Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-03
N. Vinnykova
The article provides insight into how developments in artificial intelligence (AI) affect the balance of power in the digital world order. This study reveals the global trends in the political and regulatory support for the development and implementation of AI, as well as peculiarities of government strategies in this area.The United States of America and China have been proven to be the most powerful actors in the international system in using AI. Thanks to investments, regulatory and institutional support and the introduction of AI technologies in the foreign policy’s domain, these two states form a duopoly of the digital world order. A significant advantage of the United States and China in promoting artificial intelligence is the presence of transnational tech giants such as Google and Tencent, etc. It is noted that European countries, primarily those that are part of the EU, are united by an ethical-oriented approach to the production and implementation of AI technologies. However, they are inferior to the United States and China in investment and infrastructure support for the development of artificial intelligence technologies. Our findings indicate that access to data is a challenge for states claiming technological dominance in the international system. In this aspect, the advantage is on the side of China. The latter not only has full-scale access to the personal data of its citizens, but is also actively developing tools for collecting data in other states, in particular by implementing the «Digital Silk Road» strategy. The paper highlights the correlations between the introduction of new technologies and the reconfiguration of the geopolitical balance of forces in the historical retrospective. Our analysis confirms that a feature of the current stage of technological development is that the primacy in the implementation of AI technologies provides an advantage only in the short term. Unlike previous technological revolutions, the current one is characterized by the rapidity of adaptation and the comprehensive implementation of AI, and thus provides an opportunity for any actor in international relations, public or private to make systemic impact, which can dramatically change the geopolitical balance of power on the international stage.
{"title":"ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AS FACTOR OF GEOPOLITICAL POWER","authors":"N. Vinnykova","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-03","url":null,"abstract":"The article provides insight into how developments in artificial intelligence (AI) affect the balance of power in the digital world order. This study reveals the global trends in the political and regulatory support for the development and implementation of AI, as well as peculiarities of government strategies in this area.The United States of America and China have been proven to be the most powerful actors in the international system in using AI. Thanks to investments, regulatory and institutional support and the introduction of AI technologies in the foreign policy’s domain, these two states form a duopoly of the digital world order. A significant advantage of the United States and China in promoting artificial intelligence is the presence of transnational tech giants such as Google and Tencent, etc.\u0000\u0000It is noted that European countries, primarily those that are part of the EU, are united by an ethical-oriented approach to the production and implementation of AI technologies. However, they are inferior to the United States and China in investment and infrastructure support for the development of artificial intelligence technologies.\u0000\u0000Our findings indicate that access to data is a challenge for states claiming technological dominance in the international system. In this aspect, the advantage is on the side of China. The latter not only has full-scale access to the personal data of its citizens, but is also actively developing tools for collecting data in other states, in particular by implementing the «Digital Silk Road» strategy.\u0000\u0000The paper highlights the correlations between the introduction of new technologies and the reconfiguration of the geopolitical balance of forces in the historical retrospective. Our analysis confirms that a feature of the current stage of technological development is that the primacy in the implementation of AI technologies provides an advantage only in the short term.\u0000\u0000Unlike previous technological revolutions, the current one is characterized by the rapidity of adaptation and the comprehensive implementation of AI, and thus provides an opportunity for any actor in international relations, public or private to make systemic impact, which can dramatically change the geopolitical balance of power on the international stage.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73850573","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-01
Maryna Shapovalenko
Changes of geopolitical centers under the conditions of modern geopolitical turbulence and processes of fragmentation of the world political order are considered. It is noted that the pandemic has intensified the process of closing state borders. In the context of the crisis of the established institutions of liberal democracy, the emergence of post-democracy as a phenomenon and process of evolution of «exemplary» democracies became a clear proof of this crisis. It has been established that this results in the perversion of the political regimes of the "new democracies", the post-Soviet space in particular. The uneven economic development of the post-Soviet countries has increased and the differences between these countries in terms of attitudes to various geopolitical projects have increased. It is noted that the political regimes of the "new democracies" have become regimes of competitive oligarchy and neo-patrimonialism, the influence of certain oligarchic groups and their representatives has increased. This gave them more opportunities to dominate the hierarchy of power and overcome existing institutional constraints, which ultimately created the conditions for the creation of pseudo-democratic regimes. Important features of pseudo-democracies that allow oligarchic groups and authoritarian rulers of official political institutions in post-Soviet pseudo-democracies to exercise control over the prevalence of patronage policy are highlighted. It turns out that gradual democratization occurs every time rivals of pseudo-democratic leaders come to power through democratic elections, that pseudo-democratic leaders are authoritarian leaders, abuse state resources to deprive the opposition of access to these important resources. Such perversions preclude any possibility of creating a level playing field for democratic political competition that allows the opposition to win the election.
{"title":"PERVERSIONS OF POLITICAL REGIMES IN THE CONDITIONS OF INHIBITION OF GLOBALIZATION AND DEDEMOCRATIZATION","authors":"Maryna Shapovalenko","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-01","url":null,"abstract":"Changes of geopolitical centers under the conditions of modern geopolitical turbulence and processes of fragmentation of the world political order are considered. It is noted that the pandemic has intensified the process of closing state borders. In the context of the crisis of the established institutions of liberal democracy, the emergence of post-democracy as a phenomenon and process of evolution of «exemplary» democracies became a clear proof of this crisis. It has been established that this results in the perversion of the political regimes of the \"new democracies\", the post-Soviet space in particular. The uneven economic development of the post-Soviet countries has increased and the differences between these countries in terms of attitudes to various geopolitical projects have increased. It is noted that the political regimes of the \"new democracies\" have become regimes of competitive oligarchy and neo-patrimonialism, the influence of certain oligarchic groups and their representatives has increased. This gave them more opportunities to dominate the hierarchy of power and overcome existing institutional constraints, which ultimately created the conditions for the creation of pseudo-democratic regimes. Important features of pseudo-democracies that allow oligarchic groups and authoritarian rulers of official political institutions in post-Soviet pseudo-democracies to exercise control over the prevalence of patronage policy are highlighted.\u0000\u0000It turns out that gradual democratization occurs every time rivals of pseudo-democratic leaders come to power through democratic elections, that pseudo-democratic leaders are authoritarian leaders, abuse state resources to deprive the opposition of access to these important resources. Such perversions preclude any possibility of creating a level playing field for democratic political competition that allows the opposition to win the election.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87102502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-02
Yana Sychova
The concept of identity and identity politics through the prism of the constructivist approach is considered. It is found out that the issue of national identity is becoming topical in the context of globalization. It is determined that the mechanism of identity protection at the level of nation-states is the formation and implementation of identity politics by government institutions. It is noted that, despite the absence of a unified approach to the study and analysis of identity and identity politics, the constructivist paradigm is one of the most powerful modern tools for studying these phenomena. The interdisciplinary nature of the concept of identity, its borrowing from social psychology and further development within political science, philosophy, sociology are highlighted. The polysemy of the concept of identity is identified. The features of the phenomena of identity and identity politics in the theories of researchers-constructivists are highlighted. The discursive nature of identity, in particular national ones, is defined. It is determined that the identity appears as a product of short-lived discourses that are struggling for power. The role of national governments in constructing identity and implementation of the identity politics is emphasized. The goals of the institutions of power in the context of identity politics are substantiated. The significance of the opposition «We – They», «friend – enemy» in the identity politics is substantiated. The role of symbols, rituals, mass ceremonies within the identity politics, which is a component of symbolic politics, is established. It is proved that the identity politics is based on the development of cultural meanings, in particular historical, geographical and other data, national memory, collective myths, as well as taking into account the specific context, indicating the constructed nature of identity and implementation of the relevant politics.
{"title":"IDENTITY AND IDENTITY POLITICS: CONCEPTUALIZATION OF PHENOMENA THROUGH THE PRISM OF CONSTRUCTIVISM","authors":"Yana Sychova","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-02","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of identity and identity politics through the prism of the constructivist approach is considered. It is found out that the issue of national identity is becoming topical in the context of globalization. It is determined that the mechanism of identity protection at the level of nation-states is the formation and implementation of identity politics by government institutions.\u0000\u0000It is noted that, despite the absence of a unified approach to the study and analysis of identity and identity politics, the constructivist paradigm is one of the most powerful modern tools for studying these phenomena. The interdisciplinary nature of the concept of identity, its borrowing from social psychology and further development within political science, philosophy, sociology are highlighted. \u0000\u0000The polysemy of the concept of identity is identified. The features of the phenomena of identity and identity politics in the theories of researchers-constructivists are highlighted. The discursive nature of identity, in particular national ones, is defined. It is determined that the identity appears as a product of short-lived discourses that are struggling for power.\u0000\u0000The role of national governments in constructing identity and implementation of the identity politics is emphasized. The goals of the institutions of power in the context of identity politics are substantiated.\u0000\u0000The significance of the opposition «We – They», «friend – enemy» in the identity politics is substantiated. The role of symbols, rituals, mass ceremonies within the identity politics, which is a component of symbolic politics, is established. It is proved that the identity politics is based on the development of cultural meanings, in particular historical, geographical and other data, national memory, collective myths, as well as taking into account the specific context, indicating the constructed nature of identity and implementation of the relevant politics.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"45 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89074191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-09
Oleksii Batalov, Daria Rashchupkina
The content and features of the concept of «customs diplomacy» are studied on the example of the foreign policy activities of the US Customs Administration, which conducts one of the best customs diplomacy in the world. For example, the US Customs Service plays an important role in ensuring not only national but also transnational economic security. The protection of American customs interests by the relevant services begins far from the actual borders of the United States. Therefore, the study of the experience of US customs diplomacy, of course, is relevant for Ukraine. The definition of «customs diplomacy» is given through a set of specific techniques and methods. The methods, techniques and principles of US customs diplomacy are considered, the main provisions of the CBP Global Engagement Strategy are analyzed. The structural units responsible for the implementation of American customs diplomacy are listed, and their competencies are determined. The officials of the US Customs and Border Protection who are responsible for the implementation of customs diplomacy are named. Particular attention is paid to US international cooperation with partner countries in the customs sector. An example of such cooperation is North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The practice of implementing international projects and initiatives by US customs attachés in other countries (for example, the Container Security Initiative) is analyzed. International training and support programs of methodological and organizational and technical nature, conducted for foreign partner customs services and agencies, are considered. The important role of harmonizing relations between customs services through the conclusion of international bilateral and multilateral agreements is noted. It is noted that international cooperation in the customs sphere is important for solving global problems of the world. Thus, strengthening the cooperation of the US Customs Administration with partner countries, agencies and trade groups contributes to transnational security, efficient trade, travel, dissemination of information etc.
{"title":"US CUSTOMS DIPLOMACY","authors":"Oleksii Batalov, Daria Rashchupkina","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-09","url":null,"abstract":"The content and features of the concept of «customs diplomacy» are studied on the example of the foreign policy activities of the US Customs Administration, which conducts one of the best customs diplomacy in the world. For example, the US Customs Service plays an important role in ensuring not only national but also transnational economic security. The protection of American customs interests by the relevant services begins far from the actual borders of the United States. Therefore, the study of the experience of US customs diplomacy, of course, is relevant for Ukraine.\u0000\u0000The definition of «customs diplomacy» is given through a set of specific techniques and methods. The methods, techniques and principles of US customs diplomacy are considered, the main provisions of the CBP Global Engagement Strategy are analyzed. The structural units responsible for the implementation of American customs diplomacy are listed, and their competencies are determined. The officials of the US Customs and Border Protection who are responsible for the implementation of customs diplomacy are named.\u0000\u0000Particular attention is paid to US international cooperation with partner countries in the customs sector. An example of such cooperation is North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The practice of implementing international projects and initiatives by US customs attachés in other countries (for example, the Container Security Initiative) is analyzed. International training and support programs of methodological and organizational and technical nature, conducted for foreign partner customs services and agencies, are considered. The important role of harmonizing relations between customs services through the conclusion of international bilateral and multilateral agreements is noted.\u0000\u0000It is noted that international cooperation in the customs sphere is important for solving global problems of the world. Thus, strengthening the cooperation of the US Customs Administration with partner countries, agencies and trade groups contributes to transnational security, efficient trade, travel, dissemination of information etc.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87042459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-07
O. Gaiko
The prerequisites for the emergence of private military companies and private security companies, the features of their functioning in the context of the demonopolization of state violence are considered. The influence of the establishment of a monopoly on the use of violence in the process of the formation of states of the modern type (states of the Modern era) is highlighted. In a historical retrospective, the reasons for the formation of a state monopoly on the use of violence, factors that contributed to the strengthening of royal power, led to the centralization of state power and the formation of depersonalized rational-bureaucratic state institutions are presented. The role of wars in the emergence of regular armies in the context of the formation of modern-type states is analyzed. The influence of the Cold War on the emergence of private military companies and low-intensity military companies is considered, structural prerequisites for the spread of private military companies both in developed countries and in developing countries are identified. The connection between the loss of the monopoly on the use of violence by states and the emergence of low-intensity wars is shown. The main reasons for the disappearance of high-intensity wars are analyzed. It is shown that the loss of a monopoly on the use of violence by states is not a constant, but is the result of the spread of low-intensity wars that arise due to the loss of advantages in waging high-intensity wars.
{"title":"PRIVATE MILITARY COMPANIES AND THE “PRIVATIZATION” OF MILITARY CONFLICTS IN THE CONTEX OF THE DEMONOPOLIZATION OF THE STATE VIOLEN","authors":"O. Gaiko","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-07","url":null,"abstract":"The prerequisites for the emergence of private military companies and private security companies, the features of their functioning in the context of the demonopolization of state violence are considered. The influence of the establishment of a monopoly on the use of violence in the process of the formation of states of the modern type (states of the Modern era) is highlighted. In a historical retrospective, the reasons for the formation of a state monopoly on the use of violence, factors that contributed to the strengthening of royal power, led to the centralization of state power and the formation of depersonalized rational-bureaucratic state institutions are presented. The role of wars in the emergence of regular armies in the context of the formation of modern-type states is analyzed. The influence of the Cold War on the emergence of private military companies and low-intensity military companies is considered, structural prerequisites for the spread of private military companies both in developed countries and in developing countries are identified. The connection between the loss of the monopoly on the use of violence by states and the emergence of low-intensity wars is shown. The main reasons for the disappearance of high-intensity wars are analyzed. It is shown that the loss of a monopoly on the use of violence by states is not a constant, but is the result of the spread of low-intensity wars that arise due to the loss of advantages in waging high-intensity wars.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"03 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86269348","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-04
Mykyta Shmanatov
The article attempts to conceptualize the study of the impact of digital technology in politics. It analyzes the current academic literature on the topic of digital technologies in politics, political communication and political public relations. The approaches to the formulation of the problem, as well as the challenges faced by scientists in the study of digital technology are highlighted. The analysis of foreign and domestic scientific literature is carried out. The article points out the factors influencing the research of the problem, the features and challenges that exist for scientists. A comprehensive analysis of scientific papers of recent years was carried out. Author attempts to identify the main areas of research on the impact of digital technologies on political processes. Due to their importance, there is a large number of studies that cover issues from different sides, little related to each other. Therefore it is problematic to form their subject field or a holistic view. Considered the development of scientists devoted to the impact of digital technologies on political public relations, political communication, political participation, political processes. The analysis of research devoted to political activism, protest movement, communication of political parties. Researches devoted to the digitalization of foreign and domestic political processes in the state were considered. The concepts of digital diplomacy and bureaucracy are analyzed. It was found that there are difficulties at the stage of defining approaches to the study of the role of digital technologies in politics. It is noted what their features are at the present stage. Analyzed the works of domestic scientists and the current state of the issue. The paper attempts to conceptualize and identify the problems, directions, and prospects for the study of the impact of digital technologies in politics.
{"title":"DIGITAL TECHNOLOGIES AS A FACTOR INFLUENCING POLITICAL PROCESSES: AN ATTEMPT AT CONCEPTUALIZATION","authors":"Mykyta Shmanatov","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-04","url":null,"abstract":"The article attempts to conceptualize the study of the impact of digital technology in politics. It analyzes the current academic literature on the topic of digital technologies in politics, political communication and political public relations. The approaches to the formulation of the problem, as well as the challenges faced by scientists in the study of digital technology are highlighted. The analysis of foreign and domestic scientific literature is carried out. The article points out the factors influencing the research of the problem, the features and challenges that exist for scientists. A comprehensive analysis of scientific papers of recent years was carried out. Author attempts to identify the main areas of research on the impact of digital technologies on political processes. Due to their importance, there is a large number of studies that cover issues from different sides, little related to each other. Therefore it is problematic to form their subject field or a holistic view. Considered the development of scientists devoted to the impact of digital technologies on political public relations, political communication, political participation, political processes. The analysis of research devoted to political activism, protest movement, communication of political parties. Researches devoted to the digitalization of foreign and domestic political processes in the state were considered. The concepts of digital diplomacy and bureaucracy are analyzed. It was found that there are difficulties at the stage of defining approaches to the study of the role of digital technologies in politics. It is noted what their features are at the present stage. Analyzed the works of domestic scientists and the current state of the issue. The paper attempts to conceptualize and identify the problems, directions, and prospects for the study of the impact of digital technologies in politics.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"48 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79817808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-10
O. Wolf
It has been established that 25 parties took part in the parliamentary elections in the Slovak Republic (held in February 2020). The Parliament of the Slovak Republic entered the following parties: Obyčajní Ľudia a nezávislé osobnosti (OĽANO), NOVA, Kresťanská únia (KÚ), Zmena Zdola, Smer, Kotlebovci, Sme Rodina, SaS, Platform Za ludi, Progresivní Slovensko a SPOLU – občianska demokracia. The election documents (parties programs) addressed the most actual issues for the country. In this article, the attitude of political forces to the development of health and palliative care for the elderly and people with severe, incurable diseases is done by the method of content analysis of program documents of parties that participated in the parliamentary elections. A study of the party's election programs shows that the issues of assistance to the elderly and the development of palliative and hospice care are quite acute for the society in the Slovak Republic. Therefore, a significant part of the country's political forces, which took part in the elections, developed proposals for the improvement, development of the health care system and palliative care. The most common solutions proposed by the parties are the development of multidisciplinary cooperation (in particular, between health care and social services), raising the status of health workers, especially nurses, increasing the salaries of medical staff, opening new institutions specializing in support elderly people and those who provide services to people with serious, incurable diseases, the introduction of digital services, etc. In times of economic crisis, one of the most effective forms of service delivery are home-provided services. It is claimed that the experience of the political forces of the Slovak Republic in the context of the development of health and palliative care can be useful for Ukraine as well. Medical reform is being implemented in our country, and due to the fact that palliative care is included in the list of medical services guaranteed by the state, the number of health care facilities providing care to the seriously ill increased rapidly in 2020-2021. The study of political approaches to improving the systems of medical and social support to citizens contributes to the implementation of medical reform in our country. Given the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic, this is especially important.
已经确定有25个政党参加了斯洛伐克共和国的议会选举(2020年2月举行)。斯洛伐克共和国议会有以下政党参加:Obyčajní Ľudia a nezávislé osobnosti (OĽANO)、NOVA、Kresťanská únia (KÚ)、Zmena Zdola、Smer、Kotlebovci、Sme Rodina、SaS、Platform Za ludi、Progresivní Slovensko a SPOLU - obianska democracia。选举文件(政党纲领)处理了这个国家最实际的问题。在本文中，政治力量对发展老年人和患有严重不治之症的人的健康和姑息治疗的态度是通过对参加议会选举的政党的纲领文件进行内容分析的方法来完成的。一项对该党选举计划的研究表明，对老年人的援助以及缓和和临终关怀的发展对斯洛伐克共和国的社会来说是相当紧迫的问题。因此，参加选举的该国政治力量的很大一部分制定了改善和发展卫生保健系统和姑息治疗的建议。各方提出的最常见的解决办法是发展多学科合作(特别是卫生保健和社会服务之间的合作)，提高卫生工作者，特别是护士的地位，提高医务人员的工资，开设专门支持老年人和为患有严重不治之症的人提供服务的机构，引入数字服务等。在经济危机时期，最有效的服务形式之一是家庭提供的服务。据称，斯洛伐克共和国各政治力量在发展保健和缓和医疗方面的经验对乌克兰也可能有用。我国正在实施医疗改革，由于姑息治疗被列入国家保障的医疗服务清单，在2020-2021年期间，为重病患者提供护理的医疗机构数量迅速增加。研究改善公民医疗和社会支持制度的政治途径有助于我国医疗改革的实施。鉴于Covid-19大流行的传播，这一点尤为重要。
{"title":"DEVELOPMENT OF HEALTH AND PALLIATIVE CARE DURING THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC (2020)","authors":"O. Wolf","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-10","url":null,"abstract":"It has been established that 25 parties took part in the parliamentary elections in the Slovak Republic (held in February 2020). The Parliament of the Slovak Republic entered the following parties: Obyčajní Ľudia a nezávislé osobnosti (OĽANO), NOVA, Kresťanská únia (KÚ), Zmena Zdola, Smer, Kotlebovci, Sme Rodina, SaS, Platform Za ludi, Progresivní Slovensko a SPOLU – občianska demokracia. The election documents (parties programs) addressed the most actual issues for the country.\u0000\u0000In this article, the attitude of political forces to the development of health and palliative care for the elderly and people with severe, incurable diseases is done by the method of content analysis of program documents of parties that participated in the parliamentary elections.\u0000\u0000A study of the party's election programs shows that the issues of assistance to the elderly and the development of palliative and hospice care are quite acute for the society in the Slovak Republic. Therefore, a significant part of the country's political forces, which took part in the elections, developed proposals for the improvement, development of the health care system and palliative care. The most common solutions proposed by the parties are the development of multidisciplinary cooperation (in particular, between health care and social services), raising the status of health workers, especially nurses, increasing the salaries of medical staff, opening new institutions specializing in support elderly people and those who provide services to people with serious, incurable diseases, the introduction of digital services, etc. In times of economic crisis, one of the most effective forms of service delivery are home-provided services.\u0000\u0000It is claimed that the experience of the political forces of the Slovak Republic in the context of the development of health and palliative care can be useful for Ukraine as well. Medical reform is being implemented in our country, and due to the fact that palliative care is included in the list of medical services guaranteed by the state, the number of health care facilities providing care to the seriously ill increased rapidly in 2020-2021. The study of political approaches to improving the systems of medical and social support to citizens contributes to the implementation of medical reform in our country. Given the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic, this is especially important.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74357814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-05
Tetyana Panchenko
The phenomenon of dual (multiple) citizenship is considered from the point of view of interests of citizens, first of Ukrainian migrants, and the state - the state of origin and the state of residence of migrants. Possible risks from the citizenʼs point of view and potential threats to the state are summarized. It is stated that despite of the many threats, multiple citizenship is becoming a reality in the context of increasing migration flows and the birth of the phenomenon of transmigration, which is characterized by building and maintaining various relationships that connect societies of origin with migrants. To exercise their rights, migrants seek naturalization, but the inconvenience and psychological problems associated with renouncing citizenship of the country of origin stop them from taking this step. It has been proven that the personal preferences of foreign citizens over dual citizenship exceed the interest of states, but to control migration processes and exercise the rights and freedoms of migrants, more and more modern states are legalizing multiple citizenship. The specifics of regulation of citizenship issues in the European Convention on Citizenship, Ukrainian legislation, and Ukrainian legislative initiatives to legalize multiple citizenship are considered. The example of Germany has shown that if they are accepted, not all Ukrainians abroad will be able to enjoy the benefits of dual citizenship, as the possibility of obtaining it is also determined by the legislation of the host country. It has been shown that the possibility of obtaining dual citizenship is open only to Ukrainians born and raised in Germany. It is emphasized that it is expedient to strengthen the position of foreign Ukrainians in other ways as well.
{"title":"DUAL CITIZENSHIP IN THE CONTEXT OF OPPORTUNITIES AND PROSPECTS OF UKRAINIAN MIGRANTS","authors":"Tetyana Panchenko","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-05","url":null,"abstract":"The phenomenon of dual (multiple) citizenship is considered from the point of view of interests of citizens, first of Ukrainian migrants, and the state - the state of origin and the state of residence of migrants. Possible risks from the citizenʼs point of view and potential threats to the state are summarized.\u0000\u0000 It is stated that despite of the many threats, multiple citizenship is becoming a reality in the context of increasing migration flows and the birth of the phenomenon of transmigration, which is characterized by building and maintaining various relationships that connect societies of origin with migrants. To exercise their rights, migrants seek naturalization, but the inconvenience and psychological problems associated with renouncing citizenship of the country of origin stop them from taking this step. It has been proven that the personal preferences of foreign citizens over dual citizenship exceed the interest of states, but to control migration processes and exercise the rights and freedoms of migrants, more and more modern states are legalizing multiple citizenship.\u0000\u0000The specifics of regulation of citizenship issues in the European Convention on Citizenship, Ukrainian legislation, and Ukrainian legislative initiatives to legalize multiple citizenship are considered. The example of Germany has shown that if they are accepted, not all Ukrainians abroad will be able to enjoy the benefits of dual citizenship, as the possibility of obtaining it is also determined by the legislation of the host country. It has been shown that the possibility of obtaining dual citizenship is open only to Ukrainians born and raised in Germany. It is emphasized that it is expedient to strengthen the position of foreign Ukrainians in other ways as well.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"48 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75033930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-08
Maryna Tseluiko
The experience of building a democratic regime in Afghanistan in the period from 2001 to the conquest of power by the Taliban in August 2021 has been considered. It has been emphasized and highlighted how the traditional foundations of governance of the Afghan society were embodied in the political system, which had a democratic structure established by the Constitution of 2004. The main traditional power centers in the Afghan territorial communities have been identified, existing independently of state institutions and in parallel with them. The essence and mechanism of action of each of them have been revealed. The importance of informal relations and connections, which form the basis of Afghan society and determine the status of a person in it, has been emphasized. As a result, the population strive not to the ideas, but to strong leaders, which allows them to determine the political and social climate in the country. The logic of the emergence and wide existence of traditional power centers, such as jirgas, khans, maliks, battlefield commanders, based on the perception of them by the population as sources of stability and strength, has been determined. The impact of traditional institutions and relations on the functioning of the central and local political authorities, their influence on the relationship between the population and state bodies has been shown. The process of development by traditional leaders, as the centers of power, of modern democratic mechanisms and means of control and their use in personal interests has been considered. The combination of traditional management institutions with classical democratic institutions has been noted, which manifests itself both in the use of traditional management forms without changes, and in the transfer of traditional forms of leadership and social relationships to modern political structures, which modifies the essence of democratic institutions. In addition, the existence of informal traditional structures that duplicate the functions of official ones has been noted, indicating the weakness of state institutions.
{"title":"TRADITIONAL FOUNDATIONS OF AFGHAN SOCIETY IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM","authors":"Maryna Tseluiko","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-08","url":null,"abstract":"The experience of building a democratic regime in Afghanistan in the period from 2001 to the conquest of power by the Taliban in August 2021 has been considered. It has been emphasized and highlighted how the traditional foundations of governance of the Afghan society were embodied in the political system, which had a democratic structure established by the Constitution of 2004.\u0000\u0000The main traditional power centers in the Afghan territorial communities have been identified, existing independently of state institutions and in parallel with them. The essence and mechanism of action of each of them have been revealed. The importance of informal relations and connections, which form the basis of Afghan society and determine the status of a person in it, has been emphasized. As a result, the population strive not to the ideas, but to strong leaders, which allows them to determine the political and social climate in the country. The logic of the emergence and wide existence of traditional power centers, such as jirgas, khans, maliks, battlefield commanders, based on the perception of them by the population as sources of stability and strength, has been determined.\u0000\u0000The impact of traditional institutions and relations on the functioning of the central and local political authorities, their influence on the relationship between the population and state bodies has been shown. The process of development by traditional leaders, as the centers of power, of modern democratic mechanisms and means of control and their use in personal interests has been considered. The combination of traditional management institutions with classical democratic institutions has been noted, which manifests itself both in the use of traditional management forms without changes, and in the transfer of traditional forms of leadership and social relationships to modern political structures, which modifies the essence of democratic institutions. In addition, the existence of informal traditional structures that duplicate the functions of official ones has been noted, indicating the weakness of state institutions.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"211 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73077030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-29DOI: 10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-06
Olha Filatova
Cultural diplomacy is a fairly new concept, but it is a powerful tool for interethnic and interstate communication. Consideration of theoretical and applied experience in the formation of the concept of cultural diplomacy clarifies its effectiveness as a means of lobbying national interests. Emphasis is placed on the existence of elements of cultural diplomacy, even in ancient civilizations, which confirms the effectiveness of this instrument of «soft power». The main tendencies of Ukraine's development as a sovereign and fully-fledged actor in the international arena are outlined. The necessity of introduction of progressive diplomacy methods by the modern Ukrainian state for establishment in the geopolitical and cultural world is determined.The historical experience of using cultural diplomacy to determine effective forms and methods of its application in the process of forming a positive image of the state is considered. Emphasis is placed on the experience of many modern European countries, especially France, Germany, Great Britain, Poland and the United States. It has been found that cultural diplomacy is currently an important area of foreign policy in many countries. The process of development of cultural diplomacy in Ukraine is viewed. The main stages and key elements of public policy in the field of public diplomacy are identified. The activity of state and public organizations in the field of popularization of Ukrainian culture, inside the country and abroad is outlined. The conditions for the effective realization of national interests through cultural initiatives are determined. The creation of quality content for export, that is a product of effective coordination of efforts of domestic political, social forces and other stakeholders is outlined. The author highlights that cultural diplomacy is a "soft power" for Ukraine, a strategic element of foreign policy, through which support can be found in other countries at the public level. However, currently the state strategy for the development of cultural diplomacy is just being formed, it is gaining new forms, adopting the European experience.
{"title":"CULTURAL DIPLOMACY OF UKRAINE: EXPERIENCE, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS","authors":"Olha Filatova","doi":"10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2021-40-06","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural diplomacy is a fairly new concept, but it is a powerful tool for interethnic and interstate communication. Consideration of theoretical and applied experience in the formation of the concept of cultural diplomacy clarifies its effectiveness as a means of lobbying national interests. Emphasis is placed on the existence of elements of cultural diplomacy, even in ancient civilizations, which confirms the effectiveness of this instrument of «soft power».\u0000\u0000The main tendencies of Ukraine's development as a sovereign and fully-fledged actor in the international arena are outlined. The necessity of introduction of progressive diplomacy methods by the modern Ukrainian state for establishment in the geopolitical and cultural world is determined.The historical experience of using cultural diplomacy to determine effective forms and methods of its application in the process of forming a positive image of the state is considered. Emphasis is placed on the experience of many modern European countries, especially France, Germany, Great Britain, Poland and the United States. It has been found that cultural diplomacy is currently an important area of foreign policy in many countries.\u0000\u0000The process of development of cultural diplomacy in Ukraine is viewed. The main stages and key elements of public policy in the field of public diplomacy are identified. The activity of state and public organizations in the field of popularization of Ukrainian culture, inside the country and abroad is outlined. The conditions for the effective realization of national interests through cultural initiatives are determined. The creation of quality content for export, that is a product of effective coordination of efforts of domestic political, social forces and other stakeholders is outlined. The author highlights that cultural diplomacy is a \"soft power\" for Ukraine, a strategic element of foreign policy, through which support can be found in other countries at the public level. However, currently the state strategy for the development of cultural diplomacy is just being formed, it is gaining new forms, adopting the European experience.","PeriodicalId":34206,"journal":{"name":"Visnik Kharkivs''kogo Natsional''nogo Universitetu Imeni VN Karazina Seriia Biologiia","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76764770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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