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‘Be your own boss’? Normative concerns of algorithmic management in the gig economy: reclaiming agency at work through algorithmic counter-tactics 做自己的老板"?工作经济中算法管理的规范性问题:通过算法反策略重新获得工作代理权
Pub Date : 2023-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215680
Denise Celentano
The article explores the normative concerns raised for gig workers by algorithmic management (AM), by embracing an ethnographically sensitive approach to philosophical inquiry approach to philosophical inquiry. Inspired by Michel de Certeau’s concept of ‘tactics’, the article suggests interpreting workers’ attempts to ‘trick the algorithm’ and escape some of AM’s constraints as ways to reclaim agency, in the absence of suitable organizational conditions for its affirmative exercise. The kind of agency specifically deployed by workers in cooperative settings is referred to as ‘contributive agency’, broadly defined as workers’ control over their contribution in multiple dimensions – epistemic, relational, participatory and protective. Contributive agentic capacities are not mere properties of agents, but organizationally mediated capacities that can be more or less enabled or constrained depending on the contributive context. It is argued that below a certain threshold, AM’s agency-constraining features are objectionable and desirable agency-enabling organizational conditions are identified in the four dimensions.
这篇文章探讨了算法管理(AM)给 "零工 "带来的规范性问题,采用了对人种学敏感的哲学探究方法。受米歇尔-德塞多(Michel de Certeau)"战术 "概念的启发,文章建议将工人试图 "欺骗算法 "和摆脱算法管理的某些限制解释为在缺乏合适的组织条件以肯定其作用的情况下重新获得代理权的方法。工人在合作社环境中具体运用的代理权被称为 "贡献代理权",广义上指工人对其贡献的多方面控制--认识、关系、参与和保护。贡献代理能力不仅仅是代理的属性,而是以组织为中介的能力,可以根据贡献环境的不同或多或少地发挥作用或受到限制。有观点认为,在低于某一临界值时,AM 的代理限制特征是令人反感的,而在这四个维度中确定了理想的代理赋能组织条件。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: A review of Rocío Zambrana’s Colonial Debts: The Case of Puerto Rico 书评:Rocío Zambrana 的《殖民债务》评论:波多黎各案例
Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231215720
Sabrina Bungash
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引用次数: 0
Politics and aesthetics: Jacques Rancière and Louis-Gabriel Gauny 政治与美学:Jacques ranci<e:1>和Louis-Gabriel Gauny
Pub Date : 2023-08-17 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231197447
Stuart Blaney
This paper argues that much of Jacques Rancière’s redefinition of emancipation owes a lot to one key character from his archival research on nineteenth-century worker-poets, Louis-Gabriel Gauny, the self-proclaimed plebeian philosopher. This is especially the case in regard to Rancière’s understanding of subjectivation forming a double of the self and a double of social reality as worlds within worlds. The paper puts forward that Gauny’s form of emancipation is valid today as an aesthetic revolution that reveals Rancière’s practices of equality to be an emancipatory way of life. In doing so, it will engage with Gauny’s connection with the contemporary precariat.
本文认为,雅克·朗西弗里特对解放的重新定义在很大程度上要归功于他对19世纪工人诗人的档案研究中的一个关键人物,即自称平民哲学家的路易斯-加布里埃尔·高尼。这尤其体现在ranci对主体化的理解上,主体化形成了自我的双重和社会现实的双重,作为世界中的世界。本文提出,作为一场美学革命,高尼的解放形式在今天是有效的,它揭示了朗西的平等实践是一种解放的生活方式。在这样做的过程中,它将与高尼与当代无产阶级的联系联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: The ruthless critique of everything existing: Nature and revolution in Marcuse’s philosophy of praxis 书评:对一切现存事物的无情批判:马尔库塞实践哲学中的自然与革命
Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231191559
C. Cassegård
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引用次数: 2
The ‘mystical’ foundation of democratic society, mythmaking and truth in The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance (John Ford 1962) 《枪杀自由的人》中民主社会的“神秘”基础、神话创造和真相(约翰·福特1962)
Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231187557
C. Ungureanu
In this article, I combine political philosophy and film to examine the problematic of the ‘mystical’ foundation of authority and democracy as represented in The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance. Ford’s filmic vision is interpretable as a parable of the passage from the state of nature to the modern republic and the deconstruction of American democratic progressivism. To analyse it, I proceed in two steps: first, I defend a middle-way critical Enlightenment perspective between the democratic-progressivist and the deconstructive approach to the question of foundations. Second, in dialogue with this critical Enlightenment perspective, I argue that Ford’s cinematic vision of the foundation remains ambivalent, given that its deconstruction of the mythology of American democratic progressivism is premised on the nostalgic mythologizing of the pre-democratic age. Moreover, I take issue with Robert Pippin’s interpretation of the movie as a cautionary tale against Enlightenment rationalism, and which poses at its center the key psychological role of myths in politics (2011). In contrast, I argue that Ford’s cinematic vision cautions against decoupling the socio-political and personal life from the vital connection to truth and acting upon truth. From this standpoint, a “politics of truth” is, against Pippin’s interpretation of Ford’s vision, compatible with taking into account the constitutive role of narratives in building political legitimacy and authority.
在这篇文章中,我将政治哲学和电影结合起来,考察《射杀自由的人》中所代表的权威和民主的“神秘”基础问题。福特的电影愿景可以解释为从自然状态到现代共和国的过渡和解构美国民主进步主义的寓言。为了分析它,我分两步进行:首先,我捍卫一种介于民主进步主义者和解构主义方法之间的批判启蒙主义观点,以解决基础问题。其次,在与批判启蒙运动观点的对话中,我认为福特对基金会的电影愿景仍然是矛盾的,因为它对美国民主进步主义神话的解构是以对前民主时代的怀旧神话为前提的。此外,我不同意罗伯特·皮平(Robert Pippin)对这部电影的解释,他认为这部电影是一个反对启蒙理性主义的警示故事,并将神话在政治中的关键心理作用置于其中心(2011)。相比之下,我认为福特的电影视野告诫人们不要将社会政治和个人生活与真相的重要联系脱钩,并根据真相行事。从这个角度来看,与皮平对福特愿景的解释相反,“真理政治”与考虑叙事在建立政治合法性和权威方面的构成作用是相容的。
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引用次数: 0
Demobilized democracy: Plebiscitarianism as political theology 复员的民主:公民投票作为政治神学
Pub Date : 2023-07-09 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231187547
Ian Zuckerman
Drawing from Marx’s 18 th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte and the work of Carl Schmitt, this article proposes a framework that critically diagnoses the plebiscitary, executive-centered conception of democratic representation as a species of political theology. I reconstruct Marx’s comments on plebiscitarianism in The 18 th Brumaire through his earlier critique of political theology in ‘On the Jewish Question’, in order to contrast two modes of representation. The first, ‘ theological’ representation, is a symbolic incarnation of the unity of the people in the person of the executive. The second, ‘ agonistic’ representation, develops only in the legislative assembly as a forum for translating social antagonisms and divisions into political ones. Turning from Marx to the writings of Carl Schmitt on plebiscitarianism, and to more recent analyses of populism, I show how these logics of political-theological versus antagonistic representation can function in different political contexts than the one Marx diagnosed. In conclusion, I argue that plebiscitarian democracy is neither an innocuous feature of institutions, nor a decisionist democratic alternative to liberal parliamentarism. Rather, it is a contemporary expression of political theology, premised upon depoliticization and the exclusion of social antagonisms from the sphere of democratic representation.
从马克思的《路易·波拿巴的雾月18日》和卡尔·施密特的著作中,本文提出了一个框架,批判性地诊断公民投票,以行政为中心的民主代表制概念作为一种政治神学。我通过马克思早期在《论犹太问题》中对政治神学的批判,重构了他在《雾月十八日》中对公民投票制度的评论,以便对比两种代表模式。第一种是“神学”的代表,是人民团结在行政长官身上的象征性化身。第二种是“对抗的”代表制,它只在立法议会中发展,作为将社会对抗和分裂转化为政治分裂的论坛。从马克思转向卡尔·施密特(Carl Schmitt)关于公民投票的著作,以及最近对民粹主义的分析,我展示了这些政治神学与对抗性代表的逻辑如何在不同的政治背景下发挥作用,而不是马克思所诊断的那种。总之,我认为公民投票民主既不是制度的无害特征,也不是自由议会制的决定主义民主替代品。相反,它是政治神学的当代表达,其前提是去政治化和将社会对立排除在民主代表领域之外。
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引用次数: 0
Political existentiality in Carl Schmitt; reenchanting the political 卡尔·施密特的政治存在论重塑政治
Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231184496
Ben Van de Wall
Carl Schmitt described the political in existential terms. The political consists in the distinction between friend and enemy, a distinction between collectivities that are existentially different. This led Richard Wolin to label Schmitt a “political existentialist” whose work relies on a specific cultural and philosophical climate of “vitalism.” Consequently, Schmitt’s thought is treated as ideology by Wolin. Instead of focusing on Schmitt’s underlying ideological affinity with a particular cultural climate, this paper attempts to conceptualize the notion of “political existentiality” as a crucial element in Schmitt’s understanding of the political and defend it as a notion that reveals something about the political condition itself. In order to understand the meaning of existentiality, we will conceptualize it against the background of Max Weber’s disenchantment thesis and conclude that through the notion of political existentiality Schmitt conceptualizes the political sphere as a locus of meaning and values and thus reenchants the political.
卡尔·施密特用存在主义的术语来描述政治。政治在于朋友与敌人的区别,在于存在差异的集体之间的区别。这使得理查德·沃林给施密特贴上了“政治存在主义者”的标签,他的作品依赖于一种特定的文化和哲学氛围的“活力论”。因此,施密特的思想被沃林视为意识形态。本文不关注施密特与特定文化气候的潜在意识形态亲和力,而是试图将“政治存在性”概念概念化,将其作为施密特理解政治的关键要素,并将其作为一个揭示政治状况本身的概念进行辩护。为了理解存在性的意义,我们将在马克斯·韦伯的祛魅命题的背景下对其进行概念化,并得出结论:通过政治存在性的概念,施密特将政治领域概念化为意义和价值的中心,从而使政治重新充满魅力。
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引用次数: 0
Fugitive freedom and radical care: Towards a standpoint theory of normativity 逃亡的自由与激进的关怀:走向规范性的立场理论
Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231185954
Daniel Loick
Epistemic standpoint theories have elaborated the effects of social situatedness on epistemic competence: Dominant groups are regularly subject to epistemic blockages that limit the possibility of cognition and knowledge production. Oppressed groups, on the other hand, have access to perceptions and insights that dominant groups lack. This diagnosis can be generalized: Not only our epistemic, but also our normative relation to the world is socially situated, that is, our values, virtues, moral sentiments are shaped by relations of domination. In this article, my goal is to sketch the general outlines of a standpoint theory of normativity. I do so by engaging with two lines of tradition. First, I review conceptions of fugitive freedom in the Black Radical Tradition, before I recapitulate the feminist debate around the concept of care work. The counter-hegemonic norms theorized in these traditions can be brought into dialogue because they are both based on similar presuppositions, namely, political struggle provoked by social contradictions.
认知立场理论阐述了社会情境对认知能力的影响:优势群体经常受到认知障碍的影响,这限制了认知和知识生产的可能性。另一方面,受压迫群体有机会获得主流群体所缺乏的认知和见解。这种诊断可以概括为:不仅我们的认知,而且我们与世界的规范关系是社会定位的,也就是说,我们的价值观、美德、道德情操是由统治关系塑造的。在这篇文章中,我的目标是勾勒出规范性立场理论的总体轮廓。我通过与两种传统相结合来做到这一点。首先,我将回顾《黑人激进传统》中关于逃亡自由的概念,然后再概述围绕护理工作概念的女权主义辩论。在这些传统中理论化的反霸权规范可以被带入对话,因为它们都基于类似的前提,即由社会矛盾引发的政治斗争。
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引用次数: 0
Whose idea of socialism? Conflicting conceptions of the family and women’s subordination 谁的社会主义观念?矛盾的家庭观念和妇女的从属地位
Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231184488
Lois McNay
This article compares Honneth’s attempt to revise socialist thinking on women’s subordination in the family with feminist work on the topic. Both identify economism as the reason why socialism has historically failed to come up with an adequate account of women’s oppression in the family. However, their attempts to overcome economism proceed in different directions. Feminists overcome economism by expanding and enriching ideas of the economic and value producing activity and applying these reworked categories to women’s reproductive labour. Honneth overcomes economism by suspending materialist explanation and focussing on emancipatory ethical dynamics implicit in the family. In comparison to feminist work, Honneth’s ethicised account of gender and family is as reductive as the economism it aims to surmount. First, his progressive historiography engenders a Whiggish narrative of the steady expansion of women’s social freedom in the family that downplays ambiguous and negative historical developments related to the changing nature of patriarchy. Second, his reified archetype of the family obscures the systemic causes of persistent gendered asymmetries within households. Finally, his Hegelian endorsement of institutionally expressed normativity leads in a reformist political direction and away from the radical, deep-democratic options that socialist feminists deem necessary to counteract women’s subordination.
本文将霍尼思试图修正关于妇女在家庭中的从属地位的社会主义思想与女权主义关于这一主题的著作进行比较。两人都认为,经济主义是社会主义在历史上未能充分解释女性在家庭中的压迫的原因。然而,他们试图克服经济主义的方向却各不相同。女权主义者通过扩展和丰富经济和价值生产活动的概念,并将这些重新定义的范畴应用于妇女的生殖劳动,从而克服了经济主义。霍尼思克服了经济主义,暂停了唯物主义的解释,专注于家庭中隐含的解放伦理动力。与女权主义作品相比,霍尼斯对性别和家庭的伦理化描述与它旨在克服的经济主义一样简化。首先,他的进步史学产生了一种辉格式的叙事,讲述了女性在家庭中社会自由的稳步扩张,淡化了与父权制本质变化有关的模糊和消极的历史发展。其次,他对家庭的具象化原型掩盖了家庭中持续存在的性别不对称的系统性原因。最后,他对制度上表达的规范性的黑格尔式认可导致了一种改良主义的政治方向,远离了社会主义女权主义者认为对抗女性从属地位所必需的激进的、深度民主的选择。
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引用次数: 0
Multiaccentual coalitions, dialogic grief and carnivalesque assemblies: Judith Butler and Mikhail Bakhtin meet in the world of ethics 多口音的联合,对话式的悲伤和狂欢式的集会:朱迪思·巴特勒和米哈伊尔·巴赫金在伦理学的世界里相遇
Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1177/01914537231184495
J. Roberts
This article for the first time seeks to bring together theoretical insights from Judith Butler and Mikhail Bakhtin in order to strengthen their respective understanding of ethics. First, the article suggests that Bakhtin’s theory of dialogic events and the ‘multiaccentuality’ and thematic nature of everyday utterances can help Butler address criticisms that suggest her work concentrates too heavily on invariant meanings in utterances. Second, Butler’s theory of coalitions can usefully politicise Bakhtin’s ideas on utterances, while her ethics of grief is a crucial way to think about how we forge bonds with the ‘Other’. Correspondingly, Bakhtin’s theory of the ethical ‘I’ adds an important moment of ‘empathy’ to Butler’s account of grief and the ‘Other’. Third, Butler’s theory of state hegemony and counter-hegemonic assemblies can provide an important addition to Bakhtin’s theory, while Bakhtin’s theory of carnivalesque democracy strengthens Butler’s insights on equality in assemblies and occupying a liveable life.
本文首次将朱迪思·巴特勒和米哈伊尔·巴赫金的理论见解结合起来,以加强他们各自对伦理学的理解。首先,这篇文章认为巴赫金的对话事件理论、日常话语的“多重重音性”和主题性可以帮助巴特勒解决一些批评,这些批评认为她的作品过于关注话语中的不变意义。其次,巴特勒的联盟理论可以有效地将巴赫金的话语思想政治化,而她的悲伤伦理是思考我们如何与“他者”建立联系的关键途径。相应地,巴赫金的伦理“我”理论为巴特勒对悲伤和“他者”的描述增添了一个重要的“共情”时刻。第三,巴特勒的国家霸权和反霸权集会理论可以为巴赫金的理论提供重要的补充,而巴赫金的狂欢式民主理论则加强了巴特勒关于集会平等和占领宜居生活的见解。
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引用次数: 0
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Philosophy &amp; Social Criticism
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