Pub Date : 2014-01-01DOI: 10.15388/BJPS.2014.3.4867
Jūratė Kavaliauskaitė
Literature on personalization of politics emphasizes growing salience of individuals and private issues when party democracy is in decline. These trends are believed to strengthen personal appeal of politicians. However, what is the secret of party-leader’s personal appeal? Are politician’s personal traits the major key to popular sympathies? The article examines the impact of voter’s perception of party-leader’s personality along Big Five and personal charm on voter’s affinity for the leader. Analysis of the Lithuanian pre-election survey data (2012) on national party-leaders’ popular appeal, measured with “feeling thermometer”, and popular perception of leaders’ personality traits, measured with a set of semantic differentials, reveals that the significance of personality differs both across personality dimensions and between politicians under consideration. Agreeableness is the most important and universally desirable dimension of a political leader’s personality, followed by conscientiousness, with classic predictors of electoral choice under control. The significance of other personality dimensions of Big Five is much smaller if any, and personal charm seems to be inwrought with the five personality dimensions. The results prove that popular yearning for moral leadership, complemented with high performance, persists regardless of changes in political communication and (post)modern citizenship.
{"title":"The Secret of Political Leaders’ Personal Appeal: (How) Do Personality Traits Matter?","authors":"Jūratė Kavaliauskaitė","doi":"10.15388/BJPS.2014.3.4867","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/BJPS.2014.3.4867","url":null,"abstract":"Literature on personalization of politics emphasizes growing salience of individuals and private issues when party democracy is in decline. These trends are believed to strengthen personal appeal of politicians. However, what is the secret of party-leader’s personal appeal? Are politician’s personal traits the major key to popular sympathies? The article examines the impact of voter’s perception of party-leader’s personality along Big Five and personal charm on voter’s affinity for the leader. Analysis of the Lithuanian pre-election survey data (2012) on national party-leaders’ popular appeal, measured with “feeling thermometer”, and popular perception of leaders’ personality traits, measured with a set of semantic differentials, reveals that the significance of personality differs both across personality dimensions and between politicians under consideration. Agreeableness is the most important and universally desirable dimension of a political leader’s personality, followed by conscientiousness, with classic predictors of electoral choice under control. The significance of other personality dimensions of Big Five is much smaller if any, and personal charm seems to be inwrought with the five personality dimensions. The results prove that popular yearning for moral leadership, complemented with high performance, persists regardless of changes in political communication and (post)modern citizenship.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"3 1","pages":"i - i"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66922679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4869
Mikkel Runge Olesen
Abstract When the Baltic States regained their independence in 1991, Denmark had been one of their very strongest supporters, at a time when many European countries looked at the Baltic aspirations with caution. It was one of the first examples of the new post-Cold War “activist” Danish foreign policy strategy. It was not, however, without difficulties. Thus, the article argues that the Danish Social Democratic centre-left and Conservative-Liberal centre-right disagreed on how to support the Balts in practice and at what price. The difference was rooted in a hawk-dove disagreement over détente and the Soviet Union. Government party colour, the article argues, is therefore likely to have been crucial for the Danish policy. Had the relatively hawkish centre-right government not been in power, it is very doubtful that we would have seen the kind of aggressive diplomatic support for Baltic independence as we saw from Denmark leading up to 1991.
{"title":"Danish Support for the Baltic Struggle for Independence 1988-1991: A Hawk-Dove Domestic Confrontation","authors":"Mikkel Runge Olesen","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4869","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4869","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract When the Baltic States regained their independence in 1991, Denmark had been one of their very strongest supporters, at a time when many European countries looked at the Baltic aspirations with caution. It was one of the first examples of the new post-Cold War “activist” Danish foreign policy strategy. It was not, however, without difficulties. Thus, the article argues that the Danish Social Democratic centre-left and Conservative-Liberal centre-right disagreed on how to support the Balts in practice and at what price. The difference was rooted in a hawk-dove disagreement over détente and the Soviet Union. Government party colour, the article argues, is therefore likely to have been crucial for the Danish policy. Had the relatively hawkish centre-right government not been in power, it is very doubtful that we would have seen the kind of aggressive diplomatic support for Baltic independence as we saw from Denmark leading up to 1991.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"3 1","pages":"83 - 99"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66922731","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4866
Romualdas Bakutis
Abstract The aim of this article is to review the ideas presented by the Nordic scholars of the “Welfare State Model – Nordic Experiences and Perspectives in Lithuania” project and to discuss the applicability of these ideas to the Lithuanian context. During the program, held in Lithuania, in 2013–2014, Nordic scholars and their Lithuanian colleagues debated Nordic welfare model features such as active labour market policies, family policies, digital welfare innovations, the role of culture, and social trust. They also discussed contemporary challenges to Nordic success. The project intended to: promote the Nordic countries’ experiences of becoming welfare states, increase knowledge of the Nordic welfare model among Lithuanians, and initiate a debate on the potential for this model to function in Lithuania.
{"title":"Report: Welfare State Model – Nordic Experiences and Perspectives in Lithuania","authors":"Romualdas Bakutis","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4866","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4866","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this article is to review the ideas presented by the Nordic scholars of the “Welfare State Model – Nordic Experiences and Perspectives in Lithuania” project and to discuss the applicability of these ideas to the Lithuanian context. During the program, held in Lithuania, in 2013–2014, Nordic scholars and their Lithuanian colleagues debated Nordic welfare model features such as active labour market policies, family policies, digital welfare innovations, the role of culture, and social trust. They also discussed contemporary challenges to Nordic success. The project intended to: promote the Nordic countries’ experiences of becoming welfare states, increase knowledge of the Nordic welfare model among Lithuanians, and initiate a debate on the potential for this model to function in Lithuania.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"3 1","pages":"134 - 148"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66922667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4870
M. Ainsaar, Helina Riisalu
Abstract The majority of comparative analyses of family policy have been oriented towards western European countries and only very few have included Baltic and eastern European countries. The aim of this paper is to analyse family policy in Baltic countries in European comparison about ten years after regaining independence, in 2002, and in 2010. Family policy is divided into two categories for analysis: 1) support for families from around the birth of a child until the first birthday of the child, pronatalist policies; and 2) child well-being policies, support for the family when the child is older. All policy data are standardised according to the relative wealth in the particular country. Results demonstrate that after ten years of country specific family policy processes, Lithuania developed a very specific pronatalist family policy type compared with Estonia and Latvia. In 2010, Estonia and Latvia also obtained a more pronatalist approach, but the Baltic countries did not belong to any one particular crystallised family policy group.
{"title":"Towards Pronatalism – Baltic Family Policy in European Comparison in 2002 and 2010","authors":"M. Ainsaar, Helina Riisalu","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4870","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4870","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The majority of comparative analyses of family policy have been oriented towards western European countries and only very few have included Baltic and eastern European countries. The aim of this paper is to analyse family policy in Baltic countries in European comparison about ten years after regaining independence, in 2002, and in 2010. Family policy is divided into two categories for analysis: 1) support for families from around the birth of a child until the first birthday of the child, pronatalist policies; and 2) child well-being policies, support for the family when the child is older. All policy data are standardised according to the relative wealth in the particular country. Results demonstrate that after ten years of country specific family policy processes, Lithuania developed a very specific pronatalist family policy type compared with Estonia and Latvia. In 2010, Estonia and Latvia also obtained a more pronatalist approach, but the Baltic countries did not belong to any one particular crystallised family policy group.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"3 1","pages":"67 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66922741","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4873
V. Nakrošis, Sabina Bankauskaitė-Grigaliūnienė
Abstract This article compares the actual patterns of agencification and depoliticisation in Lithuania and explains the extent to which the EU influenced these changes. Our research employs (descriptive and inferential) statistical analysis of data on the organisational changes of Lithuanian agencies and the political participation of their managers in the 1990-2012 period. The article found that the EU made a significant contribution to the establishment of new agencies but changes in the scope of politicisation can be explained by a combination of evolution in the political conditionality of EU membership and wholesale government changes. The differentiated impact of the EU on public administration changes was observed with the management of the Europeanised agencies becoming increasingly professional over time. Overall, the results of our research confirm the stronger and more enduring impact of specific acquis rules in the policy domain compared to the much weaker influence of the EU’s political conditionality.
{"title":"The Impact of the EU on Agencification and Depoliticisation in Lithuania","authors":"V. Nakrošis, Sabina Bankauskaitė-Grigaliūnienė","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4873","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2014.3.4873","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article compares the actual patterns of agencification and depoliticisation in Lithuania and explains the extent to which the EU influenced these changes. Our research employs (descriptive and inferential) statistical analysis of data on the organisational changes of Lithuanian agencies and the political participation of their managers in the 1990-2012 period. The article found that the EU made a significant contribution to the establishment of new agencies but changes in the scope of politicisation can be explained by a combination of evolution in the political conditionality of EU membership and wholesale government changes. The differentiated impact of the EU on public administration changes was observed with the management of the Europeanised agencies becoming increasingly professional over time. Overall, the results of our research confirm the stronger and more enduring impact of specific acquis rules in the policy domain compared to the much weaker influence of the EU’s political conditionality.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"3 1","pages":"26 - 7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66922816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2818
G. Pastore
Abstract This article explores the small new member states at the EU ‘frontline’ in their efforts to upload their geographic preferences in the EU foreign policy. It starts by reviewing the preferences of Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, and Slovenia. Next, it compares how they pursued these preferences in the EU. Third, it indicates their uploading success. Finally, it notes that these countries, despite their ‘double disadvantages’1, moved closer toward ‘small state smart strategy’2, including compromise-seeking behaviour, persuasive deliberation, lobbying, and using coalitions. While their uploading success has been mixed, their preference projection in the EU foreign policy has been visible.
{"title":"Small New Member States in the EU Foreign Policy: Toward ‘Small State Smart Strategy’?","authors":"G. Pastore","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2818","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2818","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the small new member states at the EU ‘frontline’ in their efforts to upload their geographic preferences in the EU foreign policy. It starts by reviewing the preferences of Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, and Slovenia. Next, it compares how they pursued these preferences in the EU. Third, it indicates their uploading success. Finally, it notes that these countries, despite their ‘double disadvantages’1, moved closer toward ‘small state smart strategy’2, including compromise-seeking behaviour, persuasive deliberation, lobbying, and using coalitions. While their uploading success has been mixed, their preference projection in the EU foreign policy has been visible.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"2 1","pages":"67 - 84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66921880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2821
Sabina Karmazinaitė
Since the declarations of independence more than 20 years ago, besides others, the Baltic states are being pursued by energy dependency issues. Differently than was wishfully expected, accession to the EU and NATO for Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania did not mean suddenly improved relations with Russia, overcome domestic political weaknesses as well as fast solutions in the energy security sector. They still cause a notable predicament after accession to the EU and NATO. In the recent years, an especial focus on the energy sector could be observed in the Baltic states – energy security has become one of the main concerns for politicians and attracts a lot of attention in the Baltic media and public debates. However, when looking from the academic perspective and analysis, these issues seem not to have found their place among more serious and consistent scholarly interests, creating a strange paradoxical situation when constant daily topicalities in the media and political life were left behind a deeper academic analysis. [...]
{"title":"Review: Agnia Grigas, The Politics of Energy and Memory Between the Baltic States and Russia","authors":"Sabina Karmazinaitė","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2821","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2821","url":null,"abstract":"Since the declarations of independence more than 20 years ago, besides others, the Baltic states are being pursued by energy dependency issues. Differently than was wishfully expected, accession to the EU and NATO for Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania did not mean suddenly improved relations with Russia, overcome domestic political weaknesses as well as fast solutions in the energy security sector. They still cause a notable predicament after accession to the EU and NATO. In the recent years, an especial focus on the energy sector could be observed in the Baltic states – energy security has become one of the main concerns for politicians and attracts a lot of attention in the Baltic media and public debates. However, when looking from the academic perspective and analysis, these issues seem not to have found their place among more serious and consistent scholarly interests, creating a strange paradoxical situation when constant daily topicalities in the media and political life were left behind a deeper academic analysis. [...]","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"2 1","pages":"110 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66921947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2819
Ilze Balcere
Abstract This article intends to analyze how the term ‘populism’ is used in the Latvian public discourse, by examining the content of the largest daily newspaper “Diena” in three different time periods. As it emerges from the analysis, populism has gained a different meaning in the daily usage in contrast with the more established understanding conveyed by the academic literature. In the media, populism is used to a refer to wide range of politicians, different parties and policy initiatives from diverse ideological spectra. Most often, however, populism is employed to describe rhetorics or communication style whose primary goal is to attract public attention.
{"title":"Perceptions of Populism: Analysis of Media Discourse in Latvia","authors":"Ilze Balcere","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2819","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article intends to analyze how the term ‘populism’ is used in the Latvian public discourse, by examining the content of the largest daily newspaper “Diena” in three different time periods. As it emerges from the analysis, populism has gained a different meaning in the daily usage in contrast with the more established understanding conveyed by the academic literature. In the media, populism is used to a refer to wide range of politicians, different parties and policy initiatives from diverse ideological spectra. Most often, however, populism is employed to describe rhetorics or communication style whose primary goal is to attract public attention.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"2 1","pages":"85 - 97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66921890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2820
Inese Grumolte
Abstract The aim of this article is to analyze the reasons for Rainis’ appreciation of the phenomenon he labels as the ‘basic class’. The Latvian writer attributes this concept to the members of society who provide the livelihood for themselves by doing mainly the manual labour. Although thus a praise for the proletariat is voiced, the reasons are more nuanced than the common Soviet interpretation allowed to see. Rainis sees the ‘Basic class’ as a crucial agent in the struggle for Latvian national emancipation. At the same time, the article seeks an answer to the question why, according to Rainis, bourgeoisie is reluctant to fight this struggle.
{"title":"Rainis’ Apology of the ‘Basic Class’: The World Revolution or the National Emancipation?","authors":"Inese Grumolte","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2820","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of this article is to analyze the reasons for Rainis’ appreciation of the phenomenon he labels as the ‘basic class’. The Latvian writer attributes this concept to the members of society who provide the livelihood for themselves by doing mainly the manual labour. Although thus a praise for the proletariat is voiced, the reasons are more nuanced than the common Soviet interpretation allowed to see. Rainis sees the ‘Basic class’ as a crucial agent in the struggle for Latvian national emancipation. At the same time, the article seeks an answer to the question why, according to Rainis, bourgeoisie is reluctant to fight this struggle.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"2 1","pages":"109 - 98"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66921933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-01-01DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2817
Viljar Veebel, Raul Markus
Abstract The financial crisis in the Eurozone is combining several new interdisciplinary debates. Has the financial crisis been caused by the decisions of the political actors or rather by complicated economic dilemmas? In what way have different social stakeholders acted during the years of the crisis and which of the groups have had the biggest influence in different stages of the crisis? Why and how national political elites have lost their dominant position in the crisis management, which have been the cornerstones of this power transition process and what role have the supranational institutions such as the European Commission and the European Central Bank played during the crisis? Accordingly, the main goal of the article is to define the crucial events and stakeholders in the Eurozone crisis solution process by using empirical process tracing and narrative analysis as the research methods. It will also inquire into how and why national political elites and citizens delegated their democratic competences and powers to non-electable institutions during the Eurozone crisis.
{"title":"Why and How Supranational Institutions Became Central Stakeholders in the Eurozone Debt Crisis 2008–2012?","authors":"Viljar Veebel, Raul Markus","doi":"10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2817","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The financial crisis in the Eurozone is combining several new interdisciplinary debates. Has the financial crisis been caused by the decisions of the political actors or rather by complicated economic dilemmas? In what way have different social stakeholders acted during the years of the crisis and which of the groups have had the biggest influence in different stages of the crisis? Why and how national political elites have lost their dominant position in the crisis management, which have been the cornerstones of this power transition process and what role have the supranational institutions such as the European Commission and the European Central Bank played during the crisis? Accordingly, the main goal of the article is to define the crucial events and stakeholders in the Eurozone crisis solution process by using empirical process tracing and narrative analysis as the research methods. It will also inquire into how and why national political elites and citizens delegated their democratic competences and powers to non-electable institutions during the Eurozone crisis.","PeriodicalId":33612,"journal":{"name":"Baltic Journal of Political Science","volume":"2 1","pages":"50 - 66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66921871","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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