Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.15
Al Khanif
The abstract is not available. To access, please order the printed version or browse the full-text version of this article.
摘要没有。如需阅读，请订购印刷版或浏览本文全文。
{"title":"Emilia J. Powell, (2020). Islamic Law and International Law: Peaceful resolution of disputes. New York: Oxford University Press","authors":"Al Khanif","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.15","url":null,"abstract":"The abstract is not available. To access, please order the printed version or browse the full-text version of this article.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48700281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The dominance of the US Dollar in the international economy began with the Bretton Woods system at the end of World War II in 1945. The currencies from other major economic powers such as the Eurozone’s Euro, the Japanese Yen, and the Chinese Yuan could be the best contenders against the US Dollar supremacy in the 21st century. The most popular cryptocurrency – Bitcoin, also eyes the position as a contender for the global currency. The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted the global economy in 2020. As a result, the reliability and popularity of the US Dollar have been put into another stress test. To measure the status of the US Dollar against other major currencies, the theory of international political economy paired with graph analysis will be used to determine the strength of the US Dollar against other major currencies. This paper also looks at the value of the US Dollar against the cryptocurrency Bitcoin. It is assumed that graph movement is influenced by the market sentiment after receiving news and information that could affect the market.
{"title":"The US Dollar as the Global Currency Against Other Major Currencies During the Covid-19 Pandemic","authors":"Muhammad Fahmi Bukari","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.7","url":null,"abstract":"The dominance of the US Dollar in the international economy began with the Bretton Woods system at the end of World War II in 1945. The currencies from other major economic powers such as the Eurozone’s Euro, the Japanese Yen, and the Chinese Yuan could be the best contenders against the US Dollar supremacy in the 21st century. The most popular cryptocurrency – Bitcoin, also eyes the position as a contender for the global currency. The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted the global economy in 2020. As a result, the reliability and popularity of the US Dollar have been put into another stress test. To measure the status of the US Dollar against other major currencies, the theory of international political economy paired with graph analysis will be used to determine the strength of the US Dollar against other major currencies. This paper also looks at the value of the US Dollar against the cryptocurrency Bitcoin. It is assumed that graph movement is influenced by the market sentiment after receiving news and information that could affect the market.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44663231","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
More than a decade into the self-proclaimed Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati Wal-Jihad’s (Boko Haram) campaign of terror against Nigeria, local and international observers have struggled to explain the raison d'être of the emergence of the extremist group. While most scholars and researchers downplay some contextual factors in Nigeria and trace the source of the unrest to religious fundamentalism in northern Nigeria, this article argues that radicalisation and terrorists acts of the Boko Haram transcend religious fundamentalism and thus, should be seen as a product of an interplay between multidimensional poverty and failure of the Nigerian state to meet its statutory obligations to the people. It further demonstrates that widespread disenchantment and local grievances account for the Boko Haram’s success in attracting significant local support in northern Nigeria. Finally, the article concludes that since it is firmly rooted in northern Nigeria’s peculiar socio-economic environment, the unrest can only be quelled through a concerted effort to alter deep-rooted poverty ravaging the region.
{"title":"Beyond Religious Fundamentalism: Multidimensional Poverty and Boko Haram’s Appeal Among Northern Nigerian Youths","authors":"Ekele C. Njoku, Jatswan Singh","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.4","url":null,"abstract":"More than a decade into the self-proclaimed Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati Wal-Jihad’s (Boko Haram) campaign of terror against Nigeria, local and international observers have struggled to explain the raison d'être of the emergence of the extremist group. While most scholars and researchers downplay some contextual factors in Nigeria and trace the source of the unrest to religious fundamentalism in northern Nigeria, this article argues that radicalisation and terrorists acts of the Boko Haram transcend religious fundamentalism and thus, should be seen as a product of an interplay between multidimensional poverty and failure of the Nigerian state to meet its statutory obligations to the people. It further demonstrates that widespread disenchantment and local grievances account for the Boko Haram’s success in attracting significant local support in northern Nigeria. Finally, the article concludes that since it is firmly rooted in northern Nigeria’s peculiar socio-economic environment, the unrest can only be quelled through a concerted effort to alter deep-rooted poverty ravaging the region.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41520150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
State-religion relationship is one of the elements which shape state-society relationship, and this relationship determines the quality of democracy. Alevi citizens in Turkey have been suffering from unequal treatment in terms of state attitude towards their religious freedom and education. Turkey has a sui generis secularisation background which is identified as not having equal distance to all belief systems. Turkish style secularism represents an understanding which has alienated the Alevi citizens and seen them as the “others”. The Directorate of Religious Affairs was established to introduce and promote a specific understanding of religion, namely Sunni Islam. In this study, the concept of “otherness” in the constitution of Turkish national identity will be employed as an analytical tool in exploring how state-religion relationship in Turkey has been an important factor producing inequalities between citizens leading to discrimination towards the Alevi identity. In this regard, the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs will also be discussed while focusing on the rise of Sunni Islam.
{"title":"Secularism and Rise of Sunni Islam in Turkey: The Otherisation of the Alevis","authors":"Begum Burak","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.6","url":null,"abstract":"State-religion relationship is one of the elements which shape state-society relationship, and this relationship determines the quality of democracy. Alevi citizens in Turkey have been suffering from unequal treatment in terms of state attitude towards their religious freedom and education. Turkey has a sui generis secularisation background which is identified as not having equal distance to all belief systems. Turkish style secularism represents an understanding which has alienated the Alevi citizens and seen them as the “others”. The Directorate of Religious Affairs was established to introduce and promote a specific understanding of religion, namely Sunni Islam. In this study, the concept of “otherness” in the constitution of Turkish national identity will be employed as an analytical tool in exploring how state-religion relationship in Turkey has been an important factor producing inequalities between citizens leading to discrimination towards the Alevi identity. In this regard, the role of the Directorate of Religious Affairs will also be discussed while focusing on the rise of Sunni Islam.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41913734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-30DOI: 10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.10
Mr. Ervine Jules Beltran Sape, Ms. Ellyssa Louisse Leal Rasing, Ms. Hanna Chriseth Valdez Martin, Ms. Jamie Agustin Cai, Mr. Anthony Bryan A. Padilla
The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS 1982) adheres that a rule-based maritime order is a rudimentary concept of international law. The 2016 award by the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) on the South China Sea (SCS) has led to the continuous Chinese psychological maritime warfare in the Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). The foreign policy of the President of the Republic of the Philippines (RP) has led to contradicting statements of Philippine government officials in protecting the West Philippine Sea (WPS) from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). With the 1992 ASEAN Declaration, the regional bloc may have its jurisdiction over the case; however, their principle of non-interference prevents any mechanism to settle the maritime dispute. While both juridical and political aspects were considered in resolving the Timor Sea case through conciliation, Article 298 of UNCLOS 1982 becomes the core legal collision in the SCS. Despite experts, organisations, and institutions proposing democratic initiatives through digital activism, securing and defending the WPS, however, the broader Indo-Pacific requires the democratic diplomacy recourse of a mini-ASEAN youth to coordinate with the youth from the Quad and the G7 countries to multilaterally raise the concern at the United Nations.
{"title":"The Politics of South China Sea Warfare: The Multilateral Democratic Diplomacy Recourse of Mini-ASEAN Youth for Regional Security","authors":"Mr. Ervine Jules Beltran Sape, Ms. Ellyssa Louisse Leal Rasing, Ms. Hanna Chriseth Valdez Martin, Ms. Jamie Agustin Cai, Mr. Anthony Bryan A. Padilla","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol9no1.10","url":null,"abstract":"The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS 1982) adheres that a rule-based maritime order is a rudimentary concept of international law. The 2016 award by the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) on the South China Sea (SCS) has led to the continuous Chinese psychological maritime warfare in the Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). The foreign policy of the President of the Republic of the Philippines (RP) has led to contradicting statements of Philippine government officials in protecting the West Philippine Sea (WPS) from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). With the 1992 ASEAN Declaration, the regional bloc may have its jurisdiction over the case; however, their principle of non-interference prevents any mechanism to settle the maritime dispute. While both juridical and political aspects were considered in resolving the Timor Sea case through conciliation, Article 298 of UNCLOS 1982 becomes the core legal collision in the SCS. Despite experts, organisations, and institutions proposing democratic initiatives through digital activism, securing and defending the WPS, however, the broader Indo-Pacific requires the democratic diplomacy recourse of a mini-ASEAN youth to coordinate with the youth from the Quad and the G7 countries to multilaterally raise the concern at the United Nations.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43404960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explains the analysis of human security to Indonesia’s forest fires and haze pollution. Traditionally, security is related to national security, but nowadays, the security of human is also a challenging issue. State is no longer a lone threatened actor, as lives of individuals are also significantly impacted by threats. Forest fires and haze pollution are long time threats for environmental security in Indonesia and even in neighbouring states. First, this research explains the background of forest fires and haze pollution in Indonesia and their impacts on neighbouring states. This will be followed by reviews of literatures relating to human security, especially environmental security. Finally, this research analyses the phenomenon of forest fires and haze pollution by using human security concept, especially environmental security. The findings of this research include a result that forest fires and haze pollution affect seven dimensions of human security, such as the economy, food, health, environment, person, community and politics. In addition, human dignity, health and wellbeing, livelihood, safety and survival are not fully achieved by the people because of the severity in threats (causing domestic regional impacts of haze), sensitivity in vulnerability (occurring as an almost annual disaster), and deprivationexclusion (worsened by relative deprivation and exclusion).
{"title":"Indonesia's Forest Fire and Haze Pollution: An Analysis of Human Security","authors":"Muhammad Fachrie","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.7","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explains the analysis of human security to Indonesia’s forest fires and haze pollution. Traditionally, security is related to national security, but nowadays, the security of human is also a challenging issue. State is no longer a lone threatened actor, as lives of individuals are also significantly impacted by threats. Forest fires and haze pollution are long time threats for environmental security in Indonesia and even in neighbouring states. First, this research explains the background of forest fires and haze pollution in Indonesia and their impacts on neighbouring states. This will be followed by reviews of literatures relating to human security, especially environmental security. Finally, this research analyses the phenomenon of forest fires and haze pollution by using human security concept, especially environmental security. The findings of this research include a result that forest fires and haze pollution affect seven dimensions of human security, such as the economy, food, health, environment, person, community and politics. In addition, human dignity, health and wellbeing, livelihood, safety and survival are not fully achieved by the people because of the severity in threats (causing domestic regional impacts of haze), sensitivity in vulnerability (occurring as an almost annual disaster), and deprivationexclusion (worsened by relative deprivation and exclusion).","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41454015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2016, the island-nation of Taiwan launched its New Southbound Policy (NSBP) to improve its cooperation efforts to Southeast Asian countries. However, even prior to the “look-south†attitude, a private organisation in Southern Taiwan has already initiated their own partnership efforts to Southeast Asian counterparts a decade before. Named as the Edu-Connect Southeast Asia Association, the organisation aims to create an integrated region by starting with the Philippines through the employment of city learning tours to Kaohsiung City to promote academic and business linkages. This commentary offers an appraisal about its activities by attempting to locate them in the extant literature. While regionalization attempts through education is no longer a novel approach, the Edu-Connect faces a number of challenges and opportunities in its engagement with the Philippines higher educational sector particularly in the following issues, namely, the unique status of its institutional partners in the Philippines, the potential of universities to emerge as game-changers in international affairs, the tendency of polarizing views dictated by the dichotomy of classifying countries as developed and developing, power asymmetries between Southern Taiwan and Philippine universities, and certain issues on its social entrepreneurship operations.
2016年，岛国台湾推出“新南向政策”，加强对东南亚国家的合作。然而，早在这种态度出现之前，台湾南部的一个私人组织就已经在十年前开始与东南亚同行建立伙伴关系。这个名为Edu-Connect Southeast Asia Association的组织旨在创建一个一体化的区域，从菲律宾开始，通过到高雄市的城市学习之旅来促进学术和商业联系。这篇评论通过试图在现存的文献中找到它的活动，提供了一个评价。虽然通过教育进行区域化的尝试不再是一种新颖的方法，但在与菲律宾高等教育部门的接触中，Edu-Connect面临着许多挑战和机遇，特别是在以下问题上，即，其在菲律宾的机构合作伙伴的独特地位，大学在国际事务中成为游戏规则改变者的潜力，发达国家与发展中国家的两极化趋势、台湾南部与菲律宾大学之间的权力不对称，以及社会创业运作的某些问题。
{"title":"Edu-Connect and Southern Taiwan's Dreams of an Imagined Region","authors":"Brian U. Doce","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.8","url":null,"abstract":"In 2016, the island-nation of Taiwan launched its New Southbound Policy (NSBP) to improve its cooperation efforts to Southeast Asian countries. However, even prior to the “look-south†attitude, a private organisation in Southern Taiwan has already initiated their own partnership efforts to Southeast Asian counterparts a decade before. Named as the Edu-Connect Southeast Asia Association, the organisation aims to create an integrated region by starting with the Philippines through the employment of city learning tours to Kaohsiung City to promote academic and business linkages. This commentary offers an appraisal about its activities by attempting to locate them in the extant literature. While regionalization attempts through education is no longer a novel approach, the Edu-Connect faces a number of challenges and opportunities in its engagement with the Philippines higher educational sector particularly in the following issues, namely, the unique status of its institutional partners in the Philippines, the potential of universities to emerge as game-changers in international affairs, the tendency of polarizing views dictated by the dichotomy of classifying countries as developed and developing, power asymmetries between Southern Taiwan and Philippine universities, and certain issues on its social entrepreneurship operations.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46241477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Political participation in Cambodia is broadly characterised by high voter turnouts and limited democratic constitutionalism to ensure that elections are inclusive and a fairly contested process. The popularisation of digital media and tools profoundly impacted political participation in Cambodia: on the one hand, digital media improved people’s political engagement – for example, with organisational skills to take part in political rallies – but, on the other hand, challenges like digital surveillance or unequal opportunities to benefit from digital media emerged. This article uses existing literature to explain how digital media has changed political participation, and primary data from in-depth interviews to key members of civil society to analyse the impact of the digital divide on political participation. It is suggested that digital media is valuable opportunity to improve democratic governance, but the digital divide is limiting its democratising capabilities; young citizens with critical thinking skills are more likely to benefit from digital democracy, while adults with lower critical engagement with digital media are more exposed to threats like fake news. This article feedbacks debates on political participation in the digital era and, more broadly, on the democratisation capabilities of digital media, and endorses the views of techno-sceptics, who acknowledge the opportunities of digital democracy, but they show great(er) concern for the challenges.
{"title":"Digital Political Participation and the Digital Divide: Insights from the Cambodia Case","authors":"Marc Pinol Rovira","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.5","url":null,"abstract":"Political participation in Cambodia is broadly characterised by high voter turnouts and limited democratic constitutionalism to ensure that elections are inclusive and a fairly contested process. The popularisation of digital media and tools profoundly impacted political participation in Cambodia: on the one hand, digital media improved people’s political engagement – for example, with organisational skills to take part in political rallies – but, on the other hand, challenges like digital surveillance or unequal opportunities to benefit from digital media emerged. This article uses existing literature to explain how digital media has changed political participation, and primary data from in-depth interviews to key members of civil society to analyse the impact of the digital divide on political participation. It is suggested that digital media is valuable opportunity to improve democratic governance, but the digital divide is limiting its democratising capabilities; young citizens with critical thinking skills are more likely to benefit from digital democracy, while adults with lower critical engagement with digital media are more exposed to threats like fake news. This article feedbacks debates on political participation in the digital era and, more broadly, on the democratisation capabilities of digital media, and endorses the views of techno-sceptics, who acknowledge the opportunities of digital democracy, but they show great(er) concern for the challenges.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41981239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scholars develop two different thoughts of natural resource wealth and its relations to political stability, namely - the resource curse and the rentier state. In the rentier state discourse, the revenue from resource extraction is used to buy off peace through several methods, such as patronage, repression, external support and large-scale distributive policy. The rentier economy concept becomes an important subject to explain oil economies in oil-rich countries across the world, especially in the Middle East region. This paper explores the rentier practice outside the Middle East by focusing on Southeast Asia. It uses a single case study - Indonesia under Suharto during the oil boom period. Two main questions are addressed by this paper - what kind of rentier state practice can be found from the authoritarian government especially during the oil boom period, and how the local/regional newspapers report on and react to the government rentier state practices? The paper relies on nine local, and three national newspapers as its primary data, supported by secondary sources to answer those questions. The finding shows that the national and local newspapers wrote different reports on rentier practices and all newspapers adopted three different positions on rentier practices - pro-government, critical to government, and neutral position.
{"title":"The Rentier State, Authoritarian Regime and Mass Media: Indonesia under Suharto during Oil Boom Period","authors":"Tenny Kristiana","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.4","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars develop two different thoughts of natural resource wealth and its relations to political stability, namely - the resource curse and the rentier state. In the rentier state discourse, the revenue from resource extraction is used to buy off peace through several methods, such as patronage, repression, external support and large-scale distributive policy. The rentier economy concept becomes an important subject to explain oil economies in oil-rich countries across the world, especially in the Middle East region. This paper explores the rentier practice outside the Middle East by focusing on Southeast Asia. It uses a single case study - Indonesia under Suharto during the oil boom period. Two main questions are addressed by this paper - what kind of rentier state practice can be found from the authoritarian government especially during the oil boom period, and how the local/regional newspapers report on and react to the government rentier state practices? The paper relies on nine local, and three national newspapers as its primary data, supported by secondary sources to answer those questions. The finding shows that the national and local newspapers wrote different reports on rentier practices and all newspapers adopted three different positions on rentier practices - pro-government, critical to government, and neutral position.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49201136","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was designed to bridge the divide between best humanitarian practice and the sovereign protection of states. Its applicability to the grave human rights abuses in North Korea, as expounded in the United Nations Commission of Inquiry report, were immediately obvious. By the letter of the doctrine, North Korea should have been subject to an R2P-led intervention in order to halt systemic human rights abuses that the regime in Pyongyang proved unwilling to address themselves. Yet through a series of factors – designed and un-designed – the North Korean state has managed to construct an avoidance framework for interventions of this kind a replicable standard by which the international community will go to extraordinary lengths to avoid living up to their human rights obligations in the face of continuing violations by obstinate states.
{"title":"A Framework for Avoiding Human Rights Scrutiny: North Korea and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P)","authors":"Jed Lea-Henry","doi":"10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol8no1.3","url":null,"abstract":"The doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was designed to bridge the divide between best humanitarian practice and the sovereign protection of states. Its applicability to the grave human rights abuses in North Korea, as expounded in the United Nations Commission of Inquiry report, were immediately obvious. By the letter of the doctrine, North Korea should have been subject to an R2P-led intervention in order to halt systemic human rights abuses that the regime in Pyongyang proved unwilling to address themselves. Yet through a series of factors – designed and un-designed – the North Korean state has managed to construct an avoidance framework for interventions of this kind a replicable standard by which the international community will go to extraordinary lengths to avoid living up to their human rights obligations in the face of continuing violations by obstinate states.","PeriodicalId":33531,"journal":{"name":"Malaysian Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41548719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：