Wordstat.yandex system. In conclusion, the team of authors came to conclusions regarding the spread of post-industrial Islamism in Russia. There is an increase in the activity of radicals in the Internet space, their work to expand the base of support for the movement, based on knowledge of the algorithms of social networks. Also, elements of the ‘jihadi cool’ have been identified too. It is important to note that all the trends listed above originated outside the Russian Federation and were borrowed by the radicals. In general, this only confirms the idea of the peripheral nature of Russian Islamic radicalism, which throughout its history has been an alien element on the national ethno-cultural environment.
{"title":"The Spread of the Post-Industrial Islamism in the Russian Federation","authors":"S. Demidenko, Sergey B. Margulis, R. I. Fainshmidt","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-665-685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-665-685","url":null,"abstract":"Radical Islam as a political phenomenon has undergone significant changes during the first decades of the 21st century. This process was accompanied, firstly, by the strengthening unification trends in the ideological field, and secondly, by the development of a specific “Jihadi Cool” subculture that combined the features of the consumer society (modern music, stylish clothes, Islamic merch, youth magazines, etc.) and jihadist agenda. These factors, in combination, form a new version of religious radicalism - post-industrial Islamism, which poses a significant threat to international security. Questions regarding the degree and the nature of post-industrial Islamism in the Russian Federation have not yet been scrutinized in academic literature. The article is the first attempt to understand this problem, which exists in a complex socio-economic and ethno-confessional environment of Russia. The theoretical framework of the study was the works of leading domestic Islamic scholars dealing with the problems of Islamic radicalism. In the indicated paradigm, the authors made an attempt to give their own definition of radical Islam, to identify the characteristic features of the phenomenon, to separate religious extremism from fundamentalism. Work with the empirical base was carried out through the methods of descriptive statistics, as well as the use of qualitative and quantitative content analysis. It was made on the basis of Google Trends data, cross-checked through the Wordstat.yandex system. In conclusion, the team of authors came to conclusions regarding the spread of post-industrial Islamism in Russia. There is an increase in the activity of radicals in the Internet space, their work to expand the base of support for the movement, based on knowledge of the algorithms of social networks. Also, elements of the ‘jihadi cool’ have been identified too. It is important to note that all the trends listed above originated outside the Russian Federation and were borrowed by the radicals. In general, this only confirms the idea of the peripheral nature of Russian Islamic radicalism, which throughout its history has been an alien element on the national ethno-cultural environment.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46536503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-883-903
Mikhail I. Krishtal
The article is devoted to the study of the historical memory of young people in the Kaliningrad Region. According to the hypothesis of the study, the specificity of its content depends on the respondents’ attitude to Stalin, around whose personality there are manipulations aimed at reducing the role of the Red Army in Second World War. The main method of the study was formalized interviews with young people aged 18-35 (n = 1108). Focus group interviews acted as an auxiliary scientific method that allowed for the interpretation of statistically processed empirical data. The results of the study revealed differences in emotional attitudes toward the end of the Great Patriotic War. The young people who have a negative attitude towards Stalin more often focus on the tragic events of the war, perceiving the 9th May as a day of mourning for the fallen and as a day of remembrance of what the people experienced during the war. Victory in the Great Patriotic War is in the eyes of the majority of young people in the region the main event in Russian history. However, young people who have a negative attitude towards Stalin are much less likely to assess the victory in the same way. This peculiarity is conditioned by family memory - as a rule, Stalin’s opponents more often keep in their memory tragic events in the lives of their relatives during the war. Differences were also found among young people in the Kaliningrad Region with respect to regional history. On the whole, respondents indicated that they were most interested in the Prussian and German periods of history. However, pro-Stalinist young people are also highly interested in the Soviet period. In addition, neutral and pro-Stalinist youths have an overwhelmingly positive attitude toward the renaming of Königsberg into Kaliningrad, while among Stalin’s opponents there is a high proportion of supporters of retaining the historical name (Königsberg).
{"title":"The Perception of Regional History and of the Great Patriotic War by the Youth of the Kaliningrad Region in the Context of the Attitude to the Figure of Joseph Stalin","authors":"Mikhail I. Krishtal","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-883-903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-883-903","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the historical memory of young people in the Kaliningrad Region. According to the hypothesis of the study, the specificity of its content depends on the respondents’ attitude to Stalin, around whose personality there are manipulations aimed at reducing the role of the Red Army in Second World War. The main method of the study was formalized interviews with young people aged 18-35 (n = 1108). Focus group interviews acted as an auxiliary scientific method that allowed for the interpretation of statistically processed empirical data. The results of the study revealed differences in emotional attitudes toward the end of the Great Patriotic War. The young people who have a negative attitude towards Stalin more often focus on the tragic events of the war, perceiving the 9th May as a day of mourning for the fallen and as a day of remembrance of what the people experienced during the war. Victory in the Great Patriotic War is in the eyes of the majority of young people in the region the main event in Russian history. However, young people who have a negative attitude towards Stalin are much less likely to assess the victory in the same way. This peculiarity is conditioned by family memory - as a rule, Stalin’s opponents more often keep in their memory tragic events in the lives of their relatives during the war. Differences were also found among young people in the Kaliningrad Region with respect to regional history. On the whole, respondents indicated that they were most interested in the Prussian and German periods of history. However, pro-Stalinist young people are also highly interested in the Soviet period. In addition, neutral and pro-Stalinist youths have an overwhelmingly positive attitude toward the renaming of Königsberg into Kaliningrad, while among Stalin’s opponents there is a high proportion of supporters of retaining the historical name (Königsberg).","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43181366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-904-917
Dmitry A. Kazantsev
In the last few years, great attention has been paid to the protest potential of students, especially in the context of the mass protests of 2021-2022, which happened at both federal and regional levels. An important scientific issue, which is of practical importance for public authorities and politicians, is determining the motivations and actualization of the student protest movements, as the most organized segment of the youth environment. Based on the results of 14 focus groups held in 8 border regions of Siberia and the Far East (including the Altai Krai, the Zabaykalsky Krai, the Primorsky Krai and the Khabarovsk Krai, the Omsk Oblast, as well as Tyva, Buryatia and Altai Republics) as well as the analysis of the social media and blogosphere of the mentioned regions, the author suggests that the students experience fears, weariness, and disappointment. However, the factors actualizing the protest moods are highly limited. Actual precedents and threats of criminal prosecution that have been applied to the political activists by the government since 2019, as well as the pressure from the authorities and the socialization agents, lead to the demoralization of the youth and their refusal to participate not only in protests but also in pro-government events.
{"title":"Escape from Politics: Is There a Future for Youth Political Protests in Siberia and the Far East?","authors":"Dmitry A. Kazantsev","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-904-917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-904-917","url":null,"abstract":"In the last few years, great attention has been paid to the protest potential of students, especially in the context of the mass protests of 2021-2022, which happened at both federal and regional levels. An important scientific issue, which is of practical importance for public authorities and politicians, is determining the motivations and actualization of the student protest movements, as the most organized segment of the youth environment. Based on the results of 14 focus groups held in 8 border regions of Siberia and the Far East (including the Altai Krai, the Zabaykalsky Krai, the Primorsky Krai and the Khabarovsk Krai, the Omsk Oblast, as well as Tyva, Buryatia and Altai Republics) as well as the analysis of the social media and blogosphere of the mentioned regions, the author suggests that the students experience fears, weariness, and disappointment. However, the factors actualizing the protest moods are highly limited. Actual precedents and threats of criminal prosecution that have been applied to the political activists by the government since 2019, as well as the pressure from the authorities and the socialization agents, lead to the demoralization of the youth and their refusal to participate not only in protests but also in pro-government events.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45992259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-732-756
Yurii M. Aksiutin
The structure of the identity of Russians (including those in Southern Siberia) began to transform after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which resulted in the revival of ethnic identities or the strengthening of different local and territorial ones. The first case was typical for titular Russian ethnic groups, while Russians didn’t have such an evident option. The Russians mostly levelled their identities down and could not find themselves among the vague new Russian identity. The beginning of the 2010s was characterized by not only discussions of the content of Russian identity and the basis for national policy, but also huge generation changes. The purpose of this article is to analyze the dynamics of Russian identity and discover typical features of Russian identity bases among the inhabitants of Khakassia, Tyva and Altai Republics. The analysis is based on opinion polls held in these polyethnocultural regions. As seen from the poll results, about 30 % consider themselves to be inhabitants of Russia. Russian identity is of high priority for people in Khakassia and Altai Republics (it is the first grade in their identities’ structure), while in the Tyva Republic Russian and regional identities are equal. The study discovered that 35-45 % of titular ethnic groups marked Russian citizenship as the basis of their identification: hence, the Russian identity is mostly a mixture of civil and state identities (about one-third of respondents noted “civil identity”). Approximately the same proportion of Russians noted the social and cultural nature of Russian identity.
{"title":"The Russian Identity in Southern Siberian Republics: Transformation Dynamics and Basis Perception According to the Opinion Polls of 2013-2019","authors":"Yurii M. Aksiutin","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-732-756","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-732-756","url":null,"abstract":"The structure of the identity of Russians (including those in Southern Siberia) began to transform after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which resulted in the revival of ethnic identities or the strengthening of different local and territorial ones. The first case was typical for titular Russian ethnic groups, while Russians didn’t have such an evident option. The Russians mostly levelled their identities down and could not find themselves among the vague new Russian identity. The beginning of the 2010s was characterized by not only discussions of the content of Russian identity and the basis for national policy, but also huge generation changes. The purpose of this article is to analyze the dynamics of Russian identity and discover typical features of Russian identity bases among the inhabitants of Khakassia, Tyva and Altai Republics. The analysis is based on opinion polls held in these polyethnocultural regions. As seen from the poll results, about 30 % consider themselves to be inhabitants of Russia. Russian identity is of high priority for people in Khakassia and Altai Republics (it is the first grade in their identities’ structure), while in the Tyva Republic Russian and regional identities are equal. The study discovered that 35-45 % of titular ethnic groups marked Russian citizenship as the basis of their identification: hence, the Russian identity is mostly a mixture of civil and state identities (about one-third of respondents noted “civil identity”). Approximately the same proportion of Russians noted the social and cultural nature of Russian identity.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48364069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-619-633
I. Pomiguev, N. A. Zaripov
The authors focus on the political implication of the emergence and functioning of the Council of Legislators under the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Based on several characteristics of the legislative process, such as the speed of adopting bills, the traffic of initiatives and the share of those adopted, as well as the transcripts of the Plenary Sessions of the Council, the authors conduct a comprehensive analysis of the work of this institution, recording and interpreting several changes. Using the theory of Rational Choice Institutionalism (the Veto Player Theory, in particular), the authors show that the platform established in 2012, originally designed for communication between federal and regional parliaments, has over time become a barrier, predetermining the fate of some initiatives. In addition, the institutional environment created by the Council’s actions has changed the very format of regional activity, whereby the original idea of open dialogue has been replaced by expert discussion within the profile commissions, and the outcome of these activities has shifted from legislative initiatives to expert commentaries and recommendations. Another dimension of influence can be traced in the implementation of the bureaucratic logic associated with redirecting and filtering the traffic of regional initiatives through an extra-constitutional structure. Research results allow the authors to take a different view on the legislative activity of the regions at the federal level, as well as draw attention to the political nature of the work of auxiliary institutions and the «rules of the game» they form in the context of the interactions between the Federal Assembly and the regional parliaments.
{"title":"The Influence of the Council of Legislators on the Legislative Activity of Regional Parliaments","authors":"I. Pomiguev, N. A. Zaripov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-619-633","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-619-633","url":null,"abstract":"The authors focus on the political implication of the emergence and functioning of the Council of Legislators under the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Based on several characteristics of the legislative process, such as the speed of adopting bills, the traffic of initiatives and the share of those adopted, as well as the transcripts of the Plenary Sessions of the Council, the authors conduct a comprehensive analysis of the work of this institution, recording and interpreting several changes. Using the theory of Rational Choice Institutionalism (the Veto Player Theory, in particular), the authors show that the platform established in 2012, originally designed for communication between federal and regional parliaments, has over time become a barrier, predetermining the fate of some initiatives. In addition, the institutional environment created by the Council’s actions has changed the very format of regional activity, whereby the original idea of open dialogue has been replaced by expert discussion within the profile commissions, and the outcome of these activities has shifted from legislative initiatives to expert commentaries and recommendations. Another dimension of influence can be traced in the implementation of the bureaucratic logic associated with redirecting and filtering the traffic of regional initiatives through an extra-constitutional structure. Research results allow the authors to take a different view on the legislative activity of the regions at the federal level, as well as draw attention to the political nature of the work of auxiliary institutions and the «rules of the game» they form in the context of the interactions between the Federal Assembly and the regional parliaments.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44770043","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-686-710
A. Sokolov, E. Isaeva
The development of information and communication technologies contributes to the creation and active use of various digital services and platforms in the public sphere of interaction between government and society. However, the conditions of their interaction in the digital space, especially at the regional level, have not been sufficiently studied and require close attention. In this regard, the article analyzes the processes of digitalization of electoral procedures, institutions of public chambers and public councils, the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and volunteerism as forms of interaction between government and society. Empirical data were collected in a number of studies: analysis of the activities of resource centers for supporting NGOs and civil activists; analysis of the activity of public chambers on the Internet; identification of state regulation of the digitalization process of key forms of public activity; surveys of employees of public authorities of the Yaroslavl region; surveys of managers and employees of non-profit organizations of the Yaroslavl region.
{"title":"Transforming the Interaction Between Authorities and Civil Society in Digital: The Evidence from the Yaroslavl Region","authors":"A. Sokolov, E. Isaeva","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-686-710","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-686-710","url":null,"abstract":"The development of information and communication technologies contributes to the creation and active use of various digital services and platforms in the public sphere of interaction between government and society. However, the conditions of their interaction in the digital space, especially at the regional level, have not been sufficiently studied and require close attention. In this regard, the article analyzes the processes of digitalization of electoral procedures, institutions of public chambers and public councils, the activities of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and volunteerism as forms of interaction between government and society. Empirical data were collected in a number of studies: analysis of the activities of resource centers for supporting NGOs and civil activists; analysis of the activity of public chambers on the Internet; identification of state regulation of the digitalization process of key forms of public activity; surveys of employees of public authorities of the Yaroslavl region; surveys of managers and employees of non-profit organizations of the Yaroslavl region.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45621053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-07DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-779-794
Sergey A. Pankratov, K. Makarenko
The institutionalization of public space in the subjects of the Russian Federation is characterized by the alignment of regional systems of political communication, which have both common basic structural elements and specific parameters determined by several factors and conditions. The article analyzes the emergence and development of the system of political communication between the institutions of regional power (primarily the executive power) and citizens in the Volgograd Region amidst the growing influence of global problems (such as the spread of COVID-19), the conduct of the special military operation in Ukraine, international sanctions against Russia, etc. At the same time, the novelty of the authors’ approach lies not so much in the study of the information and communication openness in the regional politics, but in identifying the nature of civil and political trust between the leading actors of communication in the Volgograd Region. Combining the action and political-communicative approaches allowed the authors to build a methodological strategy for the analysis of institutional and non-institutional actors of regional public policy that have different resources affecting the level and dynamics of mutual trust in the communication process. The paper argues that at present both the political activity, including the protest of the population, and the ability to reproduce sustainable and stable development are largely depending on the level of mutual trust between the regional authorities and the citizens. The authors attempt to identify the dominant factors that determine the vectors of trust and confrontation in the regional system of political communications.
{"title":"Protest and Trust in the Volgograd Region: Peculiarities of the Regional System of Political Communication","authors":"Sergey A. Pankratov, K. Makarenko","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-779-794","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-4-779-794","url":null,"abstract":"The institutionalization of public space in the subjects of the Russian Federation is characterized by the alignment of regional systems of political communication, which have both common basic structural elements and specific parameters determined by several factors and conditions. The article analyzes the emergence and development of the system of political communication between the institutions of regional power (primarily the executive power) and citizens in the Volgograd Region amidst the growing influence of global problems (such as the spread of COVID-19), the conduct of the special military operation in Ukraine, international sanctions against Russia, etc. At the same time, the novelty of the authors’ approach lies not so much in the study of the information and communication openness in the regional politics, but in identifying the nature of civil and political trust between the leading actors of communication in the Volgograd Region. Combining the action and political-communicative approaches allowed the authors to build a methodological strategy for the analysis of institutional and non-institutional actors of regional public policy that have different resources affecting the level and dynamics of mutual trust in the communication process. The paper argues that at present both the political activity, including the protest of the population, and the ability to reproduce sustainable and stable development are largely depending on the level of mutual trust between the regional authorities and the citizens. The authors attempt to identify the dominant factors that determine the vectors of trust and confrontation in the regional system of political communications.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48985630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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