Contemporary threats to human security have prompted middle powers to call again for the establishment of a rapid reaction force even as they failed to implement the Multinational Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) over a decade ago. Despite this failure, much of what has been written on middle powers simply assumed that they successfully contributed to human security. Previous studies on rapid reaction force and SHIRBRIG also lacked a theoretical examination - merely identifying lessons learned and offering policy recommendations. Utilising Ronald M. Behringer’s conceptualisation of middle power theory which posits that middle powers use the concept of human security to design instruments that address contemporary security challenges, this article attempts to bridge the gaps in the literature by arguing that middle powers were only successful in creating a rapid reaction force, but not in providing the material capabilities to implement it. Ultimately, the concept of human security was not enough to make middle powers commit vital resources to SHIRBRIG.
当代对人类安全的威胁促使中等大国再次呼吁建立一支快速反应部队，尽管它们在十多年前未能实施多国待命高度戒备旅(SHIRBRIG)。尽管失败了，但许多关于中等大国的文章都简单地假设，它们成功地为人类安全做出了贡献。以前关于快速反应部队和SHIRBRIG的研究也缺乏理论检验——仅仅是确定经验教训并提出政策建议。罗纳德·m·贝林格(Ronald M. Behringer)的中等大国理论(假定中等大国利用人类安全的概念来设计应对当代安全挑战的工具)的概念化，本文试图通过论证中等大国只成功地建立了快速反应部队，而没有提供实施它的物质能力，来弥合文献中的空白。最终，人类安全的概念不足以使中等大国将重要资源投入SHIRBRIG。
{"title":"A Rapid Reaction Force for the United Nations: Middle Powers, Human Security, and the Multinational Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG)","authors":"Daryll Edisonn Saclag","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.9","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary threats to human security have prompted middle powers to call again for the establishment of a rapid reaction force even as they failed to implement the Multinational Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) over a decade ago. Despite this failure, much of what has been written on middle powers simply assumed that they successfully contributed to human security. Previous studies on rapid reaction force and SHIRBRIG also lacked a theoretical examination - merely identifying lessons learned and offering policy recommendations. Utilising Ronald M. Behringer’s conceptualisation of middle power theory which posits that middle powers use the concept of human security to design instruments that address contemporary security challenges, this article attempts to bridge the gaps in the literature by arguing that middle powers were only successful in creating a rapid reaction force, but not in providing the material capabilities to implement it. Ultimately, the concept of human security was not enough to make middle powers commit vital resources to SHIRBRIG.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42810504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents the development strategies of the European Union and China towards Africa. European development aid has always been accompanied by political and economic conditions such as adopting neoliberalist policies, democracy and regime modification. As for China, its development policies have not been conditional because it adopts the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and a win-win strategy. The paper points to a great disparity between the Chinese and European development strategies. China represents the South-South development model, and the European Union provides the North-South development model. The development experience in Africa indicates the progress of the Chinese model and its attraction to the African governments and peoples.
{"title":"China and Europe in Africa: Competition or Cooperation?","authors":"Mohamad Zreik","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.3","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents the development strategies of the European Union and China towards Africa. European development aid has always been accompanied by political and economic conditions such as adopting neoliberalist policies, democracy and regime modification. As for China, its development policies have not been conditional because it adopts the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries and a win-win strategy. The paper points to a great disparity between the Chinese and European development strategies. China represents the South-South development model, and the European Union provides the North-South development model. The development experience in Africa indicates the progress of the Chinese model and its attraction to the African governments and peoples.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42264681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.12
Hino Samuel Jose, Asep Kamaluddin Nashir
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue is a strategy to contain China which has now reached the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) as part of the Chinese geostrategy in the Indo-Pacific to counterbalance US and western hegemony. The dynamics brought by the minilateral realm and bilateral conflicts within the Indo-Pacific have contributed to the shaping of the region's security architecture. This article discusses the contentions between India - China competition; ASEAN, Quad, and the implications to IOR; and how the Quad Plus notion is affecting further geopolitical deliberation in the Indo-Pacific. The article concludes that the Quad is an important platform for years ahead and the rising notion of the Quad Plus will remain as the future challenge for both sides. This may redefine the Indo-Pacific concept itself, however, it is assured that ASEAN will play as a collaborative agent to China and the Quad, while also prioritise their interests over the region.
{"title":"The Hot Peace in Indo-Pacific: Contesting Quadrilateral Security Dialogue Against Chinese Geopolitics in the Indian Ocean Region","authors":"Hino Samuel Jose, Asep Kamaluddin Nashir","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.12","url":null,"abstract":"The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue is a strategy to contain China which has now reached the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) as part of the Chinese geostrategy in the Indo-Pacific to counterbalance US and western hegemony. The dynamics brought by the minilateral realm and bilateral conflicts within the Indo-Pacific have contributed to the shaping of the region's security architecture. This article discusses the contentions between India - China competition; ASEAN, Quad, and the implications to IOR; and how the Quad Plus notion is affecting further geopolitical deliberation in the Indo-Pacific. The article concludes that the Quad is an important platform for years ahead and the rising notion of the Quad Plus will remain as the future challenge for both sides. This may redefine the Indo-Pacific concept itself, however, it is assured that ASEAN will play as a collaborative agent to China and the Quad, while also prioritise their interests over the region.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42650879","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The refugee crisis in Germany began as the Syrian Civil war soared into a large-scale conflict. Germany adopted the Open Door Policy and allowed over a million Syrian refugees to enter. This paper focuses on the implication of this refugee crisis on German national politics. In this paper, Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver’s theory of securitisation and de-securitisation is used, they describe Securitisation as an extreme version of politicisation and de-securitisation is the process of normalising the issue. Through a case study, we assess the role of securitising actors and desecuritising actors in Germany. The securitising actors include mainly Alternative for Germany (AfD), Pegida movement, Christian Social Union (CSU), whereby they focus on securitising the refugee and migrant issue by treating it as an existential threat to Germany. As a counter narrative the desecuritising actors include the ruling party and their coalition such as the Christian Democratic Union, the Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, and the Left Party which focus on desecuritising the issue. The paper concludes, the process of securitisation has been more effective as compared to the process of desecuritisation in German national politics.
{"title":"Securitisation of the Refugee Issue in Germany: The Far Right Challenge to Government Policies","authors":"Shireen Mushtaq, Dua Hamid, J. Sheikh","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.1","url":null,"abstract":"The refugee crisis in Germany began as the Syrian Civil war soared into a large-scale conflict. Germany adopted the Open Door Policy and allowed over a million Syrian refugees to enter. This paper focuses on the implication of this refugee crisis on German national politics. In this paper, Barry Buzan and Ole Weaver’s theory of securitisation and de-securitisation is used, they describe Securitisation as an extreme version of politicisation and de-securitisation is the process of normalising the issue. Through a case study, we assess the role of securitising actors and desecuritising actors in Germany. The securitising actors include mainly Alternative for Germany (AfD), Pegida movement, Christian Social Union (CSU), whereby they focus on securitising the refugee and migrant issue by treating it as an existential threat to Germany. As a counter narrative the desecuritising actors include the ruling party and their coalition such as the Christian Democratic Union, the Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, and the Left Party which focus on desecuritising the issue. The paper concludes, the process of securitisation has been more effective as compared to the process of desecuritisation in German national politics.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41920172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The “ASEAN Way” has been applied to tackle regional environmental problems in Southeast Asia for decades. As the political economy in Asia Pacific has become more turbulent in the 2020s, the “ASEAN Way” faces more difficulties. This article attempts to explore how the “ASEAN Way” could play a larger role under new circumstances. After looking into the traditional concerns about international actors, it discusses the domestic constraints of the “ASEAN Way”, which include corruption, lack of environmental capacity and negligence. On this basis, it analyses traditional implications of the “ASEAN Way” for environmental governance. It suggests that being non-interfering in nature, the “ASEAN Way” has three technical features in the sense that it is in favour of strengthening and using institutional linkage, promoting standard harmonisation, and integrating environmental protection into a broad development agenda. Three new challenges at the macro level are identified and discussed: industrial relocation, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the Sino-US tension. Then it analyses three directional policy options for augmenting the “ASEAN Way” in the face of old and new conditions: further involving environmental NGOs, incrementally engaging neighboring countries and international institutions, and adopting a market-oriented approach to transnational policy coordination. It concludes by discussing how these policy options could be gradually implemented by ASEAN and its external partners.
{"title":"The “ASEAN WAY” Revisited For Strengthening Regional Environmental Governanance: A Macro Perspective","authors":"Yitian Huang","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.2","url":null,"abstract":"The “ASEAN Way” has been applied to tackle regional environmental problems in Southeast Asia for decades. As the political economy in Asia Pacific has become more turbulent in the 2020s, the “ASEAN Way” faces more difficulties. This article attempts to explore how the “ASEAN Way” could play a larger role under new circumstances. After looking into the traditional concerns about international actors, it discusses the domestic constraints of the “ASEAN Way”, which include corruption, lack of environmental capacity and negligence. On this basis, it analyses traditional implications of the “ASEAN Way” for environmental governance. It suggests that being non-interfering in nature, the “ASEAN Way” has three technical features in the sense that it is in favour of strengthening and using institutional linkage, promoting standard harmonisation, and integrating environmental protection into a broad development agenda. Three new challenges at the macro level are identified and discussed: industrial relocation, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the Sino-US tension. Then it analyses three directional policy options for augmenting the “ASEAN Way” in the face of old and new conditions: further involving environmental NGOs, incrementally engaging neighboring countries and international institutions, and adopting a market-oriented approach to transnational policy coordination. It concludes by discussing how these policy options could be gradually implemented by ASEAN and its external partners.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45265211","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cultural diplomacy, often overlapping with public diplomacy, is defined as the exchange of ideas, information, values, systems, traditions, beliefs, and other aspects of culture with the intent to foster mutual understanding, enhancing socio-cultural cooperation and promoting national interests between two or more States. The Philippines can be conceptualised as an arena for States to win hearts and minds through cultural diplomacy. This article focuses on Indonesia and Thailand. Indonesia, at a glance, is active in sharing its culture and language through the Bahasa Indonesia bagi Penutur Asing (BIPA) programme while Thailand is the first to practise ‘gastro diplomacy’ or tourism diplomacy. This paper tackles three questions: Firstly, how do Indonesia and Thailand’s respective foreign policy goals translate to cultural diplomacy set in the Philippines? Secondly, using the concept of soft power, why are Indonesia and Thailand actively practicing cultural diplomacy? And thirdly, what possible outcomes do Indonesia and Thailand seek to achieve from the cultural and educational events and programmes provided for and promoted by their embassies in the Philippines?
{"title":"Cultural Diplomacy of Thailand and Indonesia in the Philippines","authors":"Romina Eloisa Manabat Abuan","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.5","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural diplomacy, often overlapping with public diplomacy, is defined as the exchange of ideas, information, values, systems, traditions, beliefs, and other aspects of culture with the intent to foster mutual understanding, enhancing socio-cultural cooperation and promoting national interests between two or more States. The Philippines can be conceptualised as an arena for States to win hearts and minds through cultural diplomacy. This article focuses on Indonesia and Thailand. Indonesia, at a glance, is active in sharing its culture and language through the Bahasa Indonesia bagi Penutur Asing (BIPA) programme while Thailand is the first to practise ‘gastro diplomacy’ or tourism diplomacy. This paper tackles three questions: Firstly, how do Indonesia and Thailand’s respective foreign policy goals translate to cultural diplomacy set in the Philippines? Secondly, using the concept of soft power, why are Indonesia and Thailand actively practicing cultural diplomacy? And thirdly, what possible outcomes do Indonesia and Thailand seek to achieve from the cultural and educational events and programmes provided for and promoted by their embassies in the Philippines?","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44448918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.11
Arif Anwar
This article explores how Sabah could utilise its geopolitical advantages and its challenges in doing so. Through a constructivist lens, this paper attempts to unravel Sabah’s historical and social realities, whereby this will be complemented with a Foucauldian discourse analysis to deconstruct Sabah’s dynamic relationship with its colonial British masters and subsequently with the federal government of Malaysia. This is placed in the backdrop of Sabah’s many counterparts in the region as a “peripheral territory”, which had similar pre- and post-colonial era experiences which resulted in the imposition of significant challenges from the lack of right to self-determination to form an identity, lack of formal governing system structure, and in the present day, the lack of autonomy that Sabah has been so long fighting for.
{"title":"A Race to the Frontier: Invoking Peripheral Territories - Case of Sabah as a Regional Player","authors":"Arif Anwar","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.11","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores how Sabah could utilise its geopolitical advantages and its challenges in doing so. Through a constructivist lens, this paper attempts to unravel Sabah’s historical and social realities, whereby this will be complemented with a Foucauldian discourse analysis to deconstruct Sabah’s dynamic relationship with its colonial British masters and subsequently with the federal government of Malaysia. This is placed in the backdrop of Sabah’s many counterparts in the region as a “peripheral territory”, which had similar pre- and post-colonial era experiences which resulted in the imposition of significant challenges from the lack of right to self-determination to form an identity, lack of formal governing system structure, and in the present day, the lack of autonomy that Sabah has been so long fighting for.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42028535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The objective of this paper is to analyse how the issue of “comfort women” affects Japan’s relations with its neighboring countries, namely South Korea and the Philippines, using qualitative methods, and constructivism as the conceptual framework. “Comfort women” or “jugun ianfu” in Japanese, and “wianbu” in romanized Korean, is an euphemism used to describe young women from all across Asia who were forced to please the Japanese troops sexually during World War II. These young women were deceived, lured, or kidnapped and then confined in “comfort stations.” Initially, the Japanese government denied that they had systematically confined these so-called “comfort women” and distributed them to comfort stations to be sex slaves, and rejected demands for a formal apology and war reparations to the victims. This had outraged South Korea and the comfort women survivors. This paper suggests that Japan finally admitted its role in the establishment of comfort stations in 1993, and has been trying to make amends with these countries. The process of making amends remains a persistent controversy, with Japan seeking to turn over a new leaf and many South Koreans and Filipinos striving to not let the tragic history be forgotten.
{"title":"Comfort Women: Impacts on Japan’s Relations with South Korea and The Philippines","authors":"Sigit Sigit, Farin Almira Anantasya","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.8","url":null,"abstract":"The objective of this paper is to analyse how the issue of “comfort women” affects Japan’s relations with its neighboring countries, namely South Korea and the Philippines, using qualitative methods, and constructivism as the conceptual framework. “Comfort women” or “jugun ianfu” in Japanese, and “wianbu” in romanized Korean, is an euphemism used to describe young women from all across Asia who were forced to please the Japanese troops sexually during World War II. These young women were deceived, lured, or kidnapped and then confined in “comfort stations.” Initially, the Japanese government denied that they had systematically confined these so-called “comfort women” and distributed them to comfort stations to be sex slaves, and rejected demands for a formal apology and war reparations to the victims. This had outraged South Korea and the comfort women survivors. This paper suggests that Japan finally admitted its role in the establishment of comfort stations in 1993, and has been trying to make amends with these countries. The process of making amends remains a persistent controversy, with Japan seeking to turn over a new leaf and many South Koreans and Filipinos striving to not let the tragic history be forgotten.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48537255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.13
A. Unny
COVID-19 followed lockdown in countries have significantly reduced the level of global carbon emissions. However, this reduction in emissions is evaluated as a temporary phenomenon as emissions from countries are expecting to grow rapidly once the pandemic imposed restrictions are fully withdrawn. If emissions from countries are growing unabatedly in a post pandemic world that would adversely impact the implementation of the international climate change agreements, particularly the Paris Climate Agreement. Paris Climate Change Agreement which came into form in 2015 is the only international climate change agreement existing today to regulate global carbon emissions from all major economies. Majority of the nation-states have ratified the Paris Climate Agreement. However, the climate leadership vacuum that has created with the decision of the US to withdraw from the Paris Agreement and the current challenges that COVID-19 is posing to world multilateral order are adversely influencing the course of global climate change negotiations and thereby worsening the climate crisis.
{"title":"Potential State Responses to Climate Change in Post-COVID World","authors":"A. Unny","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.13","url":null,"abstract":"COVID-19 followed lockdown in countries have significantly reduced the level of global carbon emissions. However, this reduction in emissions is evaluated as a temporary phenomenon as emissions from countries are expecting to grow rapidly once the pandemic imposed restrictions are fully withdrawn. If emissions from countries are growing unabatedly in a post pandemic world that would adversely impact the implementation of the international climate change agreements, particularly the Paris Climate Agreement. Paris Climate Change Agreement which came into form in 2015 is the only international climate change agreement existing today to regulate global carbon emissions from all major economies. Majority of the nation-states have ratified the Paris Climate Agreement. However, the climate leadership vacuum that has created with the decision of the US to withdraw from the Paris Agreement and the current challenges that COVID-19 is posing to world multilateral order are adversely influencing the course of global climate change negotiations and thereby worsening the climate crisis.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43519478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.14
Dicky Sofjan, dickysofjan dickysofjan
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{"title":"Ahmed T. Kuru (2019). Islam, Authoritarianism and Underdevelopment: A global and historical comparison. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.","authors":"Dicky Sofjan, dickysofjan dickysofjan","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.14","url":null,"abstract":"The abstract is not available. To access, please order the printed version or browse the full-text version of this article.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48763807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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