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The quantitative and qualitative analysis of public administration reforms in post-communist countries 后共产主义国家公共行政改革的定量与定性分析
Pub Date : 2017-07-07 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2017.6.11583
V. Nakrošis
Abstract In this article we describe the adoption and execution of public administration reforms in Central and Eastern Europe between 2008 and 2013, as well as examine whether post-communist countries differ from other groups of European countries in terms of the substance of reforms and their implementation process. Instead of following popular Western administrative theoretical frames, we adopt the policy process approach. We focus on the role of policy actors during reform policymaking and implementation at the level of policy subsystems. More specifically, we employ the rational-comprehensive and garbage can perspectives to understand the reform processes in the post-communist region. Our research is based on the statistical analysis of survey data and two case studies of reforms initiated by the 2008-2012 Lithuanian government. The article concludes that countries in Central and Eastern Europe share some common characteristics: they focused on the issues of civil service and public or administrative services, their reform policy was often formulated on a top-down basis, and its execution often lacked adequate capacities. Despite a rational reform façade in these countries, the implementation of governance change appears to be quite erratic, as anticipated in the garbage can perspective. This can have negative consequences on the effectiveness of public policy, continuing to generate public distrust in post-communist state institutions.
摘要在本文中,我们描述了2008年至2013年间中欧和东欧公共行政改革的实施情况,并考察了后共产主义国家在改革的实质及其实施过程方面是否与其他欧洲国家集团不同。我们没有遵循西方流行的行政理论框架,而是采用了政策过程的方法。我们注重政策行动者在政策子系统一级的改革决策和执行过程中的作用。更具体地说,我们采用理性综合和垃圾桶的视角来理解后共产主义地区的改革进程。我们的研究基于对调查数据的统计分析和2008-2012年立陶宛政府启动的两项改革案例研究。文章的结论是,中欧和东欧国家有一些共同的特点:它们侧重于公务员制度和公共或行政服务问题,其改革政策往往是自上而下制定的,其执行往往缺乏足够的能力。尽管这些国家有合理的改革外表,但正如垃圾桶视角所预期的那样,治理变革的实施似乎相当不稳定。这可能会对公共政策的有效性产生负面影响,继续引发公众对后共产主义国家机构的不信任。
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引用次数: 2
Increasing Eupopulism as a megatrend in east central Europe: from facade democracies to velvet dictatorships 欧洲民粹主义日益成为中东欧的大趋势:从表面民主到天鹅绒独裁
Pub Date : 2017-01-19 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2016.5.10334
A. Ágh
Abstract Brexit and Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 US presidential election has launched a wave of discussions in the international media and political science literature on “authoritarian populism” and a “populist explosion.” Although this paper also reflects on this new wave of populism in the West, it concentrates on the connections between democracy’s decline and the so-called populist explosion in eastern central Europe (ECE) and closely investigates the Hungarian case within the context of ECE. This paper describes populism in ECE as a product of the transition from fading facade democracies to emerging velvet dictatorships. These velvet dictatorships rely on the soft power of media and communication rather on the hard power of state violence. Paradoxically, the ruling anti-elite populist parties have developed a system of populism from above, managed by the new politico-business elite. Populism (social and national) and Euroscepticism are the two most basic, and twin, terms used to describe these new (semi)authoritarian regimes. Populism and Euroscepticism are convertible; they are two sides of the same coin as they express the same divergence from the EU mainstream. Therefore, this paper introduces the term: Eupopulism.
摘要英国脱欧和唐纳德·特朗普在2016年美国总统大选中的胜利在国际媒体和政治学文献中引发了一波关于“威权民粹主义”和“民粹主义爆炸”的讨论。尽管本文也反思了西方新一波民粹主义,它专注于民主的衰落与中东欧所谓的民粹主义爆发之间的联系,并在欧洲经委会的背景下密切调查匈牙利的案件。本文将欧洲经委会的民粹主义描述为从衰落的表面民主向新兴的天鹅绒独裁过渡的产物。这些天鹅绒独裁政权依赖媒体和传播的软实力,而不是国家暴力的硬实力。矛盾的是,执政的反精英民粹主义政党从上层发展了一个民粹主义体系,由新的政治商业精英管理。民粹主义(社会和国家)和欧洲怀疑主义是用来描述这些新的(半)独裁政权的两个最基本的、也是双胞胎的术语。民粹主义和欧洲怀疑主义是可以转换的;它们是一枚硬币的两面,因为它们表达了与欧盟主流的相同分歧。因此,本文引入了“真民粹主义”一词。
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引用次数: 9
Antidiplomacy in Russia’s policies regarding russian-speakers in the baltic states 俄罗斯对波罗的海讲俄语国家的反外交政策
Pub Date : 2017-01-19 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2016.5.10338
Aleksandra Kuczyńska-Zonik
Abstract Though Russia is a classic realist power, Russia, as its recent actions in Ukraine reveal, frequently prefers hard power to powers of attraction. In addition to traditional economic pressure and military policy, Russia also employs antidiplomatic tools to influence the Baltic states. Though Russia officially proclaims itself a democratic state, it has been developing a broad spectrum of antidiplomatic methods to legitimise Russia’s interests in post-Soviet spaces inhabited by large numbers of Russian-speakers. The clearest example of these methods appears in Russia’s use of international and regional organizations’ conferences to express and articulate its interests in protecting Russian diasporas-a phenomenon that first appeared in the Vladimir Putin’s foreign policy as part of his efforts to construct a negative image of the Baltic states, affect the Baltic states’ domestic policies, and subtly discredit their governments. Russia is positioning itself as the protector of a Russian diaspora wounded by the Baltic states’ anti-Russian policies.
虽然俄罗斯是一个典型的现实主义大国,但正如其最近在乌克兰的行动所揭示的那样,俄罗斯往往更喜欢硬实力而不是吸引力。除了传统的经济压力和军事政策,俄罗斯还使用反外交工具来影响波罗的海国家。尽管俄罗斯官方宣称自己是一个民主国家,但它一直在发展一系列广泛的反外交手段,以使俄罗斯在后苏联地区的利益合法化,这些地区居住着大量讲俄语的人。这些方法最明显的例子出现在俄罗斯利用国际和地区组织的会议来表达和阐明其在保护俄罗斯侨民方面的利益——这种现象首先出现在弗拉基米尔·普京的外交政策中,作为他努力构建波罗的海国家负面形象的一部分,影响波罗的海国家的国内政策,并巧妙地诋毁他们的政府。俄罗斯将自己定位为受波罗的海国家反俄政策伤害的俄罗斯侨民的保护者。
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引用次数: 2
Race to the Eurozone: why Latvia joined before Lithuania 竞相加入欧元区:为什么拉脱维亚先于立陶宛加入欧元区
Pub Date : 2017-01-19 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2016.5.10333
Anastazija Markevičiūtė, V. Kuokštis
Abstract Why did Latvia join the Eurozone in 2014, while Lithuania only acceded a year later? The two countries’ diverging experiences are surprising. Latvia suffered a more pronounced economic crisis from 2008 to 2010, which created greater euro adoption challenges in terms of meeting fiscal criteria. This article argues that, while the willingness to adopt the euro increased in both countries during and after the crisis, the will to seek euro adoption was stronger, clearer and more consistent in Latvia than in Lithuania. In examining this divergence, we argue that relying on aggregate economic costs and benefits, identity considerations, geopolitical considerations, societal support, and interest group preferences does not produce a satisfactory explanation of fluctuations in these countries’ willingness to adopt the euro. Instead, we propose that changes in this willingness can be traced to domestic political processes, such as the timing and results of elections and the magnitude of the economic crisis’s impact.
为什么拉脱维亚在2014年加入欧元区,而立陶宛在一年后才加入?这两个国家的不同经历令人惊讶。拉脱维亚在2008年至2010年期间遭遇了更为严重的经济危机,在满足财政标准方面,这给采用欧元带来了更大的挑战。本文认为,尽管在危机期间和危机之后,两国采用欧元的意愿都有所增加,但拉脱维亚寻求采用欧元的意愿比立陶宛更强烈、更明确、更一致。在研究这种差异时,我们认为,依赖于总体经济成本和收益、身份考虑、地缘政治考虑、社会支持和利益集团偏好,并不能对这些国家采用欧元意愿的波动做出令人满意的解释。相反,我们建议这种意愿的变化可以追溯到国内政治进程,例如选举的时间和结果以及经济危机影响的程度。
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引用次数: 19
Cybersecurity in central eastern Europe: from identifying risks to countering threats 中东欧的网络安全:从识别风险到应对威胁
Pub Date : 2017-01-19 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2016.5.10337
A. Tumkevič
Abstract Today, ensuring security in cyberspace is a top priority of national security policy for most states. States’ approaches to cybersecurity can be divided into two categories: those that regard cybersecurity as a civilian task; and those that involve their militaries in creating or implementing cybersecurity policies. Those states that have incorporated cyberwarfare into their military planning and organization perceive cyberattacks as a threat to their national security, while states that charge their civilian agencies with domestic cybersecurity missions classify cyber intrusions as security risks for only particular sectors. Adopting the framework of securitization theory, this article theorizes both civil and military approaches to cybersecurity and threat perceptions and their sources. The theoretical framework is then applied to a study of the cybersecurity policies of Central European countries and the Baltic States.
摘要今天,确保网络空间安全是大多数国家安全政策的首要任务。各国对网络安全的做法可分为两类:将网络安全视为民事任务的做法;以及那些让其军队参与制定或实施网络安全政策的国家。那些将网络战纳入军事规划和组织的州将网络攻击视为对其国家安全的威胁,而那些负责国内网络安全任务的州则将网络入侵归类为仅针对特定部门的安全风险。本文采用证券化理论的框架,对网络安全和威胁感知的民事和军事方法及其来源进行了理论分析。然后将该理论框架应用于中欧国家和波罗的海国家的网络安全政策研究。
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引用次数: 2
Populist discourse on political representation: a case study of anti-establishment organizations in Lithuania 政治代表的民粹主义话语:立陶宛反建制组织的个案研究
Pub Date : 2017-01-19 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2016.5.10336
Jogilė Stašienė
Abstract Today’s party democracy crisis coincides with an increasing influence of populist political actors. This article- prompted by notions of populist understandings of politics as expressions of the people’s will and of the populist idea of an antagonism between the people and the elite-explores whether populism and party democracies are compatible. Assertions, that populism contradicts party democracies, should rest on research of populist understandings of political representation. This case study, of the populist discourse of Lithuania’s anti-establishment organizations, fills this research gap in the literature on populism’s compatibility with party democracies. The qualitative analysis of this case study focuses on how political representation is perceived and presented. The study provides new insights for theoretical debate on the compatibility of populism and party democracy and also presents a nuanced picture of populist perceptions of political representation.
摘要今天的政党民主危机与民粹主义政治行为者日益增长的影响力不谋而合。这篇文章探讨了民粹主义和政党民主是否兼容。民粹主义与政党民主相矛盾的断言,应该建立在对民粹主义对政治代表性理解的研究之上。本案例研究针对立陶宛反建制组织的民粹主义话语,填补了民粹主义与政党民主兼容的文献中的这一研究空白。本案例研究的定性分析侧重于如何看待和呈现政治代表性。这项研究为民粹主义和政党民主兼容性的理论辩论提供了新的见解,也呈现了民粹主义对政治代表性的微妙看法。
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引用次数: 0
Contemporary populism and the economic crisis in western Europe 当代民粹主义与西欧经济危机
Pub Date : 2017-01-19 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2016.5.10335
Maria Poli
Abstract Given a threatening new wave of populism crossing Europe, this article examines the link between populism and crisis as a Gordian knot and explores the relationship between contemporary populism and the Great Recession in Western Europe by underscoring how the principal feature of this relationship is the perception of the European Union as a common enemy.
在民粹主义威胁欧洲新浪潮的背景下,本文考察了民粹主义与危机之间的关系,并通过强调这种关系的主要特征是将欧盟视为共同敌人的看法,探讨了当代民粹主义与西欧大衰退之间的关系。
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引用次数: 3
Europeanization and development: using open regime theory to assess Lithuania’s post-EU accession 欧化与发展:用开放制度理论评价立陶宛加入欧盟后的发展
Pub Date : 2015-12-11 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2015.0.8879
K. Maniokas, Darius Žeruolis, Sabina Karmazinaitė
Abstract This article re-conceptualizes Europeanization with a development theory based approach to assess changes in Lithuania after the country’s 2004 European Union (EU) accession. The authors use the development theory of Douglass North, John Wallis, and Barry Weingast as a conceptual framework to highlight the role of Lithuania’s elite and to examine broader social transformations. This developmental framework focuses and complements the current theory of Europeanization and emphasizes the positive role of the EU in promoting Lithuania’s long-term structural changes. A developmental approach also allows for an analysis of corruption and state capture, which are becoming important yardsticks for assessing change in Central and Eastern Europe. The results of this application (including a survey of the elite) demonstrate that, in Lithuania, change was more limited after joining the EU than during the pre-accession years and that the country’s domestic actors have been slow to replace the EU’s policy agenda with their own initiatives.
本文以发展理论为基础,对立陶宛2004年加入欧盟(EU)后的变化进行评估,重新定义欧洲化的概念。作者使用道格拉斯·诺斯、约翰·沃利斯和巴里·温加斯特的发展理论作为一个概念框架,以突出立陶宛精英的作用,并研究更广泛的社会变革。这一发展框架关注并补充了当前的欧洲化理论,强调了欧盟在促进立陶宛长期结构变革中的积极作用。发展的方法也允许对腐败和国家捕获进行分析,这正在成为评估中欧和东欧变化的重要标准。这一申请的结果(包括对精英的调查)表明,在立陶宛,加入欧盟后的变化比加入欧盟前的几年更加有限,而且该国的国内行动者在用自己的倡议取代欧盟的政策议程方面进展缓慢。
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引用次数: 1
Ugland, T. 2011, Jean Monnet and Canada: early travels and the idea of European unity. Toronto, Buffalo, and London: University of Toronto Press 2011,《让·莫内与加拿大:早期旅行与欧洲统一思想》。多伦多,布法罗和伦敦:多伦多大学出版社
Pub Date : 2015-12-11 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2015.0.8883
A. Pūras
What does the European polity of twenty-eight member states owe to an eighteen-year-old Frenchman’s journey across Canada in 1907? This question preoccupies Trygve Ugland in his 2011 study Jean Monnet and Canada: early travels and the idea of European unity. Ugland presupposes there would hardly be a European Union to speak of if it weren’t for Jean Monnet; and he wonders whether there would be a Jean Monnet worth talking about if it weren’t for Monnet’s formative experiences in Canada as a salesman for his father’s cognac firm. [...]
由28个成员国组成的欧洲政体对1907年一个18岁的法国人穿越加拿大的旅程有什么贡献?这个问题困扰着Trygve Ugland在他2011年的研究《让·莫内和加拿大:早期旅行和欧洲统一的想法》中。英国认为,如果没有让·莫内(Jean Monnet),就不会有欧盟可言;他想知道,如果不是因为莫内在加拿大为他父亲的干邑公司做推销员的经历,还有没有让·莫内值得谈论。[…]
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引用次数: 0
A shape-shifting creature dissected: political representations of Jean Monnet in European studies 解剖变形的生物:让·莫内在欧洲研究中的政治表现
Pub Date : 2015-12-11 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2015.0.8882
A. Pūras
Abstract In this paper, I argue that contemporary political and intellectual conflicts over the right course for European integration are reflected in the historiography of Jean Monnet, the so-called founding father of the European Union (EU). Multiple and mutually antithetical representations of Monnet are explored across the central themes of the contemporary European debate: nationalism, sovereignty, political methodology, and economic ideology. I investigate how the different faces of Monnet are constructed and used to legitimate contradictory scholarly standpoints regarding these central themes. Along the way, I attempt to decipher the puzzle of Monnet’s elevation to the status of a theoretical pioneer in EU Studies. Finally, I also explore how different roles assigned to Monnet in the various narratives of the EU’s origins contribute to the construction of European identity.
在本文中,我认为当代关于欧洲一体化正确道路的政治和知识冲突反映在所谓的欧盟(EU)创始人让·莫内的史学中。在当代欧洲辩论的中心主题:民族主义、主权、政治方法论和经济意识形态中,探索了莫奈的多种相互对立的表现形式。我研究了莫奈的不同面孔是如何被构建的,并用于合法的关于这些中心主题的相互矛盾的学术立场。在此过程中,我试图破解莫奈被提升为欧盟研究理论先驱的困惑。最后,我还探讨了在欧盟起源的各种叙述中,赋予莫内的不同角色如何有助于欧洲身份的构建。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Baltic Journal of Political Science
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