Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-287-292
M. Mchedlova
The editorial board introduces the issue devoted to the problem which occurred as a result of the exhausting traditional heuristic potential of political knowledge, including concepts, theoretical and methodological approaches, and ideological emphasis. The changing traditional theoretical framework questions the legitimacy of traditional political practices, the legitimacy of institutions, goals and subjects of the political process. Based on the ideas of I. Wallerstein, we are making attempts to “feel the elephant” of political reflection on the dramatically changing political reality.
{"title":"Political Science in Search of New Approaches: Introducing the Issue","authors":"M. Mchedlova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-287-292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-287-292","url":null,"abstract":"The editorial board introduces the issue devoted to the problem which occurred as a result of the exhausting traditional heuristic potential of political knowledge, including concepts, theoretical and methodological approaches, and ideological emphasis. The changing traditional theoretical framework questions the legitimacy of traditional political practices, the legitimacy of institutions, goals and subjects of the political process. Based on the ideas of I. Wallerstein, we are making attempts to “feel the elephant” of political reflection on the dramatically changing political reality.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44821733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-423-433
Konstantin V. Zhigadlo
By the beginning of the 2010s, Russia has developed a party system and an electoral culture for which the ideological spectrum is not critically important. However, the high-profile political processes, the events of recent years and the leap in the development of social media have contributed to the reactualization of the ideological spectrum in the field of unconventional politics. At the same time, new social movements were formed. In this regard, questions about the left-right divide and about the semantic content of the concepts of left and right wings themselves acquire new relevance. The author of the article tries to determine which Russian ideological and social movements, political parties and associations of a different type today can be attributed to each wing of the left-right continuum, and what are the essential divisions between the different sides of it today. For this purpose, a discourse analysis of the publications of certain public opinion leaders who directly relate themselves to one or another camp in social media was carried out. Various interviews and speeches of these individuals, as well as program documents of some parties and movements were also used for this analysis. In order to clearly identify various personalities and groups on the basis of their position in the ideological spectrum, the author relied on the methodology of social constructivism. The author concludes that the conceptualization of the right-wing established in Russian political science, referring this concept mainly to liberals, is largely outdated by now. There are splits within the left and right movements themselves along the line of attitude to the state and etatism, no less acute and fundamental than the very division between these movements.
{"title":"The Problem of the Left-Right Divide in Modern Russia Through the Lens of Social Constructivism","authors":"Konstantin V. Zhigadlo","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-423-433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-423-433","url":null,"abstract":"By the beginning of the 2010s, Russia has developed a party system and an electoral culture for which the ideological spectrum is not critically important. However, the high-profile political processes, the events of recent years and the leap in the development of social media have contributed to the reactualization of the ideological spectrum in the field of unconventional politics. At the same time, new social movements were formed. In this regard, questions about the left-right divide and about the semantic content of the concepts of left and right wings themselves acquire new relevance. The author of the article tries to determine which Russian ideological and social movements, political parties and associations of a different type today can be attributed to each wing of the left-right continuum, and what are the essential divisions between the different sides of it today. For this purpose, a discourse analysis of the publications of certain public opinion leaders who directly relate themselves to one or another camp in social media was carried out. Various interviews and speeches of these individuals, as well as program documents of some parties and movements were also used for this analysis. In order to clearly identify various personalities and groups on the basis of their position in the ideological spectrum, the author relied on the methodology of social constructivism. The author concludes that the conceptualization of the right-wing established in Russian political science, referring this concept mainly to liberals, is largely outdated by now. There are splits within the left and right movements themselves along the line of attitude to the state and etatism, no less acute and fundamental than the very division between these movements.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47619811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-377-396
E. Varshaver
The article rethinks the integration of migrants through the lens of constructivist studies of ethnicity. It is done on the basis of the theoretical language developed by the author, which builds upon other constructivist languages. It is pointed out that ethnicity is the organization of differences around categories, membership in which is predominantly inherited. Categories, according to language, are organized in the form of categorizations, classifications, and taxonomies; categories are associated with attributes, which include stereotypes, indicators, norms, characteristics of relationships with other categories, as well as discourses. Together, categories and attributes form the construction of ethnicity, which is a typical object of analysis and description. Individuals constantly evaluate the surrounding phenomena in terms of conformity with the construction of ethnicity, which is why the construction of ethnicity changes. Integration is a change in the construction of ethnicity or re-categorization of individuals in the space of the dichotomy «migrant» - «local» without changing the construction of ethnicity. In the course of integration, «migrant» categories may be re-categorized as «local»; «local» categories may change the attributes associated with them to include attributes previously associated with «migrant» categories; categories and attributes may not change, while re-categorization occurs at the individual level. How exactly integration will take place depends on a variety of factors that characterize the construction of ethnicity and go beyond it. The construction of ethnicity in Russia is a vernacular taxonomy, which implies the existence of a general category (‘Rossijane’, ‘Russkie’), which includes other categories - defined as the «local» ones. Most of the «migrant» categories correspond to identical in name «local» categories. The integration of migrants in Russia thus takes the form of an individual transition from the category of «Tajik migrants» to «local Tajiks». The language created and studied for applicability to the integration of migrants is analyzed for pros and cons and directions for further work are identified.
{"title":"Integration of Migrants Through the Lens of a Constructivist Approach to Ethnicity","authors":"E. Varshaver","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-377-396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-377-396","url":null,"abstract":"The article rethinks the integration of migrants through the lens of constructivist studies of ethnicity. It is done on the basis of the theoretical language developed by the author, which builds upon other constructivist languages. It is pointed out that ethnicity is the organization of differences around categories, membership in which is predominantly inherited. Categories, according to language, are organized in the form of categorizations, classifications, and taxonomies; categories are associated with attributes, which include stereotypes, indicators, norms, characteristics of relationships with other categories, as well as discourses. Together, categories and attributes form the construction of ethnicity, which is a typical object of analysis and description. Individuals constantly evaluate the surrounding phenomena in terms of conformity with the construction of ethnicity, which is why the construction of ethnicity changes. Integration is a change in the construction of ethnicity or re-categorization of individuals in the space of the dichotomy «migrant» - «local» without changing the construction of ethnicity. In the course of integration, «migrant» categories may be re-categorized as «local»; «local» categories may change the attributes associated with them to include attributes previously associated with «migrant» categories; categories and attributes may not change, while re-categorization occurs at the individual level. How exactly integration will take place depends on a variety of factors that characterize the construction of ethnicity and go beyond it. The construction of ethnicity in Russia is a vernacular taxonomy, which implies the existence of a general category (‘Rossijane’, ‘Russkie’), which includes other categories - defined as the «local» ones. Most of the «migrant» categories correspond to identical in name «local» categories. The integration of migrants in Russia thus takes the form of an individual transition from the category of «Tajik migrants» to «local Tajiks». The language created and studied for applicability to the integration of migrants is analyzed for pros and cons and directions for further work are identified.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44552935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-434-444
L. Rustamova, D. Ivanova
Cancel Culture originated in Western society and was initially interpreted as a social phenomenon, but over time it began to acquire an increasing political dimension. Its main distribution platform are social networks, where, due to the almost instantaneous reaction on the part of society to information stuffing, the “cancellation culture” has become truly global. Since 2022 cancel culture is a tool for managing socio-political phenomena that can be used for foreign policy purposes. The authors make an attempt to conceptualize and operationalize this term, formerly used in publicjournalistic discourse. They also set themselves the task of identifying the subjects of dissemination of cancel culture and suggesting mechanisms to combat its negative manifestations.
{"title":"Cancel culture towards Russia and how to deal with it","authors":"L. Rustamova, D. Ivanova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-434-444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-434-444","url":null,"abstract":"Cancel Culture originated in Western society and was initially interpreted as a social phenomenon, but over time it began to acquire an increasing political dimension. Its main distribution platform are social networks, where, due to the almost instantaneous reaction on the part of society to information stuffing, the “cancellation culture” has become truly global. Since 2022 cancel culture is a tool for managing socio-political phenomena that can be used for foreign policy purposes. The authors make an attempt to conceptualize and operationalize this term, formerly used in publicjournalistic discourse. They also set themselves the task of identifying the subjects of dissemination of cancel culture and suggesting mechanisms to combat its negative manifestations.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45756887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-293-307
D. Evstafiev, L. A. Tsyganova
The transition of the basically local military-political crisis in the Western Eurasia into the real focus of global geopolitical transformations and civilizational confrontation. That has brought to the agenda the issue of degradation of the principles of universalities that were the basis for globalization in both: socio-political and socio-economic spheres thus demonstrating deepening interaction between them. The world is facing the perspective of competition of different models of development and their political and social localization that reflect the specifics of social-economic environment. The fact that global transformations became the result of interaction of the objective and subjective, contextual factors as well as sometimes were brought to reality through the interaction of political leaders brings us to the conclusion that the world is nowadays within the transitional era that contains several points of bifurcation of political nature that in turn drive for different models of socioeconomic development. The sharp nature of ongoing transformations reflects the situation when most of the paradigms and instrumental models that were regarded as axiomatically universal like institutional governance and representative democracy started to lose their relevance as political and socio-political management tools. The same is true about a bulk of global economic tools such as the universal protected nature of economic interdependence and international trade. But all that was the basis for the globalization. The system of global political and economic relations that has resided quite recently in the environment of nearly total universality started to lose synergy and integrity while forming complex localized formats in which political and socio-cultural factors play the leading role ahead of economic basis and socio-economic relationships. The research drives to the conclusion on the possibility of emergence of the two competing models claiming a global status the specifics of interaction between them and the key differences between them.
{"title":"After Post-Modernity: Discussion Points Against the Background of Global Transformations","authors":"D. Evstafiev, L. A. Tsyganova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-293-307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-293-307","url":null,"abstract":"The transition of the basically local military-political crisis in the Western Eurasia into the real focus of global geopolitical transformations and civilizational confrontation. That has brought to the agenda the issue of degradation of the principles of universalities that were the basis for globalization in both: socio-political and socio-economic spheres thus demonstrating deepening interaction between them. The world is facing the perspective of competition of different models of development and their political and social localization that reflect the specifics of social-economic environment. The fact that global transformations became the result of interaction of the objective and subjective, contextual factors as well as sometimes were brought to reality through the interaction of political leaders brings us to the conclusion that the world is nowadays within the transitional era that contains several points of bifurcation of political nature that in turn drive for different models of socioeconomic development. The sharp nature of ongoing transformations reflects the situation when most of the paradigms and instrumental models that were regarded as axiomatically universal like institutional governance and representative democracy started to lose their relevance as political and socio-political management tools. The same is true about a bulk of global economic tools such as the universal protected nature of economic interdependence and international trade. But all that was the basis for the globalization. The system of global political and economic relations that has resided quite recently in the environment of nearly total universality started to lose synergy and integrity while forming complex localized formats in which political and socio-cultural factors play the leading role ahead of economic basis and socio-economic relationships. The research drives to the conclusion on the possibility of emergence of the two competing models claiming a global status the specifics of interaction between them and the key differences between them.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47377611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-319-329
E. Shanchenko
Referring to the classical tenets of the “just war” theory, the author also analyses its modern versions. While the research the author arrives at the conclusion that some political scientists have modernized the theory of “a just war” according to the modern times. For instance, due to the existence of new actors on the international arena, there were created a new version, which allows to include non-state actors for the analysis (which consequently led to abolition of such principles as legitimacy of authorities, “last resort” criteria and also led to the implementation of the preventive actions) as well as the principles just post bellum. It is interesting to note that some political scientists associate the theory of “a just war” with the issue of global leadership of the USA. Throughout the history the participants and the aims of the wars have undergone serious changes, so that nowadays they do not sound “just” (for example, theory of punitive war). Analyzing in detail the postulates of the theory of “just war”, the author turns to historical events - the “Arab Spring”, the confrontation between the USA and the USSR, modern information wars. The author arrives at the conclusion that the use of the theory of “just war” for the analysis of modern events remains relevant, however, requires the introduction of new postulates in the norms of the theory, in particular, the addition of the principles of jus ad bellum and jus post bellum.
{"title":"New dilemmas of the «just war» theory","authors":"E. Shanchenko","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-319-329","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-319-329","url":null,"abstract":"Referring to the classical tenets of the “just war” theory, the author also analyses its modern versions. While the research the author arrives at the conclusion that some political scientists have modernized the theory of “a just war” according to the modern times. For instance, due to the existence of new actors on the international arena, there were created a new version, which allows to include non-state actors for the analysis (which consequently led to abolition of such principles as legitimacy of authorities, “last resort” criteria and also led to the implementation of the preventive actions) as well as the principles just post bellum. It is interesting to note that some political scientists associate the theory of “a just war” with the issue of global leadership of the USA. Throughout the history the participants and the aims of the wars have undergone serious changes, so that nowadays they do not sound “just” (for example, theory of punitive war). Analyzing in detail the postulates of the theory of “just war”, the author turns to historical events - the “Arab Spring”, the confrontation between the USA and the USSR, modern information wars. The author arrives at the conclusion that the use of the theory of “just war” for the analysis of modern events remains relevant, however, requires the introduction of new postulates in the norms of the theory, in particular, the addition of the principles of jus ad bellum and jus post bellum.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44109805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-368-376
V. Belozerov
Modern science doesn’t sufficiently disclose the essence and content of strategy (political strategy), even though the term and its derivatives actively circulate in theoretical and political discourse. This highlights the necessity to establish terminological clarity regarding the understanding of strategy. This article reveals the genesis of strategy as a practical management activity and as a science, as well as shows its connection with the military sphere. For a long time, the development of strategy as a science was closely connected to military affairs. The political component in strategy appeared in the 19th century, and has been gradually expanding. To separate political strategy from military and give it an independent scientific status, various authors have attempted to develop such concepts as higher strategy, grand strategy, and state strategy. Throughout time two approaches to understanding strategy emerged: the first focuses mainly on goal-setting, and the second - on coordinating goals with the ways and resources required to achieve them. According to the author, strategy in politics means a purposeful and long-term action program implemented to achieve a designed result. Military strategy acts not only as the highest level of military art, but also as an integral component of state strategy. At the turn of the 2010s attempts were made to conceptualize political strategy, but they did not find further development. The generation of a full-fledged concept of political strategy seems to be heuristic and promising in both theoretical and practical domains.
{"title":"Strategy as a Political Phenomenon and Concept","authors":"V. Belozerov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-368-376","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-368-376","url":null,"abstract":"Modern science doesn’t sufficiently disclose the essence and content of strategy (political strategy), even though the term and its derivatives actively circulate in theoretical and political discourse. This highlights the necessity to establish terminological clarity regarding the understanding of strategy. This article reveals the genesis of strategy as a practical management activity and as a science, as well as shows its connection with the military sphere. For a long time, the development of strategy as a science was closely connected to military affairs. The political component in strategy appeared in the 19th century, and has been gradually expanding. To separate political strategy from military and give it an independent scientific status, various authors have attempted to develop such concepts as higher strategy, grand strategy, and state strategy. Throughout time two approaches to understanding strategy emerged: the first focuses mainly on goal-setting, and the second - on coordinating goals with the ways and resources required to achieve them. According to the author, strategy in politics means a purposeful and long-term action program implemented to achieve a designed result. Military strategy acts not only as the highest level of military art, but also as an integral component of state strategy. At the turn of the 2010s attempts were made to conceptualize political strategy, but they did not find further development. The generation of a full-fledged concept of political strategy seems to be heuristic and promising in both theoretical and practical domains.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48434853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-397-422
Y. Nisnevich
The article discusses the replacement of political competition with political administration in order to maintain the power of the ruling political actors and ensure the tenure of the ruling regime under neo-authoritarian rule in a number of countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The administration of all key arenas of the political sphere is implemented through special political technologies and informal practices of political corruption. A pseudo-multiparty system with a dominating ruling party is being constructed in the party-political arena. In the media arena, the most influential mass media are being “nationalized”. In the arena of personnel, through political nepotism, adherents of the ruling regime are placed in key political and administrative positions of public power. In the electoral arena, the institution of elections is transformed into a procedure for the formation of public authorities by manipulating the voting procedures. In the legislative arena, the ruling party provides political administration of legislative and parliamentary activities in general. In the judicial arena, through the administrative regulation of the judiciary personnel, the judicial system is integrated into a single system of neo-authoritarian rule aimed at providing judicial protection for the ruling regime from the discontent of the citizens and using courts for political purposes. To demonstrate the appearance of democratic legitimacy, all neo-authoritarian regimes imitate the work of the basic institutions of democracy.
{"title":"Political Administration VS Political Competition Under Neo-Authoritarian Rule","authors":"Y. Nisnevich","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-397-422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-397-422","url":null,"abstract":"The article discusses the replacement of political competition with political administration in order to maintain the power of the ruling political actors and ensure the tenure of the ruling regime under neo-authoritarian rule in a number of countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The administration of all key arenas of the political sphere is implemented through special political technologies and informal practices of political corruption. A pseudo-multiparty system with a dominating ruling party is being constructed in the party-political arena. In the media arena, the most influential mass media are being “nationalized”. In the arena of personnel, through political nepotism, adherents of the ruling regime are placed in key political and administrative positions of public power. In the electoral arena, the institution of elections is transformed into a procedure for the formation of public authorities by manipulating the voting procedures. In the legislative arena, the ruling party provides political administration of legislative and parliamentary activities in general. In the judicial arena, through the administrative regulation of the judiciary personnel, the judicial system is integrated into a single system of neo-authoritarian rule aimed at providing judicial protection for the ruling regime from the discontent of the citizens and using courts for political purposes. To demonstrate the appearance of democratic legitimacy, all neo-authoritarian regimes imitate the work of the basic institutions of democracy.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"36 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41295869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-471-485
O. Popova, N. Grishin, Sergei I. Suslov
The politicization of the mass consciousness of young people is revealed in this study by such parameters as the level of interest in politics, readiness for certain actions to protect interests, priority sources of political information, assessment of the correctness of the direction of development of the situation in the country, as well as the relations of some of these characteristics with the level political trust. The empirical basis of the study is the results of a massive online survey of Russian youth conducted in November 2022. The method of conducting the survey was an online survey. The data were processed using traditional methods of statistical analysis: simple and combined grouping of data, analysis of standardized residuals, correlation analysis, calculation of new variables, multiple regression analysis, multivariate scaling. By modeling a new variable, it was possible to identify high rates of youth interest in politics. It has been established that the level of youth interest in politics is associated with the availability and size of material and social resources of representatives of this group. Positive and negative factors influencing the level of youth interest in politics have been identified. Since, according to the results of the analysis, the levels of political trust and interest in youth politics turned out to be unrelated, it can be argued that the rational component in the formation of political trust among young people is rather weak. The relationship between the level of political trust of young people and the willingness to take certain potential actions to protect their interests has been revealed. Two sets of related potential action strategies have been identified that young people can use to protect their interests.
{"title":"The Politization of the Mass Consciousness of the Russian Youth in 2022: Possibilities of Evaluation on the Basis of Statistical Analysis","authors":"O. Popova, N. Grishin, Sergei I. Suslov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-471-485","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-471-485","url":null,"abstract":"The politicization of the mass consciousness of young people is revealed in this study by such parameters as the level of interest in politics, readiness for certain actions to protect interests, priority sources of political information, assessment of the correctness of the direction of development of the situation in the country, as well as the relations of some of these characteristics with the level political trust. The empirical basis of the study is the results of a massive online survey of Russian youth conducted in November 2022. The method of conducting the survey was an online survey. The data were processed using traditional methods of statistical analysis: simple and combined grouping of data, analysis of standardized residuals, correlation analysis, calculation of new variables, multiple regression analysis, multivariate scaling. By modeling a new variable, it was possible to identify high rates of youth interest in politics. It has been established that the level of youth interest in politics is associated with the availability and size of material and social resources of representatives of this group. Positive and negative factors influencing the level of youth interest in politics have been identified. Since, according to the results of the analysis, the levels of political trust and interest in youth politics turned out to be unrelated, it can be argued that the rational component in the formation of political trust among young people is rather weak. The relationship between the level of political trust of young people and the willingness to take certain potential actions to protect their interests has been revealed. Two sets of related potential action strategies have been identified that young people can use to protect their interests.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49652799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-2-330-347
Valery I. Kovalenko, V. A. Sobolev
The study analyzes the contribution of Alexander Kovalev to science and education, who stood at the origins of political science since its institutionalization in Russia. The contours of his general political and philosophical concept of social development are determined, original approaches to the interpretation of the categories “power” and “politics”, the laws of politics and political activity, and a number of basic concepts of political science are reconstructed. The role of A. Kovalev in substantiating the importance of political science, its structure and its place in the system of social and humanitarian sciences is highlighted. His persistent desire to establish the foundations of politics with the way of production of public life is noted and thereby more fully highlight the ideological and methodological aspects of political science knowledge, to link the philosophy and theory of political science with the variety of its instrumental dimensions. A. Kovalev’s interpretation of the problem of interrelation and interdependence of system-wide and individual needs and interests in public life, natural and spontaneous in the political process, the importance of the moral principle in politics is revealed. The question is raised about his development of the problem of the correlation of natural and social, the dialectics of civilizational and formational in social development, the correlation of innovations and traditions in political life, the scientific responsibility of a political scientist. Particular attention is paid to the qualities of A. Kovalev as an organizer of science, teacher and mentor, who educated many dozens and even hundreds of political scientists who confidently took their place in the formation and development of political science in the country. It is emphasized that the scientific merits of A. Kovalev are inseparable from his highly moral civil position, responsibility for the fate of the Motherland.
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