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Decentring critical theory with the help of critical theory: Ecocide and the challenge of anthropocentricism 在批判理论的帮助下实现批判理论的去中心化:生态灭绝与人类中心主义的挑战
Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215681
Maeve Cooke
Our present situation of anthropogenic ecological disaster calls on Western philosophy in general, and Frankfurt School critical theory in particular, to reconsider some long-standing, entrenched assumptions concerning what it means to be a human agent and to relate to other agents. In my article, I take up the challenge in dialogue with the idea of critical theory articulated by Max Horkheimer in the 1930s. My overall concern is to contribute to on-going efforts to decentre Frankfurt School critical theory in multiple dimensions. With the help of Horkheimer, I seek to show that this theoretical tradition has itself an important contribution to make to the endeavour. In Section 1, I argue that the methodology he advocates for critique of society offers a view of the relationship between the human mind and reality, as well as of humans with other humans, that avoids dogmatic rigidity and is hospitable towards mutual learning through engagement with other philosophical and cultural traditions. In Section 2, I consider the more specific challenge of anthropocentrism, suggesting the need for a more differentiated account of this. While critical theory is unavoidably anthropocentric in certain respects, it could avoid more pernicious forms of anthropocentrism that establish epistemic and ethical hierarchies between humans and other-than-human entities and that conceive of ethical validity as a purely human construction, with no independence of human needs and concerns.
我们目前的人为生态灾难状况要求西方哲学,特别是法兰克福学派的批判理论,重新考虑一些长期存在的、根深蒂固的假设,这些假设涉及作为人类主体以及与其他主体的关系。在我的文章中,我接受了马克思·霍克海默在20世纪30年代提出的批判理论的挑战。我的总体关注是为法兰克福学派批判理论在多个维度上的分散化做出贡献。在霍克海默的帮助下,我试图表明,这一理论传统本身对这一努力作出了重要贡献。在第1节中,我认为他倡导的社会批判方法提供了一种关于人类思想与现实之间关系的观点,以及人类与他人之间关系的观点,这种观点避免了教条主义的僵化,并通过与其他哲学和文化传统的接触,对相互学习充满热情。在第2节中,我考虑了人类中心主义更具体的挑战,建议对此进行更有区别的解释。虽然批判理论在某些方面不可避免地是人类中心主义,但它可以避免更有害的人类中心主义形式,即在人类和非人类实体之间建立认知和伦理等级,并将伦理有效性视为纯粹的人类建构,而不独立于人类的需求和关注。
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引用次数: 0
Jean Améry and the time of resentment 让-阿梅利与怨恨的时代
Pub Date : 2023-11-24 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215674
I. Ferber
The article provides a close reading of Jean Améry’s essay, ‘Resentments’ from the perspective of temporality. Although firmly grounded in a specific historical and political context (Améry, a Holocaust survivor, reflects on the aftermath of his experiences during the war), I argue that this essay offers valuable insights into Améry’s philosophy of temporality. After establishing the context and structure of Améry’s ‘Resentments’, the article delves into a discussion of the temporal aspects found in the text: (1) Delay: the emergence of resentments and their connection to trauma. (2) Eternal Recurrence: Améry’s critique of Nietzsche, along with surprising interconnections between their ideas. (3) Natural Time and Forgiveness: Améry’s critique of the temporal structure of forgiveness and the morally questionable prioritization of the future over the past. (4) Moral Time and the Irreversible: the distorted temporal structure of resentments, and Améry’s thought-provoking exploration of the phantasy of time’s reversibility. (5) The Future: Améry’s direct address to the young Germans and his unexpected suggestion on how they should treat their past and history, emphasizing responsibility rather than blame, as the key their past provides for the possibility of their future.
本文从时间性的角度对让-阿梅里的散文《怨恨》进行了细读。虽然这篇文章牢牢立足于特定的历史和政治背景(阿梅里是大屠杀的幸存者,他对战争期间的经历进行了反思),但我认为这篇文章为阿梅里的时间性哲学提供了宝贵的见解。在确定了阿梅里《怨恨》的背景和结构之后,文章深入讨论了文本中的时间性问题:(1) 延迟:怨恨的出现及其与创伤的联系。(2) 永恒的复现:阿梅里对尼采的批判,以及他们思想之间令人惊讶的相互联系。(3) 自然时间与宽恕:阿梅里对宽恕的时间结构的批判,以及将未来置于过去之上的道德问题。(4) 道德时间与不可逆转:怨恨扭曲的时间结构,以及阿梅里对时间可逆性幻象发人深省的探索。(5) 未来:阿梅里对年轻德国人的直接讲话,以及他出人意料地建议他们如何对待自己的过去和历史,强调责任而非指责,因为他们的过去为他们未来的可能性提供了一把钥匙。
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引用次数: 0
From totalitarianism to populism: Claude Lefort’s overlooked legacy 从极权主义到民粹主义克劳德-勒福被忽视的遗产
Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215725
William Selinger
This article recovers Claude Lefort’s engagement with the issue of populism, which was inspired by the emergence of Jean-Marie Le Pen as a major figure in French politics during the late 1980s. I show how Lefort developed both an analysis of populism as a pathology of modern politics and a new vision of representative democracy as the alternative to populism. In doing so, Lefort drew upon his more familiar theory of democracy and totalitarianism, his study of the history of French political thought, and his partnership with Pierre Ronsanvallon, who was also developing an analysis of populism in response to Le Pen. Lefort’s approach to populism has outlived the context in which he first expressed it. Over the last decade, a number of prominent political theorists have drawn on Lefortian themes to formulate their own accounts of populism and democracy. In many cases, their arguments are quite similar to those that Lefort was expressing in the late 1980s and 1990s. A particular version of Lefortianism, which was foreshadowed in the writings of Lefort himself, has become one of the defining democratic theories of our political moment.
这篇文章回顾了克劳德-勒福对民粹主义问题的参与,这一参与是受让-玛丽-勒庞在 20 世纪 80 年代末成为法国政坛重要人物的启发。我展示了勒福尔如何将民粹主义分析为现代政治的一种病态,以及如何将代议制民主视为民粹主义的替代方案。在此过程中,勒福尔特借鉴了他更为熟悉的民主与极权主义理论、他对法国政治思想史的研究以及他与皮埃尔-隆桑瓦隆(Pierre Ronsanvallon)的合作关系,后者也在针对勒庞的民粹主义进行分析。勒福尔特的民粹主义研究方法已经超越了他最初提出这一观点的时代背景。过去十年间,一些著名的政治理论家借鉴了勒福尔的主题,对民粹主义和民主进行了自己的阐述。在许多情况下,他们的论点与勒福尔在 20 世纪 80 年代末和 90 年代表达的论点十分相似。勒福尔特主义的一个特殊版本在勒福尔特本人的著作中有所预示,它已成为我们政治时代决定性的民主理论之一。
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引用次数: 0
Our reply to critics by Andrew Arato and Jean L. Cohen 我们对安德鲁-阿拉托和让-科恩的批评的答复
Pub Date : 2023-11-21 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215690
Andrew Arato, Jean L. Cohen
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引用次数: 0
MacIntyre and Hegel on the possibility of resolving philosophical disagreements 麦金太尔和黑格尔论解决哲学分歧的可能性
Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215713
Tony Burns
This article examines the views of Hegel and Alasdair MacIntyre regarding philosophical disagreements, whether or not they can be resolved and if so how. For both thinkers such a disagreement is thought of as taking place between the advocates of two theoretical positions which are opposed to one another. Each party subscribes to a way of thinking about the issue under discussion which appears to be logically incompatible with the views of the other. We seem therefore to have to make an either-or choice between them. In the case of all philosophical disagreements, therefore, the same questions arise. Is the contradiction in question real, or merely apparent? Can it be resolved? If so, what exactly is involved in such a resolution? Is some form of theoretical compromise, between these two extremes possible? Is there a third-way, a both-and approach, which in some way combines the strengths of each and the weaknesses of neither, or which seeks in some way to balance their respective strengths and weaknesses of each against those of the other? The article suggests that MacIntyre differentiates between two types of philosophical disagreement. In the case of the first, the ideas associated with the two opposed positions are incommensurable. We must, therefore make an either-or choice between them. In the case of disagreements of the second type, the ideas in question are not incommensurable. In these cases, therefore, it is possible for them to be combined or synthesised. The article argues that MacIntyre’s approach to this second type of philosophical disagreement has an obvious affinity with what is often thought to be that of Hegel. In the words of Richard J. Bernstein, it is ‘quasi-Hegelian’. It is therefore fruitful to compare and contrast the views of these two thinkers on this issue.
本文探讨了黑格尔和阿拉斯戴尔-麦金太尔对哲学分歧的看法,以及这些分歧能否解决和如何解决的问题。两位思想家都认为,这种分歧发生在两个相互对立的理论立场的倡导者之间。每一方都赞同一种思考问题的方式,而这种方式在逻辑上似乎与另一方的观点不相容。因此,我们似乎必须在两者之间做出非此即彼的选择。因此,在所有的哲学分歧中,都会出现同样的问题。有关的矛盾是真实的,还是仅仅是表面的?矛盾能否解决?如果可以,那么这种解决究竟涉及什么?在这两个极端之间,是否可能存在某种形式的理论妥协?是否存在第三条道路,一种兼而有之的方法,在某种程度上将两者的长处和短处结合起来,或者在某种程度上平衡两者各自的长处和短处?文章认为麦金太尔区分了两种哲学分歧。在第一种情况下,与两种对立立场相关的思想是不可通约的。因此,我们必须在两者之间做出非此即彼的选择。在第二类分歧中,相关的观点并非不可通约。因此,在这些情况下,它们有可能被结合或综合。文章认为,麦金太尔处理第二类哲学分歧的方法与人们通常认为的黑格尔的方法有着明显的相似之处。用理查德-伯恩斯坦(Richard J. Bernstein)的话说,它是 "准黑格尔式的"。因此,比较和对比这两位思想家在这个问题上的观点是很有意义的。
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引用次数: 0
The public sphere and democracy in transformation: Continuing the debate – An introduction 转型中的公共领域与民主:继续辩论--导言
Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231214451
Hauke Brunkhorst, Martin Seeliger, Sebastian Sevignani
All the aspects and dimensions that can be rightfully identified as playing essential parts within the current tragedy of democracy do share a common reference point: the public sphere. In the absence of a public sphere, no political change can take place democratically. This introduction to the special issue, which continues the debate about the public sphere from a broadly understood critical theory perspective, tries to substantiate the two initial claims and briefly presents the line of argument inherent to this special issue and its contributions. The collected contributions intervene or elaborate on the following conceptional or practical problems within the nexus of democracy and the public sphere, such as the critical relations between cultural industry and post-truth democracy; the contested relationship between the public sphere and labour; epistemological challenges predating normative questions; the relevance and transformation of concrete constellations between speakers and listeners, fragmentation and polarization within the public sphere; communicative pathologies; the digitalization of communication; altered and threatened media system services to functioning democracies; displacement and commodification of communication; the need for new forms of techno-politics; problems and challenges of Open Access; and the potential transnationalization of the public sphere.
在当前的民主悲剧中,所有可以理所当然地确定为发挥重要作用的方面和层面都有 一个共同的参照点:公共领域。没有公共领域,就不可能以民主方式进行政治变革。本特刊的导言从广义批判理论的角度继续对公共领域进行讨论,试图证实最初的两种说法,并简要介绍本特刊及其文稿的内在论证思路。所收集的文章对民主与公共领域关系中的以下概念性或实践性问题进行了干预或阐述,如文化产业与后真相民主之间的批判性关系;公共领域与劳动之间有争议的关系;规范性问题之前的认识论挑战;发言者和听众之间具体组合的相关性和转变、公共领域内的分裂和两极分化;传播病理学;传播的数字化;媒体系统对民主运作服务的改变和威胁;传播的迁移和商品化;对新形式技术政治的需求;开放获取的问题和挑战;以及公共领域潜在的跨国化。
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引用次数: 0
Political Self-Cultivation for Humane Government: Yi I’s Defense of the Way of the Hegemon in Neo-Confucian Korea 人道政府的政治自我修养:李一为新儒家韩国的霸王之道辩护
Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231211031
Sungmoon Kim
As ardent followers of Mencius and Zhu Xi, virtually all Korean Neo-Confucians during the Chosŏn dynasty rejected the Way of the Hegemon by understanding it as directly opposed to the Kingly Way, a humane government allegedly conducted by ancient sage-kings. However, Yi I [Formula: see text]珥 (1536–1584), a prominent Neo-Confucian scholar-official in sixteenth-century Korea, endorsed the Way of the Hegemon as compatible with the Kingly Way by reconceptualizing it, otherwise predicated on strong consequentialist ethics, in a way consistent with Confucianism’s deepest concern with the well-being of the people. In Confucianizing the Way of the Hegemon through the creative re-reading of the Book of Rites from a Xunzian standpoint, Yi I proposed a new method of moral self-cultivation specifically tailored for a Confucian ruler—called political self-cultivation in this paper—that combined the traditional Neo-Confucian recovery model of self-cultivation with a strong sense of political responsibility.
作为孟子和朱熹的忠实追随者,朝鲜王朝时期几乎所有的韩国新儒家都反对霸王之道,认为它与王道直接对立,而王道是一种据称由古代圣王实施的仁政。然而,16 世纪韩国著名的新儒家学者李珥(Yi I,1536-1584 年)将霸王之道重新概念化,使其与王道相容,因为霸王之道本来是以强烈的结果主义伦理为前提的,而李珥则认为霸王之道与儒家对人民福祉的深切关注是一致的。通过从荀子的立场对《礼记》进行创造性的重读来儒化霸王之道,易中天提出了一种专为儒家统治者量身定做的新的道德自我修养方法--本文称之为政治自我修养--它将传统的新儒家恢复性自我修养模式与强烈的政治责任感相结合。
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引用次数: 0
Hegel’s master-slave dialectic and the Haiti revolt (1791–1804): Transatlantic print chronicles of race in an age of colonial market exchange 黑格尔的主奴辩证法与海地起义(1791-1804 年):殖民市场交换时代的跨大西洋种族编年史印刷品
Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231211042
Jonathan Bowman
This work contributes to recent transdisciplinary efforts to view the Haitian slave revolt (1791–1804) as the historical inspiration for Hegel’s master-slave dialectic. Reconstructions offered by contemporary postcolonial scholars argue that the Haitian revolt was chronicled in Minerva as Hegel raced to finish his Phenomenology. Benhabib recently recognized the Hegel-Haiti thesis as entailing the sort of inclusive dialogical learning process necessary to validate subaltern experiences. The thesis has also drawn its share of sceptical scrutiny as Badiou claims that it risks forcing an unnecessary moral dissymmetry, neglects objectionable features of enslavement and imposes a mismatch between apolitical subject and revolutionary. In reply, we appeal to the pioneering work of Tavares to show that the asymmetrical construction of classification schemes for persons of mixed-racial statuses accords with decades of documented literary exchanges between Hegel and Gregoire. We then turn to the work of James on the role of mixed-race merchants in the testimonial accounts of late 18th century French historians to show that European literate publics were well aware of the extremely coercive forms of commodified labour found in Saint-Dominque. We then invoke the archival work of Du Bois on French, British and American parliamentary proceedings that show the provisional colonial identities ascribed to Caribbean subjects did not hinder their self-conscious exercise of political agency. Viewing Hegel in terms of the historiographic records of the racial ontologies of early modern transatlantic literary exchanges helps explain how he adapted these tropes concerning mixed-race subjects in a manner that better explains many of the anomalous features of the dialectic. However, conferring the Haitian revolution its proper world-historical warrant as inspiration for his infamous master-slave dialectic need not lead us to overlook Hegel’s complicity with many of the epistemic and ontological flaws of colonial tropes held in early modern transatlantic print.
这部著作为近期的跨学科研究做出了贡献,该研究将海地奴隶起义(1791-1804 年)视为黑格尔主奴辩证法的历史灵感来源。当代后殖民地学者提出的重构观点认为,《密涅瓦》中记载了海地奴隶起义,当时黑格尔正在抓紧时间完成他的《现象学》。Benhabib 最近认为,黑格尔-海地理论包含了验证次等经验所需的包容性对话学习过程。巴迪欧称,黑格尔-海蒂理论有可能造成不必要的道德不对称,忽视了奴役的令人反感的特征,并在非政治主体和革命者之间制造了不匹配。作为回应,我们借鉴了塔瓦雷斯的开创性工作,以证明为混血儿构建不对称的分类方案符合黑格尔与格雷瓜尔之间数十年的文学交流记录。然后,我们转向詹姆斯关于混血商人在 18 世纪晚期法国历史学家证词中的作用的研究,以说明欧洲有文化的公众非常清楚圣多米尼克的商品化劳动形式极具胁迫性。然后,我们援引杜波依斯关于法国、英国和美国议会程序的档案工作,表明赋予加勒比臣民的临时殖民身份并没有妨碍他们自觉行使政治权力。从现代早期跨大西洋文学交流的种族本体论的史学记录的角度来看待黑格尔,有助于解释他是如何以一种能更好地解释辩证法中许多异常特征的方式来调整这些关于混血主体的陈词滥调的。然而,将海地革命作为他臭名昭著的主奴辩证法的灵感来源,赋予其适当的世界历史理由,并不能使我们忽视黑格尔与近代早期跨大西洋印刷品中所持的殖民主义陈词滥调的许多认识论和本体论缺陷的共谋。
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引用次数: 0
The proletarian public sphere revisited: Conceptual propositions on the structural transformation of publics in labour policy 重新审视无产阶级公共领域:关于劳动政策中公共结构转型的概念性建议
Pub Date : 2023-11-18 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231206463
Heiner Heiland, Martin Seeliger, Sebastian Sevignani
In this contribution, we argue that critical theories of the public sphere (in Habermas, but also in Negt and Kluge as well as Fraser) leave out the socially central field of labour and labour-political disputes, and that a reactualization and refocusing becomes necessary: We define the dynamics of globalization, commodification and digitalization as sequences of a renewed structural transformation of both social self-understanding and gainful employment. With the help of a multi-level model of labour-political publics and counter-publics, class mobilizations can be examined with a public-theoretical lens and important moments of labour-political disputes can also be reflected on their communicative conditions. This is exemplified by two vignettes.
在这篇论文中,我们认为公共领域的批判理论(哈贝马斯的理论、奈格特和克鲁格的理论以及弗雷泽的理论)遗漏了劳动和劳动-政治争端这一社会中心领域,因此有必要对其进行重新定义和重新聚焦:我们将全球化、商品化和数字化的发展动态定义为社会自我认识和有偿就业的结构性转型。借助劳动政治公众和反公众的多层次模型,可以用公众理论的视角来审视阶级动员,也可以对劳动政治争端的重要时刻的传播条件进行反思。以下两个小故事可以说明这一点。
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引用次数: 0
Cultural industry in the age of post-truth democracy 后真相民主时代的文化产业
Pub Date : 2023-11-18 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215676
Hauke Brunkhorst
The truth potential of art is realized not only by great art (of educated elites) but also by the cultural industry that has become the art of the masses. Great art and cultural industry do not only contradict one another but often interpenetrate and overlap subversively. Especially in critical periods of crisis (and revolution) great art and cultural industry go together with political action. However, in more counterrevolutionary periods as nowadays post-truth democracy, Adorno's gloomiest interpretation of the cultural industry becomes topical again.
艺术的真理潜能不仅通过伟大的艺术(受过教育的精英)来实现,也通过成为大众艺术的文化产业来实现。伟大的艺术和文化产业不仅相互矛盾,而且经常相互渗透、颠覆性地重叠在一起。尤其是在危机(和革命)的关键时期,伟大的艺术和文化产业与政治行动相辅相成。然而,在更多的反革命时期,如如今的后真相民主时期,阿多诺对文化产业最悲观的解释又变得具有现实意义。
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引用次数: 0
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