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Legislative Turnover in the Baltics After 1990: Why is it So High and What are its Implications? 1990年后波罗的海国家立法机构的更替:为何如此之高及其影响?
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2816
Mindaugas Kuklys
Abstract This article discusses the causes and potential consequences of the high legislative turnover in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania in the period from 1990 onwards. The main findings from the subjectrelated literature are being confronted with the data on the Baltic parliamentary recruitment. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the path dependence (length of the previous non-democratic regime) and the supply-side volatility are the most convincing explanations for the high turnover among Baltic legislators.
本文讨论了爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛自1990年以来立法机构高更替的原因和潜在后果。与主题有关的文献的主要结论正与关于波罗的海议会征聘的数据相比较。分析得出的结论是,路径依赖(以前非民主政权的长度)和供给侧波动是波罗的海立法者高更替的最令人信服的解释。
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引用次数: 6
Parliamentarism Versus Semi-Presidentialism in the Baltic States: The Causes and Consequences of Differences in the Constitutional Frameworks 波罗的海国家的议会制与半总统制:宪法框架差异的原因与后果
Pub Date : 2013-01-01 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2013.2.2813
Zenonas Norkus
Abstract Restoring their statehood in the early 1990s, Estonia and Latvia established parliamentary republics, while Lithuania opted for semi-presidentialism. The paper is a case-oriented comparative study explaining this difference with the Lithuanian “exceptionality” in focus. Part of the answer is differences of interwar constitutional history: while Lithuania and Estonia had to cope with the legacy of three constitutions each, Latvia inherited only the parliamentary Constitution of 1922, because its dictator Karlis Ulmanis did not bother to constitutionalize his rule. Another part is differences in the balance of power during the time of extraordinary politics when constitutions were made. The alternation between the presidential and parliamentary phases of semi-presidentialism and the “perils of presidentialism” did manifest repeatedly in the Lithuanian post-communist politics, while Estonia and Latvia did know next to nothing about them, except for the “Zatlers episode” in Latvia in 2009–2011. The infamous Rolandas Paksas’ impeachment in 2003–2004 and controversial features in the performance style of the Lithuanian president Dalia Grybauskaitė are important illustrations of the shortcomings of semi-presidentialism, which could be cured by Lithuania’s switch to the Baltic pattern of parliamentary presidency. However, as time goes on, the probability of a constitutional reform decreases in all Baltic States, mainly due to increasing acquis constitutionnel and habituation.
爱沙尼亚和拉脱维亚在20世纪90年代初恢复了国家地位,建立了议会制共和国,而立陶宛则选择了半总统制。本文是一种以案例为导向的比较研究,以立陶宛的“例外”为重点,解释了这种差异。部分原因在于两次世界大战之间宪法历史的不同:立陶宛和爱沙尼亚各自都要应对三部宪法的遗留问题,而拉脱维亚只继承了1922年的议会宪法,因为它的独裁者卡尔里斯·乌尔马尼斯(Karlis Ulmanis)没有费心将自己的统治宪法化。另一部分是在制定宪法的特殊政治时期,权力平衡的差异。半总统制和议会制的交替以及“总统制的危险”在立陶宛后共产主义政治中反复出现,而爱沙尼亚和拉脱维亚除了2009-2011年在拉脱维亚发生的“扎特勒斯事件”之外,对这些几乎一无所知。2003-2004年臭名昭著的帕克萨斯(Rolandas Paksas)被弹劾,以及立陶宛总统达利亚•格里包斯凯伊特(Dalia grybauskaitnik)颇具争议的表演风格,都是半总统制缺陷的重要例证,立陶宛转向波罗的海的议会总统制模式可以治愈这些缺陷。然而,随着时间的推移,所有波罗的海国家进行宪政改革的可能性在减少,主要是由于越来越多的新宪法和习惯化。
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引用次数: 7
Europeanization of the Baltic Parliaments: Expectations and Agenda for Future Research 波罗的海各国议会的欧洲化:未来研究的期望和议程
Pub Date : 2012-01-01 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2012.1.430
L. Pukelis
Abstract The three Baltic states have joined the European Union almost a decade ago, but as of yet no research has been carried out von how the membership in the EU has affected the national political systems of these countries. This article overviews the literature on how EU membership affects the relationship between legislative and executive branches of government and summarizes what expectations could be drawn as to the character and degree of Europeanization of Baltic parliaments, based on the research. It also calls for an empirical study of this matter to measure these expectations against the reality and gives recommendations how it should be carried out.
三个波罗的海国家在近十年前加入了欧盟,但迄今为止还没有关于欧盟成员国身份如何影响这些国家国家政治制度的研究。本文概述了关于欧盟成员国身份如何影响政府立法和行政部门之间关系的文献,并总结了在研究的基础上对波罗的海各国议会欧洲化的特征和程度可以得出的期望。它还要求对这一问题进行实证研究,以衡量这些期望与现实,并提出了如何实施的建议。
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引用次数: 0
Belarus: Transformation from Authoritarianism towards Sultanism 白俄罗斯:从威权主义到苏丹主义的转变
Pub Date : 2012-01-01 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2012.1.432
Uladzimir Rouda
Abstract The article consists of three parts. Firstly, the author considers the main concepts of the political regime in Belarus. Such an analysis includes the concepts of hybrid, authoritarian, and neo-patrimonial regimes. The second part deals with the reasons for Belarusian retreat from democratic standards, namely the Russian factor in Belarusian politics. President Vladimir Putin and Russian bureaucracy are afraid to lose Belarus in case Aliaksandr Lukashenka is removed from absolute power. The authoritarian regime in Russia has sponsored autocracies in the post-Soviet space, ensuring their dependence on Moscow. In the third part, the author analyses the transformation of the Belarusian regime, using the variables of the role of leadership, the state of pluralism, the role of ideology, the character of political mobilization, and the state of human rights. During a very short period of Lukashenka’s rule, we have witnessed a constant tightening of dictatorship rule, which has led the Belarusian regime to the point of a hybrid authoritarian-sultanistic regime (2006) and almost classical sultanism (2010). Such regimes as Belarusian can only be changed through the mobilization of public protest from below. Besides, the Belarusian semi-sultanism is not sustainable.
本文由三部分组成。首先,作者考虑了白俄罗斯政体的主要概念。这种分析包括混合、专制和新世袭政权的概念。第二部分论述了白俄罗斯背离民主标准的原因,即白俄罗斯政治中的俄罗斯因素。弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)总统和俄罗斯官僚机构担心,一旦亚历山大•卢卡申科(aleksandr Lukashenka)失去绝对权力,就会失去白俄罗斯。俄罗斯的独裁政权资助了后苏联地区的独裁政权,确保了它们对莫斯科的依赖。在第三部分中,作者分析了白俄罗斯政权的转型,使用了领导的作用、多元化的状态、意识形态的作用、政治动员的特征和人权状况等变量。在卢卡申科统治的很短时间内,我们目睹了独裁统治的不断收紧,这导致白俄罗斯政权成为专制-苏丹式政权(2006年)和几乎经典的苏丹式政权(2010年)的混合体。像白俄罗斯这样的政权只能通过动员民众自下而上的抗议来改变。此外,白俄罗斯的半苏丹主义是不可持续的。
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引用次数: 3
Is Russia a Threat to Estonian Energy Security? 俄罗斯对爱沙尼亚能源安全构成威胁吗?
Pub Date : 2012-01-01 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2012.1.433
Triinu Tarus, Matthew Crandall
Abstract This study examines whether Russia is a threat to Estonia’s energy security as well as how Estonia has reacted to Russia as an energy supplier. The authors use Stephen Walt’s balance of threat theory as a framework to understand the potential of Russia as a threat, as well as how Estonia has reacted. The balance of threat theory is chosen because it effectively establishes when states view others as a threat and how they react. The focus of the work is on Estonia’s dependence on Russian natural gas and the great lengths Estonia has gone to be energy self-sufficient. The article concludes that Estonia can and does see Russia as a threat to its energy security and has taken significant measures to reduce its dependency on Russia as an energy supplier.
本研究考察了俄罗斯是否对爱沙尼亚的能源安全构成威胁,以及爱沙尼亚对俄罗斯作为能源供应国的反应。作者使用斯蒂芬·沃尔特的威胁平衡理论作为框架来理解俄罗斯作为威胁的潜力,以及爱沙尼亚的反应。选择威胁平衡理论是因为它有效地确定了国家何时将其他国家视为威胁以及它们如何应对。这项工作的重点是爱沙尼亚对俄罗斯天然气的依赖,以及爱沙尼亚为实现能源自给自足所做的巨大努力。文章的结论是,爱沙尼亚可以而且确实将俄罗斯视为对其能源安全的威胁,并已采取重大措施减少对俄罗斯作为能源供应国的依赖。
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引用次数: 8
Economic Aspects of the US De Jure Recognition of the Baltic States in 1922 1922年美国在法律上承认波罗的海国家的经济方面
Pub Date : 2012-01-01 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2012.1.429
E. Medijainen
Abstract A certain unity among the Baltic states emerged during their simultaneous fights for independence and for recognition by the great powers in Europe and the US. The recognition was given separately to Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, and not commonly to the Baltic states. This article tries to determine when and under what circumstances the Baltic question reached the institutions and leading persons dealing with foreign relations in the US as a separate problem independent of Russia. After the independence of the Baltic states, there followed a repelling attitude from the US and non-recognition until 1922.
波罗的海诸国在争取独立和获得欧美列强承认的同时,出现了某种程度的团结。爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛分别获得了承认,波罗的海国家没有得到普遍承认。本文试图确定在什么时候和什么情况下,波罗的海问题被美国处理外交关系的机构和主要人士视为一个独立于俄罗斯的单独问题。波罗的海国家独立后,美国对其持排斥态度,直到1922年才予以承认。
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引用次数: 1
Great Potential But Little Impact: The European Union’s Protection Policies for the Baltic Sea 潜力大影响小:欧盟对波罗的海的保护政策
Pub Date : 2012-01-01 DOI: 10.15388/bjps.2012.1.431
T. Schumacher
Abstract Since the completion of the Eastern enlargement in 2004, a major responsibility for addressing the Baltic Sea pollution lies with the European Union. It provides strong institutions to facilitate environmental decision-making and to enforce the implementation of regulations. However, the measures taken so far have not been sufficient to significantly improve the state of the Baltic Sea. In particular, the Common Agricultural Policy does not take the ecological characteristics of the region into consideration. Instead, it provides false incentives since it generally encourages farmers to increase production and to extend areas under cultivation. To enhance the EU’s role, it is crucial to raise the awareness of the Baltic Sea’s vulnerability in Brussels. Moreover, European regulations and policies should become more flexible and match the regional specific environmental requirements. At the same time, too heavy financial burdens and distortions of competition, especially for the region’s agricultural sector, should be avoided.
自2004年东扩完成以来,解决波罗的海污染的主要责任落在了欧盟身上。它提供了强有力的机构来促进环境决策和强制执行条例。然而,迄今所采取的措施还不足以显著改善波罗的海的状况。特别是,共同农业政策没有考虑到该地区的生态特征。相反,它提供了虚假的激励,因为它通常鼓励农民增加产量和扩大种植面积。为了加强欧盟的作用,提高布鲁塞尔对波罗的海脆弱性的认识至关重要。此外,欧洲的规章和政策应更加灵活,符合区域的具体环境要求。与此同时,应避免过于沉重的财政负担和竞争扭曲,特别是对该区域的农业部门而言。
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引用次数: 6
After Securitisation: Diplomats as De-Securitisers 证券化后:外交官作为去证券化者
Pub Date : 2012-01-01 DOI: 10.15388/BJPS.2012.1.428
I. Neumann
Abstract After securitisation, there comes the further intensivation of a conflict, or violisation, or de-securitization. De-securitisation has many forms, one being diplomatisation. The article discusses peace and reconciliation work by states that are third parties to a conflict, and fastens on the pioneering state in terms of institutionalization, which is Norway. Following the Cold War, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs engaged in this field broadly. Institutionalisation hit during the 2000s. Norwegian diplomacy facilitators think of de-securitisation in four steps: mapping the parties to a conflict, clearing their path to the table, assisting in their deliberations going across that table, being indirectly involved in the monitoring of agreements. The article concludes with a suggestion to the Copenhagen School. By adapting Austin and Searle’s speech act perspective, Wittgenstein’s general understanding of linguistic and other practices have been left behind. It is time to leave the cold analytics of speech act theory behind and reclaim the full thrust of Wittgenstein’s work, which was geared towards the constitutive role of practices for everything social. We need more empirical studies of violising practices, as well as of de-securitising legal and diplomatic practices.
在证券化之后,冲突或违规或去证券化进一步加剧。去证券化有多种形式,其中之一就是外交化。本文讨论了作为冲突第三方的国家的和平与和解工作,并着重讨论了制度化方面的先驱国家,即挪威。冷战结束后,挪威外交部广泛地从事这一领域的工作。制度化在2000年代受到冲击。挪威的外交促进者认为去证券化分为四个步骤:确定冲突各方的位置,为他们扫清通往谈判桌的道路,协助他们在谈判桌上进行审议,间接参与对协议的监督。文章最后对哥本哈根学派提出了建议。通过采用奥斯汀和塞尔的言语行为视角,维特根斯坦对语言和其他实践的一般理解被抛在了后面。现在是时候把言语行为理论的冷酷分析抛在脑后,重新找回维特根斯坦的全部工作,这是面向所有社会实践的构成作用的。我们需要对违规行为进行更多的实证研究,以及对法律和外交行为进行去证券化的研究。
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引用次数: 4
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Baltic Journal of Political Science
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