Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2075-5457-2020-35-8
Invasive insect species enter new environment mainly with their host plants and spread rapidly in new conditions due to the absence of natural entomophages that can effectively limit their numbers. Comprehensive studies of the invaders, including crop pest, are of great importance for agricultural practice. In this regard, we investigated mealybugs (Pseudococcidae) in the orchards of five subtropical species, viz. lemon (Citrus limon) mandarin (Citrus reticulate), orange (Citrus sinensis), persimmon (Diospyros kaki), and pomegranate (Punica granatum) in the Lankaran-Astara Region of Azerbaijan. The research was conducted in 2016‒2019 in various seasons. Three mealybug species were recorded from the area in question: Pseudococcus comstocki Kuwana 1902, Pseudococcus viburni Signoret 1875, Pseudococcus calceolariae (Maskell, 1879). An annotated list of species provides collecting localities, their geographical coordinates, dates of collection, and the number of individuals found. We obtained data on species distribution, biology, host plants and signs of infestation. Ps. viburni was registered in the fauna of Azerbaijan for the first time; a developement period of its larvae and imagoes is provided. The highest infestation of the vegetative organs was observed on the citrus plants: on average, 30 % of trees were damaged by Ps. comstocki, 27 % by Ps. viburni, and 21 % by Ps. calceolariae. Two mealybug species (Ps. comstocki, Ps. viburni) were found on the persimmon and only one species (Ps. comstocki) on the pomegranate. Ps. comstocki population density was the highest in the study area (3–5 larvae per 10 cm of branches, and 4–5 colonies per 100 leaves during flowering). All three species were found together on the stems and leaves of citrus crops; Ps. comstocki was observed on the fruits of mandarin and persimmon, and Ps. viburni was only on the persimmon. Based on the data obtained, the degree of harmfulness of the above species was determined: for Ps. comstocki – 3–5 larvae per 10 cm of branches, and 4–5 colonies per 100 leaves during flowering; for Ps. viburni – 2–3 larvae per 10 cm of branches, and 3–4 colonies per 100 leaves during flowering; and for Ps. calceolariae – 2–3 larvae per 10 cm of branches, and 2–3 colonies per 100 leaves during flowering.
{"title":"New data on the fauna of mealybugs (Hemiptera; Pseudococcidae) inhabiting subtropical plants in the Lankaran-Astara Region of Azerbaijan","authors":"","doi":"10.26565/2075-5457-2020-35-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2075-5457-2020-35-8","url":null,"abstract":"Invasive insect species enter new environment mainly with their host plants and spread rapidly in new conditions due to the absence of natural entomophages that can effectively limit their numbers. Comprehensive studies of the invaders, including crop pest, are of great importance for agricultural practice. In this regard, we investigated mealybugs (Pseudococcidae) in the orchards of five subtropical species, viz. lemon (Citrus limon) mandarin (Citrus reticulate), orange (Citrus sinensis), persimmon (Diospyros kaki), and pomegranate (Punica granatum) in the Lankaran-Astara Region of Azerbaijan. The research was conducted in 2016‒2019 in various seasons. Three mealybug species were recorded from the area in question: Pseudococcus comstocki Kuwana 1902, Pseudococcus viburni Signoret 1875, Pseudococcus calceolariae (Maskell, 1879). An annotated list of species provides collecting localities, their geographical coordinates, dates of collection, and the number of individuals found. We obtained data on species distribution, biology, host plants and signs of infestation. Ps. viburni was registered in the fauna of Azerbaijan for the first time; a developement period of its larvae and imagoes is provided. The highest infestation of the vegetative organs was observed on the citrus plants: on average, 30 % of trees were damaged by Ps. comstocki, 27 % by Ps. viburni, and 21 % by Ps. calceolariae. Two mealybug species (Ps. comstocki, Ps. viburni) were found on the persimmon and only one species (Ps. comstocki) on the pomegranate. Ps. comstocki population density was the highest in the study area (3–5 larvae per 10 cm of branches, and 4–5 colonies per 100 leaves during flowering). All three species were found together on the stems and leaves of citrus crops; Ps. comstocki was observed on the fruits of mandarin and persimmon, and Ps. viburni was only on the persimmon. Based on the data obtained, the degree of harmfulness of the above species was determined: for Ps. comstocki – 3–5 larvae per 10 cm of branches, and 4–5 colonies per 100 leaves during flowering; for Ps. viburni – 2–3 larvae per 10 cm of branches, and 3–4 colonies per 100 leaves during flowering; and for Ps. calceolariae – 2–3 larvae per 10 cm of branches, and 2–3 colonies per 100 leaves during flowering.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75889046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-09
The circumstances of Iran’s withdrawal from the nuclear deal or the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which was signed between Iran and the six great powers in 2015, were considered. It is indicated that the US withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 and US economic sanctions against Iran were the main reasons for Tehran’s phased withdrawal from the nuclear deal. It was noted that the assassinations of two well-known Iranian figures at the beginning and at the end of 2020 – General Qasem Soleimani and nuclear physicist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh provoked Iran to completely abandon the provisions of the JCPOA and to radicalize its nuclear policy. The implications of Iran’s gradual withdrawal from the nuclear deal for the security of Euro-Atlantic structures are analyzed. It has been proven that the risks associated with the development of the Iranian nuclear program were relatively insignificant during 2019. However, these risks began to increase in 2020 and especially at the beginning of 2021. The circumstances of Iran’s decision on possible increasing the uranium enrichment level to 20% and on the probable limiting the access to Iranian nuclear facilities for international inspectors were considered. It is analyzed whether such a decision of Iran can bring this country closer to obtaining nuclear weapons. It is concluded that, most likely, despite the technical capabilities, Iran will not make a political decision to produce an atomic bomb in the near future to avoid its complete isolation. Therefore, the potential nuclear conflict with Iran does not yet threaten to Euro-Atlantic security. Differences in attitudes towards the Iranian nuclear program between the United States and its European NATO allies during Donald Trump’s presidency are traced. The prospects for a change in the American position toward Iran during Joseph Biden’s presidency are assessed. The article analyzes the difficulties that the United States and its allies may face in the course of negotiations with Iran during the presidency of J. Biden. It is indicated that the influential conservative elements in Iran may delay Iran’s return to the nuclear deal in order to bargain for better conditions. It is concluded that the United States and its allies should respond to possible Iranian provocations by economic sanctions rather than by forceful actions, which could lead to an escalation that is dangerous for the Euro-Atlantic security.
{"title":"CONSEQUENCES OF IRAN’S WITHDRAWAL FROM THE NUCLEAR DEAL FOR EURO-ATLANTIC SECURITY","authors":"","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-09","url":null,"abstract":"The circumstances of Iran’s withdrawal from the nuclear deal or the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which was signed between Iran and the six great powers in 2015, were considered. It is indicated that the US withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 and US economic sanctions against Iran were the main reasons for Tehran’s phased withdrawal from the nuclear deal. It was noted that the assassinations of two well-known Iranian figures at the beginning and at the end of 2020 – General Qasem Soleimani and nuclear physicist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh provoked Iran to completely abandon the provisions of the JCPOA and to radicalize its nuclear policy. The implications of Iran’s gradual withdrawal from the nuclear deal for the security of Euro-Atlantic structures are analyzed. It has been proven that the risks associated with the development of the Iranian nuclear program were relatively insignificant during 2019. However, these risks began to increase in 2020 and especially at the beginning of 2021. The circumstances of Iran’s decision on possible increasing the uranium enrichment level to 20% and on the probable limiting the access to Iranian nuclear facilities for international inspectors were considered. It is analyzed whether such a decision of Iran can bring this country closer to obtaining nuclear weapons. It is concluded that, most likely, despite the technical capabilities, Iran will not make a political decision to produce an atomic bomb in the near future to avoid its complete isolation. Therefore, the potential nuclear conflict with Iran does not yet threaten to Euro-Atlantic security. Differences in attitudes towards the Iranian nuclear program between the United States and its European NATO allies during Donald Trump’s presidency are traced. The prospects for a change in the American position toward Iran during Joseph Biden’s presidency are assessed. The article analyzes the difficulties that the United States and its allies may face in the course of negotiations with Iran during the presidency of J. Biden. It is indicated that the influential conservative elements in Iran may delay Iran’s return to the nuclear deal in order to bargain for better conditions. It is concluded that the United States and its allies should respond to possible Iranian provocations by economic sanctions rather than by forceful actions, which could lead to an escalation that is dangerous for the Euro-Atlantic security.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88553772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-17
Майдан Свободи
The article examines the first approbation of the Electoral Code on the material of the 2020 local elections in the Kharkiv region. The authors pay special attention to the effects of open lists systems and the degree of influence of preferential votes on the personal distribution of seats in local councils. The article calculates the percentage of voters who used the right of preferential votes in all 14 constituencies and main party lists. We argue that according to the indicators of the use of the preferential vote right and the percentage of invalid ballots, the voters of the Kharkiv region demonstrated a high degree of adaptive readiness for the new electoral system. The article analyzes the effects of blocking mechanisms incorporated in the electoral system, which reduced the influence of preferential votes of voters and retained the control of the party leadership over the personal distribution of mandates in the councils. The ratio between the seats from the district lists and the unified closed party lists was quantified (based on election results for the regional council and 17 city councils of the region). The article analyzes the intensity of changes in the ballot position of candidates in the district lists on regional council elections. We demonstrate that only 20% of seats were received by candidates placed by the party leadership in a “no-pass” ballot position. The article argues that the electoral formula introduced in the 2020 local elections did not work as a system with open lists proportional representation. According to the statistics of the personal allocation of seats in the newly elected councils, this model seems to be something in between the systems of flexible and closed lists. In this regard, the article develops new arguments in the debate on how the norms of electoral legislation reduce the role of preferential votes of voters and proposes recommendations for amending the Electoral Code.
{"title":"HOW OPEN LIST PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION WORKS IN THE 2020 LOCAL ELECTIONS AT KHARKIV REGION?","authors":"Майдан Свободи","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-17","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the first approbation of the Electoral Code on the material of the 2020 local elections in the Kharkiv region. The authors pay special attention to the effects of open lists systems and the degree of influence of preferential votes on the personal distribution of seats in local councils. The article calculates the percentage of voters who used the right of preferential votes in all 14 constituencies and main party lists. We argue that according to the indicators of the use of the preferential vote right and the percentage of invalid ballots, the voters of the Kharkiv region demonstrated a high degree of adaptive readiness for the new electoral system. The article analyzes the effects of blocking mechanisms incorporated in the electoral system, which reduced the influence of preferential votes of voters and retained the control of the party leadership over the personal distribution of mandates in the councils. The ratio between the seats from the district lists and the unified closed party lists was quantified (based on election results for the regional council and 17 city councils of the region). The article analyzes the intensity of changes in the ballot position of candidates in the district lists on regional council elections. We demonstrate that only 20% of seats were received by candidates placed by the party leadership in a “no-pass” ballot position. The article argues that the electoral formula introduced in the 2020 local elections did not work as a system with open lists proportional representation. According to the statistics of the personal allocation of seats in the newly elected councils, this model seems to be something in between the systems of flexible and closed lists. In this regard, the article develops new arguments in the debate on how the norms of electoral legislation reduce the role of preferential votes of voters and proposes recommendations for amending the Electoral Code.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91281667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-05
Скіннер передбачає, що гро, мадяни є «замовником, а держава, і чинов, Таким чином, представники республі
The factors of legitimation and delegitimization of power in the context of the functioning of transitional states are considered and analyzed. The peculiarity of such states is the problem of consolidation of citizens on the basis of common values, the absence of which gradually leads to the delegitimization of the political regime. Particular attention is paid to classical and modern interpretations of legitimacy and related concepts. An understanding of the definition of «legitimacy» is given as an order in which the power of the rulers and the voluntary subordination of the governed, i.e. free recognition by each member of the legal society. It is established that there are different political institutions with different levels of legitimacy in society. The main factors and phases of legitimacy are analyzed, on the example of Ukraine, allocated factors that lead to the delegitimization of a political regime. The problem of the functioning of the institutional process in the post-Soviet states through the phenomenon of double institutionalization, which is characterized by public consent to the functioning of old and new institutions at the same time, is considered separately. The nature of such a phenomenon, which is characterized by a destructive impact on the democratic transformation of society due to the congestion of the new institutional space, has been established. A number of factors of delegitimization of the political regime are analyzed and the classification of factors into economic, geographical, political. The dependence of different factors on different conditions of power is determined. The peculiarity of the delegitimization process in Ukraine, which is characterized by multifactorial with elements of adaptability, has been established. Based on all the theories presented, it is concluded that legitimacy is not only a set of values, it has both cognitive and normative aspects.
{"title":"FACTOR OF DELEGITIMIZATION IN THE PROCESS OF DESTABILIZATION OF THE POLITICAL REGIME","authors":"Скіннер передбачає, що гро, мадяни є «замовником, а держава, і чинов, Таким чином, представники республі","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-05","url":null,"abstract":"The factors of legitimation and delegitimization of power in the context of the functioning of transitional states are considered and analyzed. The peculiarity of such states is the problem of consolidation of citizens on the basis of common values, the absence of which gradually leads to the delegitimization of the political regime. Particular attention is paid to classical and modern interpretations of legitimacy and related concepts. An understanding of the definition of «legitimacy» is given as an order in which the power of the rulers and the voluntary subordination of the governed, i.e. free recognition by each member of the legal society. It is established that there are different political institutions with different levels of legitimacy in society. The main factors and phases of legitimacy are analyzed, on the example of Ukraine, allocated factors that lead to the delegitimization of a political regime. The problem of the functioning of the institutional process in the post-Soviet states through the phenomenon of double institutionalization, which is characterized by public consent to the functioning of old and new institutions at the same time, is considered separately. The nature of such a phenomenon, which is characterized by a destructive impact on the democratic transformation of society due to the congestion of the new institutional space, has been established. A number of factors of delegitimization of the political regime are analyzed and the classification of factors into economic, geographical, political. The dependence of different factors on different conditions of power is determined. The peculiarity of the delegitimization process in Ukraine, which is characterized by multifactorial with elements of adaptability, has been established. Based on all the theories presented, it is concluded that legitimacy is not only a set of values, it has both cognitive and normative aspects.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81837966","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-11
The question about socio-political conditions in Islamic states, which may affect the activities of terrorist organizations is considered. The countries of the Middle East are most often faced with terrorist activity. The population of these countries may be ethnically diverse or homogeneous, but the overwhelming majority professes Islam - a religion that has spiritual, legal and socio-political principles, offers an alternative approach to the foundations of the state system and the principles of its functioning. Islamism as a political trend has its supporters among both moderate and radical social groups in these countries. The ruling elites of some countries proclaims Islam the state religion with the appropriate preferences for it. However, Islamic states no less, and sometimes more than other countries in these regions, suffer from the activities of terrorist groups. A number of socio-political characteristics that take place in Islamic states is highlighted, and their possible connection with the emergence and further activities of terrorist groups in any direction (from collecting information and recruiting local people to preparing and conducting a terrorist attack) is considered. Attention is paid to the relationship between the stability of the political system in Islamic states and their controllability of the territory within their own borders with the presence and type of the activities of terrorist organizations. The mutual importance of the problems of security, education, living conditions and features of the political regime in the issue of the risk of the emergence and further existence of terrorist groups in the Islamic state is accented. The necessity of a complex of factors for the existence of a terrorist group is emphasized. It is noted that this complex is different for the constant or short-term activities of terrorists. The deterioration of the situation regarding the existence and activities of terrorists in the country is the greater, the more threatening factors appear, the less important will be the features of the political regime. The priority of individual factors in the presence of various situations is established type.
{"title":"SOCIO-POLITICAL FACTORS OF TERRORIST GROUPS EXISTENCE IN ISLAMIC STATES","authors":"","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-11","url":null,"abstract":"The question about socio-political conditions in Islamic states, which may affect the activities of terrorist organizations is considered. The countries of the Middle East are most often faced with terrorist activity. The population of these countries may be ethnically diverse or homogeneous, but the overwhelming majority professes Islam - a religion that has spiritual, legal and socio-political principles, offers an alternative approach to the foundations of the state system and the principles of its functioning. Islamism as a political trend has its supporters among both moderate and radical social groups in these countries. The ruling elites of some countries proclaims Islam the state religion with the appropriate preferences for it. However, Islamic states no less, and sometimes more than other countries in these regions, suffer from the activities of terrorist groups. A number of socio-political characteristics that take place in Islamic states is highlighted, and their possible connection with the emergence and further activities of terrorist groups in any direction (from collecting information and recruiting local people to preparing and conducting a terrorist attack) is considered. Attention is paid to the relationship between the stability of the political system in Islamic states and their controllability of the territory within their own borders with the presence and type of the activities of terrorist organizations. The mutual importance of the problems of security, education, living conditions and features of the political regime in the issue of the risk of the emergence and further existence of terrorist groups in the Islamic state is accented. The necessity of a complex of factors for the existence of a terrorist group is emphasized. It is noted that this complex is different for the constant or short-term activities of terrorists. The deterioration of the situation regarding the existence and activities of terrorists in the country is the greater, the more threatening factors appear, the less important will be the features of the political regime. The priority of individual factors in the presence of various situations is established type.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"83 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83993639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2075-5457-2020-34-4
Earlier we have shown that dirhenium(III) dicarboxylate complex with γ-aminobutyric acid possessed higher antitumor activity, than those of the previously investigated alkylcarboxylates, also may act as a modulator of cisplatin mechanism of action and as a stabilizer of red blood cells in tumor-bearing organisms. Thus, the task of the work was to investigate anticancer activity of the complex cis-[Re2(β-Ala)2Cl6] (I) in the model of tumor growth in vivo and to realize if the amino acid residue influences the DNA-binding activity of the amino acid derivatives of the cluster rhenium(III) compounds. Antitumor properties of the complex I were studied in the model of tumor growth with the use of Wistar rats inoculated by tumor carcinoma Guerink cells. The introduction of the compound alone in free and liposomal forms inhibited the tumor growth by 36 % and 45 % correspondingly, that is more than for dirhenium(III) clusters with alkyl ligands. The combined introduction of I and cisplatin had a significant impact on the tumor growth and showed the disappearance of the tumors in most of the animals. No considerable differences were found between introduction of liposomal and free form of I. The electronic absorption spectra of Calf Thymus DNA (CT-DNA) exhibit hyperchromism in the presence of increasing amounts of I. The DNA band at ~ 260 nm arises from the π-π* transitions of the nucleic acid bases and changes in the intensity and slight wavelength shifts of this characteristic band reflect the corresponding structural modifications of the DNA, which include changes in stacking, disruption of the hydrogen bonds between complementary strands, covalent binding of the DNA bases, intercalation of aromatic rings and others. The binding constant Kb(I) = 2.43 × 103 M-1 to CT-DNA was obtained that was lower than the values reported for the classical DNA intercalators and compares well with the magnitude of the binding constants for other complexes of dirhenium(III); titration of СT-DNA with cisPt and hydrogen peroxide also leads to a hypochromic effect, weak at low concentrations and more significant at high concentrations of I; the DNA binding constants increased in several times when using H2O2 or cisplatin that confirms a mechanism for redox activation of interaction of I with DNA in a cancer cell. The obtained results demonstrate the possibility of application of the amino acid derivatives of dirhenium(III) clusters in antitumor therapy.
{"title":"Dirhenium(III) complex with beta-alanine ligand: anticancer, antioxidant and DNA-binding properties","authors":"","doi":"10.26565/2075-5457-2020-34-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2075-5457-2020-34-4","url":null,"abstract":"Earlier we have shown that dirhenium(III) dicarboxylate complex with γ-aminobutyric acid possessed higher antitumor activity, than those of the previously investigated alkylcarboxylates, also may act as a modulator of cisplatin mechanism of action and as a stabilizer of red blood cells in tumor-bearing organisms. Thus, the task of the work was to investigate anticancer activity of the complex cis-[Re2(β-Ala)2Cl6] (I) in the model of tumor growth in vivo and to realize if the amino acid residue influences the DNA-binding activity of the amino acid derivatives of the cluster rhenium(III) compounds. Antitumor properties of the complex I were studied in the model of tumor growth with the use of Wistar rats inoculated by tumor carcinoma Guerink cells. The introduction of the compound alone in free and liposomal forms inhibited the tumor growth by 36 % and 45 % correspondingly, that is more than for dirhenium(III) clusters with alkyl ligands. The combined introduction of I and cisplatin had a significant impact on the tumor growth and showed the disappearance of the tumors in most of the animals. No considerable differences were found between introduction of liposomal and free form of I. The electronic absorption spectra of Calf Thymus DNA (CT-DNA) exhibit hyperchromism in the presence of increasing amounts of I. The DNA band at ~ 260 nm arises from the π-π* transitions of the nucleic acid bases and changes in the intensity and slight wavelength shifts of this characteristic band reflect the corresponding structural modifications of the DNA, which include changes in stacking, disruption of the hydrogen bonds between complementary strands, covalent binding of the DNA bases, intercalation of aromatic rings and others. The binding constant Kb(I) = 2.43 × 103 M-1 to CT-DNA was obtained that was lower than the values reported for the classical DNA intercalators and compares well with the magnitude of the binding constants for other complexes of dirhenium(III); titration of СT-DNA with cisPt and hydrogen peroxide also leads to a hypochromic effect, weak at low concentrations and more significant at high concentrations of I; the DNA binding constants increased in several times when using H2O2 or cisplatin that confirms a mechanism for redox activation of interaction of I with DNA in a cancer cell. The obtained results demonstrate the possibility of application of the amino acid derivatives of dirhenium(III) clusters in antitumor therapy.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82510594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-13
The present paper is devoted to the study of hegemony as a process of power distribution, which is based on the constant interaction of modes – dynamic characteristics of hegemony. Hegemony was often viewed as a phenomenon or state of political and ethical reality though macrohistorical, world-system and socio-economic studies during the twentieth century showed that hegemony should be considered as a process, i.e. as a whole directed and stable set of relationships (economic, social, political, military, cultural, etc.), which form the normative-value space of both society and forms of political organization, such as empires or modern states. The article analyzes the hegemony of the United States of America as a modern empire, which is characterized by transnationality, the use of «reasonable power» and the creation of an extensive infrastructure of control and discipline in various spheres of life of both societies and states. The use of structural-functional and world-system approaches has shown that US hegemony consists of four main modes (as further research may reveal other modes): capital, power, power relations, and ideology, which have a specific set of structures with their own content that provide reproduction of hegemony and its further expansion. It is proved that dollarization of the world, control over the banking system and stock exchanges, constant use of its own military forces and their mobility, control over international associations (both global and local levels), transnationalization of culture, technology and information, production of global trends, transformation of hierarchies of values and globalization processes are components of modern hegemony, its dynamic characteristics and structures that ensure its functionality. The existing structures create a dominant position of the United States in the world, which is reflected in the transformation of normative value systems of different societies, and also serve as a basis for structural and functional metamorphoses in political systems of different countries in the orbit of hegemonic influence.
{"title":"STRUCTURES OF MODERN HEGEMONY: THE USA CASESTUDY","authors":"","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-13","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper is devoted to the study of hegemony as a process of power distribution, which is based on the constant interaction of modes – dynamic characteristics of hegemony. Hegemony was often viewed as a phenomenon or state of political and ethical reality though macrohistorical, world-system and socio-economic studies during the twentieth century showed that hegemony should be considered as a process, i.e. as a whole directed and stable set of relationships (economic, social, political, military, cultural, etc.), which form the normative-value space of both society and forms of political organization, such as empires or modern states. The article analyzes the hegemony of the United States of America as a modern empire, which is characterized by transnationality, the use of «reasonable power» and the creation of an extensive infrastructure of control and discipline in various spheres of life of both societies and states. The use of structural-functional and world-system approaches has shown that US hegemony consists of four main modes (as further research may reveal other modes): capital, power, power relations, and ideology, which have a specific set of structures with their own content that provide reproduction of hegemony and its further expansion. It is proved that dollarization of the world, control over the banking system and stock exchanges, constant use of its own military forces and their mobility, control over international associations (both global and local levels), transnationalization of culture, technology and information, production of global trends, transformation of hierarchies of values and globalization processes are components of modern hegemony, its dynamic characteristics and structures that ensure its functionality. The existing structures create a dominant position of the United States in the world, which is reflected in the transformation of normative value systems of different societies, and also serve as a basis for structural and functional metamorphoses in political systems of different countries in the orbit of hegemonic influence.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"111 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79072127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-10
The article covers the participation of women in peacebuilding processes in a general theoretical context. The author focuses on the positive role of women in the peace process based on the results of UN studies, scientific papers, and statistics. The National Action Plan for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 «Women, Peace, Security» for the period up to 2020 recognized as a fundamental document establishing the need for updating women's representation in building peace in Ukraine. The author outlines several basic models for the inclusion of women in peacebuilding processes. The research identifies the shortcomings of women's representation in peacebuilding issues and indicates priority areas for further development. Based on the analysis of the National Action Plan for the implementation of Resolution 1325, the author determines a list of the main problems and gaps. Particular attention is paid to the need to overcome discriminatory exclusion practices for women due to the negative consequences of such decisions. To achieve this goal, the author proposed to change the focus of the research on women's participation in peacebuilding processes and expand the list of issues in which women are involved. The contextual analysis of the documents has led to the anticipated conclusion that women are mainly involved in social issues and at the level of advisory councils. The intensive participation of public organizations in peacebuilding has a positive impact in the long run. In the results of the study, the author formulates several key conclusions regarding the realization of the National Action Plan for the implementation of the Resolution 1325, identifies problems and weaknesses. To increase the effectiveness of the next plan (up to 2025), the author suggests applying two general scientific approaches. The article identifies the need for continuing research on regional action plans to include women in peacebuilding to create an effective adaptive system of sustainable peace in Ukraine.
{"title":"WOMEN’S ROLE IN PEACEBUILDING: IMPLEMENTATION CHALLENGES IN UKRAINE","authors":"","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2020-37-10","url":null,"abstract":"The article covers the participation of women in peacebuilding processes in a general theoretical context. The author focuses on the positive role of women in the peace process based on the results of UN studies, scientific papers, and statistics. The National Action Plan for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 «Women, Peace, Security» for the period up to 2020 recognized as a fundamental document establishing the need for updating women's representation in building peace in Ukraine. The author outlines several basic models for the inclusion of women in peacebuilding processes. The research identifies the shortcomings of women's representation in peacebuilding issues and indicates priority areas for further development. Based on the analysis of the National Action Plan for the implementation of Resolution 1325, the author determines a list of the main problems and gaps. Particular attention is paid to the need to overcome discriminatory exclusion practices for women due to the negative consequences of such decisions. To achieve this goal, the author proposed to change the focus of the research on women's participation in peacebuilding processes and expand the list of issues in which women are involved. The contextual analysis of the documents has led to the anticipated conclusion that women are mainly involved in social issues and at the level of advisory councils. The intensive participation of public organizations in peacebuilding has a positive impact in the long run. In the results of the study, the author formulates several key conclusions regarding the realization of the National Action Plan for the implementation of the Resolution 1325, identifies problems and weaknesses. To increase the effectiveness of the next plan (up to 2025), the author suggests applying two general scientific approaches. The article identifies the need for continuing research on regional action plans to include women in peacebuilding to create an effective adaptive system of sustainable peace in Ukraine.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87351443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2075-5457-2020-35-13
The effectiveness of using various methionine preparations for activating pancreatic function is ambiguous; the reasons may include differences in dosage and duration of methionine administration. The question remains, in what extent the methionine application is efficacious for increasing functional activity of a healthy pancreas. The aim of our study was to investigate morphological changes in pancreas after prolonged administration of methionine. The experiments were carried out on 24 males of Wistar rats at the age of 15 months. During 21 days, the experimental animals received methionine at a daily dose of 250 mg/kg of body weight in addition to the standard diet. Histological preparations were made from pancreatic tissue according to standard method. Morphometry was performed using the computer program «Image J». The rats were taken out of the experiment under ether anesthesia. The studies were carried out in accordance with the provisions of the "European Convention for the Protection of Vertebrate Animals used for Experimental and Other Scientific Purposes" (Strasbourg, 1986). Upon completion of the experiment, histomorphological sings of an increase in functional activity were registered in both exocrine (enlarged acini’s areas and their epithelium height, higher nuclear-cytoplasmic ratio of exocrinocytes, and higher number of nucleoli in cell nuclei) and endocrine (enlarged sizes of the Langerhans islets and increased number of endocrinocytes in the islets) parts of the rat pancreas. In the experimental rats, the relative area of the connective tissue and the stromal-parenchyma index of the pancreas, as well as the width of the interlobular and interacinus layers of connective tissue decreased. A decrease in the mass of connective tissue in the pancreas can be considered as one of the signs of its function activation, an improvement in metabolism between acini, and an increase in regenerative capabilities. Thus, additional administration of prophylactic doses of methionine to healthy animals results in distinct morphological signs of increased pancreatic activity.
{"title":"Histomorphological changes in the rat pancreas after methionine administration","authors":"","doi":"10.26565/2075-5457-2020-35-13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2075-5457-2020-35-13","url":null,"abstract":"The effectiveness of using various methionine preparations for activating pancreatic function is ambiguous; the reasons may include differences in dosage and duration of methionine administration. The question remains, in what extent the methionine application is efficacious for increasing functional activity of a healthy pancreas. The aim of our study was to investigate morphological changes in pancreas after prolonged administration of methionine. The experiments were carried out on 24 males of Wistar rats at the age of 15 months. During 21 days, the experimental animals received methionine at a daily dose of 250 mg/kg of body weight in addition to the standard diet. Histological preparations were made from pancreatic tissue according to standard method. Morphometry was performed using the computer program «Image J». The rats were taken out of the experiment under ether anesthesia. The studies were carried out in accordance with the provisions of the \"European Convention for the Protection of Vertebrate Animals used for Experimental and Other Scientific Purposes\" (Strasbourg, 1986). Upon completion of the experiment, histomorphological sings of an increase in functional activity were registered in both exocrine (enlarged acini’s areas and their epithelium height, higher nuclear-cytoplasmic ratio of exocrinocytes, and higher number of nucleoli in cell nuclei) and endocrine (enlarged sizes of the Langerhans islets and increased number of endocrinocytes in the islets) parts of the rat pancreas. In the experimental rats, the relative area of the connective tissue and the stromal-parenchyma index of the pancreas, as well as the width of the interlobular and interacinus layers of connective tissue decreased. A decrease in the mass of connective tissue in the pancreas can be considered as one of the signs of its function activation, an improvement in metabolism between acini, and an increase in regenerative capabilities. Thus, additional administration of prophylactic doses of methionine to healthy animals results in distinct morphological signs of increased pancreatic activity.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86336813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-14
The aggravation of military-political conflicts at the beginning of the XXI century is analyzed. On the example of the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of a part of Donbass, the content nature of armed conflicts and their difference from the classical forms of total war are revealed. It is assumed that the urgency of this problem will increase in the coming years. On the one hand, this is due to the strengthening, of scientific interest in the theoretical problems of the existence of various types and forms of modern armed-political conflicts, and, on the other hand, this is due to the practical needs of finding an adequate response from Ukraine and the entire democratic world community to the Russian annexation of Crimea and the occupation of a part of Donetsk and Luhansk regions in 2014 year. The emergence of new forms of armed-political confrontation and «hybrid peace» destroys a clear boundary between a local armed conflict and a «big» war, which necessitates a new understanding of the significance and role of non-military pressure factors in these conditions. In this context, the economy, culture, information, science and politics are turning into instruments of «soft power» that have a significant impact on the life safety of the population of any state, can cause negative consequences for social, cultural, economic, technological and environmental security. «Hybrid» armed-political conflicts blur the line between the army and the population, between enemies and allies, between the front and the rear. Modern armed clashes are inextricably linked with a significant deterioration in the living conditions of the population and a decrease in the level of its social protection. The emergence of a big number of refugees and internally displaced persons as another important negative consequence of the modern armed-political conflict is revealed. Modern forms of military-political conflicts are defined as a characteristic of interstate relations. It is concluded that the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is causing a global transformation of the world geopolitical space, the established rules of world security and interstate relations.
{"title":"ANEXIA AND OCCUPATION AS FACTORS OF EXCERVATION OF THE ARMED-POLITICAL CONFLICT UNLEASHED BY RUSSIA AGAINST UKRAINE","authors":"","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2020-38-14","url":null,"abstract":"The aggravation of military-political conflicts at the beginning of the XXI century is analyzed. On the example of the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of a part of Donbass, the content nature of armed conflicts and their difference from the classical forms of total war are revealed. It is assumed that the urgency of this problem will increase in the coming years. On the one hand, this is due to the strengthening, of scientific interest in the theoretical problems of the existence of various types and forms of modern armed-political conflicts, and, on the other hand, this is due to the practical needs of finding an adequate response from Ukraine and the entire democratic world community to the Russian annexation of Crimea and the occupation of a part of Donetsk and Luhansk regions in 2014 year. The emergence of new forms of armed-political confrontation and «hybrid peace» destroys a clear boundary between a local armed conflict and a «big» war, which necessitates a new understanding of the significance and role of non-military pressure factors in these conditions. In this context, the economy, culture, information, science and politics are turning into instruments of «soft power» that have a significant impact on the life safety of the population of any state, can cause negative consequences for social, cultural, economic, technological and environmental security. «Hybrid» armed-political conflicts blur the line between the army and the population, between enemies and allies, between the front and the rear. Modern armed clashes are inextricably linked with a significant deterioration in the living conditions of the population and a decrease in the level of its social protection. The emergence of a big number of refugees and internally displaced persons as another important negative consequence of the modern armed-political conflict is revealed. Modern forms of military-political conflicts are defined as a characteristic of interstate relations. It is concluded that the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is causing a global transformation of the world geopolitical space, the established rules of world security and interstate relations.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"51 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82962688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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