Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-97-112
A. B. Shatilov, Z. I. Volkhonskaya, Daria D. Osinina
Under foreign policy pressure, preserving and strengthening the unity of citizens is one of the main tasks of the modern Russian state. Speaking about the challenges facing Russia, first, we are talking about the threat of losing the national and cultural identity of citizens. Ongoing discussions regarding Russia’s self-determination in the system of world and civilizational coordinates, as well as the image of unity in the consciousness of the nation, confirm the need to comprehend the value foundations of the essence of Russian statehood, summarize historical experience and determine the civilizational chronotype. The methodological basis of the research is historical institutionalism. The analysis made it possible to distinguish five priority values of the “genetic code” of Russian statehood: self-identification within the family, the self-perception of an individual as “the owner of his land”, the definition of civil identity as a sense of community with the people and the country, respect for traditions and history, as well as the perception of Russia as a country of global projects. These elements of the “genetic code,” according to the authors, reflect the value core of Russian statehood, and also determine the coordinate system for identifying Russians.
{"title":"Priority Values of the “Genetic Code” of the Russian Statehood","authors":"A. B. Shatilov, Z. I. Volkhonskaya, Daria D. Osinina","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-97-112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-97-112","url":null,"abstract":"Under foreign policy pressure, preserving and strengthening the unity of citizens is one of the main tasks of the modern Russian state. Speaking about the challenges facing Russia, first, we are talking about the threat of losing the national and cultural identity of citizens. Ongoing discussions regarding Russia’s self-determination in the system of world and civilizational coordinates, as well as the image of unity in the consciousness of the nation, confirm the need to comprehend the value foundations of the essence of Russian statehood, summarize historical experience and determine the civilizational chronotype. The methodological basis of the research is historical institutionalism. The analysis made it possible to distinguish five priority values of the “genetic code” of Russian statehood: self-identification within the family, the self-perception of an individual as “the owner of his land”, the definition of civil identity as a sense of community with the people and the country, respect for traditions and history, as well as the perception of Russia as a country of global projects. These elements of the “genetic code,” according to the authors, reflect the value core of Russian statehood, and also determine the coordinate system for identifying Russians.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"59 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68274156","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-9-20
V. Gutorov, Alexander A. Shirinyants, D. Kazarinova
The concept of consent is essential for every society society, affecting almost all its spheres - from everyday life to socio-political bases. Therefore, it cannot be considered accidental that both the idea itself and the diverse directions of its interpretation, dating back to the era of early modernity, today constitute one of the most priorities, intellectually saturated segments in modern socio-political theory. It is impossible to deny the appeal of the doctrine of personal consent (and the parallel thesis that no government is legitimate unless it acts without the consent of the governed). It has had a great influence on the political institutions of many modern states and has been a major factor in the direction that political theory has taken since 1600. In the second half of the 20th century, two approaches prevailed in political theory, within the framework of which the process of formation of the consensus tradition: personal and historical ones. The most impact to the theory is made by criticism of the unilinear model of consent analysis in the works of George Klosko, analysis by R.D. Bernstein of the problem of consent in the form of critical remarks on the philosophical position of R. Rorty, the concept of socialist “consent strategy” developed in the 1980s by E. Laclau and Sh. Mouffe, the controversy of the Canadian political philosopher James Tully with neo-Marxist theorists, the philosophical interpretation of consent by Jürgen Habermas as part of his analysis of the “rationalization paradox” etc. This theoretical and methodological frame becomes a basis for the thematic volume, where the articles on the history of socio-political thought are followed by the chapter devoted to the problems of Russia between cleavages and social harmony. Russian problems are blended with an international context, and the issue ends with an attempt to understand the ideological attitudes of modern youth.
{"title":"Ideas, Ideologies and Public Consent: Introducing the Issue","authors":"V. Gutorov, Alexander A. Shirinyants, D. Kazarinova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-9-20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-9-20","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of consent is essential for every society society, affecting almost all its spheres - from everyday life to socio-political bases. Therefore, it cannot be considered accidental that both the idea itself and the diverse directions of its interpretation, dating back to the era of early modernity, today constitute one of the most priorities, intellectually saturated segments in modern socio-political theory. It is impossible to deny the appeal of the doctrine of personal consent (and the parallel thesis that no government is legitimate unless it acts without the consent of the governed). It has had a great influence on the political institutions of many modern states and has been a major factor in the direction that political theory has taken since 1600. In the second half of the 20th century, two approaches prevailed in political theory, within the framework of which the process of formation of the consensus tradition: personal and historical ones. The most impact to the theory is made by criticism of the unilinear model of consent analysis in the works of George Klosko, analysis by R.D. Bernstein of the problem of consent in the form of critical remarks on the philosophical position of R. Rorty, the concept of socialist “consent strategy” developed in the 1980s by E. Laclau and Sh. Mouffe, the controversy of the Canadian political philosopher James Tully with neo-Marxist theorists, the philosophical interpretation of consent by Jürgen Habermas as part of his analysis of the “rationalization paradox” etc. This theoretical and methodological frame becomes a basis for the thematic volume, where the articles on the history of socio-political thought are followed by the chapter devoted to the problems of Russia between cleavages and social harmony. Russian problems are blended with an international context, and the issue ends with an attempt to understand the ideological attitudes of modern youth.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68274069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-189-203
Leonid G. Abdrakhimov
The turn of Russia’s foreign policy vector to the East stimulates the better understanding of political processes and phenomena in China, which have not yet been sufficiently considered in Russian academia and political elites. Unlike the lack of a clear value-ideological basis of the national security system in Russia, China has solved this problem by including a conceptual level in the system of national security, with the concept of “The Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream” at its center. This concept, developed by Xi Jinping, involves renewing the ideological foundations of China, especially the Communist Party, as the backbone of the entire state. This concept, as is customary in Chinese culture, does not negate the previous ones, but only expands and complements all the previous concepts formulated by the country’s past leaders: “Great Leap Forward”, “Reforms and Openness”, etc. The purpose of the study is to reveal the concept of “The Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream” as the ideological basis of China’s national security. The methods of analysis of normative documents and discourse analysis of the Chinese leader’s speeches were applied to reveal the traditional cultural values of Chinese civilization with Confucian and Legist bias are in the center of the idea of the “Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream”. This concept was examined in our study through the prism of national security theory, which acquired an updated structure consisting of levels: conceptual, sectoral (spheres), institutional (forces) and resource (means). We conclude that this concept applies to all spheres of China’s national security system and is the ideological basis of this system, predetermining the paradigm of China’s development.
{"title":"Xi Jinping’s “The Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream” as an Ideological Basis for the National Security of China","authors":"Leonid G. Abdrakhimov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-189-203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-189-203","url":null,"abstract":"The turn of Russia’s foreign policy vector to the East stimulates the better understanding of political processes and phenomena in China, which have not yet been sufficiently considered in Russian academia and political elites. Unlike the lack of a clear value-ideological basis of the national security system in Russia, China has solved this problem by including a conceptual level in the system of national security, with the concept of “The Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream” at its center. This concept, developed by Xi Jinping, involves renewing the ideological foundations of China, especially the Communist Party, as the backbone of the entire state. This concept, as is customary in Chinese culture, does not negate the previous ones, but only expands and complements all the previous concepts formulated by the country’s past leaders: “Great Leap Forward”, “Reforms and Openness”, etc. The purpose of the study is to reveal the concept of “The Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream” as the ideological basis of China’s national security. The methods of analysis of normative documents and discourse analysis of the Chinese leader’s speeches were applied to reveal the traditional cultural values of Chinese civilization with Confucian and Legist bias are in the center of the idea of the “Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation - Chinese Dream”. This concept was examined in our study through the prism of national security theory, which acquired an updated structure consisting of levels: conceptual, sectoral (spheres), institutional (forces) and resource (means). We conclude that this concept applies to all spheres of China’s national security system and is the ideological basis of this system, predetermining the paradigm of China’s development.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68273018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-38-48
A. Myrikova, B. Prokudin
The ideas of Slavic unity periodically played a significant role in politics. Today, the ideas of pan-Slavism, both political and cultural, are relevant again. The objective of this study is to identify two stable trends of pan-Slavism of the 19th century, “political” and “cultural”, which are reflected in the works of classics of Russian literature: F.I. Tyutchev and F.M. Dostoevsky. The history of socio-political doctrines as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge involves the study of various sources, including fiction. The theoretical basis of this research is a political and textual approach to the study of texts developed at the Department of the History of Socio-Political Doctrines of the Faculty of Political Science of Lomonosov Moscow State University, as well as methods used in the research of political science fiction. According to the results of the study, it can be concluded that ideologically Tyutchev was close to representatives of “political” pan-Slavism. He believed that the “Germanization” and “Turkification” of the Slavic peoples jeopardized the state interests of Russia and called for actions to liberate, unite and Russify the Slavic countries (the idea of the Slavic Empire). Dostoevsky gravitated towards “cultural” pan-Slavism. He did not deny the very possibility of such a union, but believed that first it was necessary to raise the level of civic culture, for Dostoevsky the future of the “Slavic cause” was determined by the Orthodox-Messianic idea. If Russia aims to build allied relations with Slavic countries, it will have to formulate an attractive idea that could also contribute to the spiritual unification of Slavs and other peoples.
{"title":"Pan-Slavism of F.I. Tyutchev and F.M. Dostoevsky: Historical and Political Analysis","authors":"A. Myrikova, B. Prokudin","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-38-48","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-38-48","url":null,"abstract":"The ideas of Slavic unity periodically played a significant role in politics. Today, the ideas of pan-Slavism, both political and cultural, are relevant again. The objective of this study is to identify two stable trends of pan-Slavism of the 19th century, “political” and “cultural”, which are reflected in the works of classics of Russian literature: F.I. Tyutchev and F.M. Dostoevsky. The history of socio-political doctrines as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge involves the study of various sources, including fiction. The theoretical basis of this research is a political and textual approach to the study of texts developed at the Department of the History of Socio-Political Doctrines of the Faculty of Political Science of Lomonosov Moscow State University, as well as methods used in the research of political science fiction. According to the results of the study, it can be concluded that ideologically Tyutchev was close to representatives of “political” pan-Slavism. He believed that the “Germanization” and “Turkification” of the Slavic peoples jeopardized the state interests of Russia and called for actions to liberate, unite and Russify the Slavic countries (the idea of the Slavic Empire). Dostoevsky gravitated towards “cultural” pan-Slavism. He did not deny the very possibility of such a union, but believed that first it was necessary to raise the level of civic culture, for Dostoevsky the future of the “Slavic cause” was determined by the Orthodox-Messianic idea. If Russia aims to build allied relations with Slavic countries, it will have to formulate an attractive idea that could also contribute to the spiritual unification of Slavs and other peoples.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68273432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-218-232
A. Mikhalev
The proposed paper is a study of resource nationalism. Resource nationalism appeared in Mongolia in the post-Socialist period. In this paper, we understand resource nationalism as a wide spectrum of strategies domestic elites employ in order to increase their control of natural resources - definition by Paul Domjan and Matt Stone. After an analysis of legal materials, mass media articles and political rhetoric, the author of this paper concludes that the sources of resource nationalism should be searched in the texts that date back to the Socialist era. Also, the sources of resource nationalism can be found in the ideas about justice of those times. The idea that natural resources belong to the people has been fixed in mass opinion, while contemporary nationalists justify this idea from the standpoint of “blood and soil”. That creates serious problems for Mongolia, a country with resource economy. The matter is that economic growth driven with foreign investments has caused a deep social stratification. In its turn, social stratification gave birth to a social demand for fair profit distribution from natural resource extraction. In the political sphere, this social demand quickly received a reaction - in the form of resource nationalism rhetoric. In the paper, we notice that resource nationalism in Mongolia has not been formed as a vivid legal or political doctrine. Today, it is a set of populist rhetoric of current interest which are used both for lobbying future political decisions in mining and for legitimizing the decisions already made.
{"title":"‘Property of the Nation’ - Resource Nationalism to Become a Political Doctrine in Contemporary Mongolia?","authors":"A. Mikhalev","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-218-232","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-218-232","url":null,"abstract":"The proposed paper is a study of resource nationalism. Resource nationalism appeared in Mongolia in the post-Socialist period. In this paper, we understand resource nationalism as a wide spectrum of strategies domestic elites employ in order to increase their control of natural resources - definition by Paul Domjan and Matt Stone. After an analysis of legal materials, mass media articles and political rhetoric, the author of this paper concludes that the sources of resource nationalism should be searched in the texts that date back to the Socialist era. Also, the sources of resource nationalism can be found in the ideas about justice of those times. The idea that natural resources belong to the people has been fixed in mass opinion, while contemporary nationalists justify this idea from the standpoint of “blood and soil”. That creates serious problems for Mongolia, a country with resource economy. The matter is that economic growth driven with foreign investments has caused a deep social stratification. In its turn, social stratification gave birth to a social demand for fair profit distribution from natural resource extraction. In the political sphere, this social demand quickly received a reaction - in the form of resource nationalism rhetoric. In the paper, we notice that resource nationalism in Mongolia has not been formed as a vivid legal or political doctrine. Today, it is a set of populist rhetoric of current interest which are used both for lobbying future political decisions in mining and for legitimizing the decisions already made.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68273582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-175-188
Svetlana S. Makkaveeva, Dengxue Huang
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is the most serious crisis in international relations since the Cold War. This is not only a turning point in Russian-Ukrainian relations, but also a deep crisis in Russian-Western relations, which marked a change in Moscow’s approach to relations with the West, and the transition from past dialogue to today’s struggle. China, as a third party in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, took a neutral position from the very beginning, and ignored any requests from the United States and the West to somehow influence Russia. China’s position has increasingly attracted the attention of the Western media, and Beijing has begun to receive accusations from the West of supporting Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine. This paper analyzes the articles published by Chinese academic experts on the media, and analyzes the content of Chinese popular media websites, such as CCTV News The Paper, Guanchazhe for the period from April 1, 2022 to December 1, 2022. In the course of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that the Chinese media mostly cover the events in Ukraine in a neutral way, they try to balance and not criticize Moscow when it comes to Russian-Western relations. Chinese experts have different views and thoughts when talking about the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and Russian-Western relations. Some Chinese analysts talked about Russia’s victory over the West, while others believe that Russia may end up with nothing. The authors concludes that the West and Russia may fall into a new Cold War, and this Cold War may turn out to be even more brutal than the last one for three main reasons: because of the all-encompassing military confrontation, because of economic isolation, and because of breakdown of humanitarian ties.
{"title":"The State and Prospects of the Relations Between Russia and Western Countries Against the Background of the Ukrainian Crisis in the Focus of Chinese Socio-Political Expertise","authors":"Svetlana S. Makkaveeva, Dengxue Huang","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-175-188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-175-188","url":null,"abstract":"The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is the most serious crisis in international relations since the Cold War. This is not only a turning point in Russian-Ukrainian relations, but also a deep crisis in Russian-Western relations, which marked a change in Moscow’s approach to relations with the West, and the transition from past dialogue to today’s struggle. China, as a third party in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, took a neutral position from the very beginning, and ignored any requests from the United States and the West to somehow influence Russia. China’s position has increasingly attracted the attention of the Western media, and Beijing has begun to receive accusations from the West of supporting Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine. This paper analyzes the articles published by Chinese academic experts on the media, and analyzes the content of Chinese popular media websites, such as CCTV News The Paper, Guanchazhe for the period from April 1, 2022 to December 1, 2022. In the course of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that the Chinese media mostly cover the events in Ukraine in a neutral way, they try to balance and not criticize Moscow when it comes to Russian-Western relations. Chinese experts have different views and thoughts when talking about the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and Russian-Western relations. Some Chinese analysts talked about Russia’s victory over the West, while others believe that Russia may end up with nothing. The authors concludes that the West and Russia may fall into a new Cold War, and this Cold War may turn out to be even more brutal than the last one for three main reasons: because of the all-encompassing military confrontation, because of economic isolation, and because of breakdown of humanitarian ties.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68272868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-113-133
S. Volodenkov, S. Fedorchenko, Nikolai M. Pechenkin
Global technological transformations of key areas of life of contemporary society, the formation and active functioning of global and national digital institutions that influence current socio-political processes, and the digitalization of social relations form a demand for comprehensive scientific research on the processes of digital influence on the development and functioning of modern social systems. This article is aimed at considering the problem of the relationship between digital and worldview aspects of the functioning of modern societies. In connection with this, the research issue was to determine the degree and nature of the influence of digitalization processes, as well as directly the digital environment and institutions on the content aspects of the individual’s worldview. This research question is directly related to the study of the phenomenon of public consent in the context of the formation of digital polymentality. To answer the research question posed in the paper, the authors conducted a discourse analysis of the existing scientific literature on the relationship between digitalization and worldview in the pro et contra logic. An international expert study was also conducted, which made it possible to identify the main expert positions on the study, as well as the key risks, threats, and challenges in the field of preserving the traditional worldview and achieving public consent based on the unity of value-semantic and worldview ideas of individuals. The main conclusion of the paper is the fundamental ambiguity of the positions of scientists and experts, justified by the results of the study, in assessing the degree and nature of the influence of digitalization, the digital environment and institutions on the content parameters of the worldview of a modern person, as well as the ambiguity of the value-semantic attitudes formed and maintained in the digital environment.
{"title":"Influence of the Digital Environment on the Contemporary Worldview: Pro et Contra","authors":"S. Volodenkov, S. Fedorchenko, Nikolai M. Pechenkin","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-113-133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-113-133","url":null,"abstract":"Global technological transformations of key areas of life of contemporary society, the formation and active functioning of global and national digital institutions that influence current socio-political processes, and the digitalization of social relations form a demand for comprehensive scientific research on the processes of digital influence on the development and functioning of modern social systems. This article is aimed at considering the problem of the relationship between digital and worldview aspects of the functioning of modern societies. In connection with this, the research issue was to determine the degree and nature of the influence of digitalization processes, as well as directly the digital environment and institutions on the content aspects of the individual’s worldview. This research question is directly related to the study of the phenomenon of public consent in the context of the formation of digital polymentality. To answer the research question posed in the paper, the authors conducted a discourse analysis of the existing scientific literature on the relationship between digitalization and worldview in the pro et contra logic. An international expert study was also conducted, which made it possible to identify the main expert positions on the study, as well as the key risks, threats, and challenges in the field of preserving the traditional worldview and achieving public consent based on the unity of value-semantic and worldview ideas of individuals. The main conclusion of the paper is the fundamental ambiguity of the positions of scientists and experts, justified by the results of the study, in assessing the degree and nature of the influence of digitalization, the digital environment and institutions on the content parameters of the worldview of a modern person, as well as the ambiguity of the value-semantic attitudes formed and maintained in the digital environment.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68273058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-150-162
L. Fadeeva
The author proposes to consider ideas, values, meanings and orientations regarding the identity of Ukraine that gained independence through the concept of a social chronotope. This implies a conceptual and mental space in which temporal and spatial characteristics are combined. The researcher uses a socio-constructivist approach to identity, a discourse analysis of publications by representatives of the political and intellectual elite, and secondary sociological data. The social chronotope was formed by the Ukrainian elite based on historical myths and new geopolitical realities that made Ukraine the largest country in Europe. The most important component of the chronotope was the idea that Ukraine needs an identity that distinguishes it from Russia. If the events of 2004 determined the vector of Ukrainian identity politics as European, the Euromaidan of 2014 drew a demarcation line not only between Ukraine and Russia, but also between Kyiv as a center of political power and a symbol of political community, on the one hand, and the pro-Russian regions of the eastern Ukraine, on the other hand. Their inhabitants were denied Ukrainian citizenship, their views and values were marginalized, which destroyed the social chronotope. It is, thus, replaced with an ideological confrontation in the form of a political myth about the Europeanness of Ukraine, which is hindered by Russia and the “separatists” under its influence.
{"title":"From Social Chronotope to Political Myth: Ukrainian Case","authors":"L. Fadeeva","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-150-162","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-150-162","url":null,"abstract":"The author proposes to consider ideas, values, meanings and orientations regarding the identity of Ukraine that gained independence through the concept of a social chronotope. This implies a conceptual and mental space in which temporal and spatial characteristics are combined. The researcher uses a socio-constructivist approach to identity, a discourse analysis of publications by representatives of the political and intellectual elite, and secondary sociological data. The social chronotope was formed by the Ukrainian elite based on historical myths and new geopolitical realities that made Ukraine the largest country in Europe. The most important component of the chronotope was the idea that Ukraine needs an identity that distinguishes it from Russia. If the events of 2004 determined the vector of Ukrainian identity politics as European, the Euromaidan of 2014 drew a demarcation line not only between Ukraine and Russia, but also between Kyiv as a center of political power and a symbol of political community, on the one hand, and the pro-Russian regions of the eastern Ukraine, on the other hand. Their inhabitants were denied Ukrainian citizenship, their views and values were marginalized, which destroyed the social chronotope. It is, thus, replaced with an ideological confrontation in the form of a political myth about the Europeanness of Ukraine, which is hindered by Russia and the “separatists” under its influence.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"170 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68273190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-77-96
Andrey N. Iokhim, Maria A. Laguzova
The collapse of the Soviet Union, the large-scale transformation of the political and social structure in the early 1990s actualized the problem of nation-building in the new Russian state. The search for a “national idea” has contributed to the fact that over the past thirty years several dominant concepts of identity have changed in the Russian official discourse: from the denial of Soviet identity and the strategy of rapprochement with Western democracies to the construction of a great-power conservative identity of the “successor state”. The central place in the discourse of Russian identity is occupied by the problem of achieving social harmony through the elaboration of attitudes to the past, the construction of political values, the definition of symbolic boundaries of the political community. This research is devoted to the comparison of ideas about social harmony articulated within the framework of key concepts of post-Soviet identity of Russia.
{"title":"“How Do We Arrange Russia”: The Problem of Social Harmony in the Discourse of Post-Soviet Identity","authors":"Andrey N. Iokhim, Maria A. Laguzova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-77-96","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-77-96","url":null,"abstract":"The collapse of the Soviet Union, the large-scale transformation of the political and social structure in the early 1990s actualized the problem of nation-building in the new Russian state. The search for a “national idea” has contributed to the fact that over the past thirty years several dominant concepts of identity have changed in the Russian official discourse: from the denial of Soviet identity and the strategy of rapprochement with Western democracies to the construction of a great-power conservative identity of the “successor state”. The central place in the discourse of Russian identity is occupied by the problem of achieving social harmony through the elaboration of attitudes to the past, the construction of political values, the definition of symbolic boundaries of the political community. This research is devoted to the comparison of ideas about social harmony articulated within the framework of key concepts of post-Soviet identity of Russia.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68274001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-266-278
Dmitry A. Kazantsev, T. Aseeva, D. Kachusov
As a response to the special military operation, the discourse on the “colonial” nature of the Russian Federation and the prominent local identity among students in the national-territorial regions of the SFD, such as the Republics of Altai, Khakassia and Tuva, have amplified. This poses the question of the formation of a civic identity and patriotic feelings among young people as the basis for legitimizing political institutions and structures. Important mechanisms for the consolidation and mobilization of patriotic-minded youth are patriotic organizations. As a result of content analysis of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation’s information portal, social network pages of patriotic organizations (n = 121) and expert polls of leaders and members of organizations (n = 85), the authors have identified several categories of patriotic activities, which are aimed at the formation of a civic identity and patriotic feelings among young people in the mentioned regions. It was found that in all the regions studied, organizations of a military-patriotic and military-historical orientation, focused on forming a national identity, predominate. The ethnic component in the activity of patriotic organizations is more present in Khakassia and Tuva, however, in general share of patriotic organizations its representation is insignificant. The processes of standardization and unification of methods of work, formats of events and governing structures of these organizations, associated with the majority of youth patriotic organizations coming under the patronage of the federal movement “Yunarmia”, on the one hand, level out local and ethnic identities, and on the other hand, contribute to the formation of a statist model of patriotism among youth.
{"title":"Patriotic Organizations in the National Republics of the Siberian Federal District: Between National and Ethnic Identity","authors":"Dmitry A. Kazantsev, T. Aseeva, D. Kachusov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-266-278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2023-25-1-266-278","url":null,"abstract":"As a response to the special military operation, the discourse on the “colonial” nature of the Russian Federation and the prominent local identity among students in the national-territorial regions of the SFD, such as the Republics of Altai, Khakassia and Tuva, have amplified. This poses the question of the formation of a civic identity and patriotic feelings among young people as the basis for legitimizing political institutions and structures. Important mechanisms for the consolidation and mobilization of patriotic-minded youth are patriotic organizations. As a result of content analysis of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation’s information portal, social network pages of patriotic organizations (n = 121) and expert polls of leaders and members of organizations (n = 85), the authors have identified several categories of patriotic activities, which are aimed at the formation of a civic identity and patriotic feelings among young people in the mentioned regions. It was found that in all the regions studied, organizations of a military-patriotic and military-historical orientation, focused on forming a national identity, predominate. The ethnic component in the activity of patriotic organizations is more present in Khakassia and Tuva, however, in general share of patriotic organizations its representation is insignificant. The processes of standardization and unification of methods of work, formats of events and governing structures of these organizations, associated with the majority of youth patriotic organizations coming under the patronage of the federal movement “Yunarmia”, on the one hand, level out local and ethnic identities, and on the other hand, contribute to the formation of a statist model of patriotism among youth.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68273316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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