Contemporary turbulence regarding the issue of global leadership (referred to by some authors as "primacy" or "hegemony") takes place within a specific context, manifested through a single fundamental rift: the one based on key actors' attitudes towards the necessity of structural revision of the world system, contrasted with aspirations to maintain the status quo. In other words, the struggle for global leadership not only has different goals, but also a different logic altogether, if it is observed from the aspect of a declining hegemon, or from the aspects of its challengers. At the same time, the fact that the hegemon is usually a status quo power, seeking to maintain the basic global parameters of power distribution, does not mean that it will not behave in a revisionist manner in various subsystem (regional and sub-regional) frameworks. One of the sub-regions in which the inverse logic of the actions of the global hegemon and those of its challengers on the status quo - revisionism spectrum is apparent, is the Western Balkans. Such behavior, as well as the conditions of increased complexity of foreign policy determinants from the system and regional levels, have consistently incentivized Serbia to opt for the strategy of hedging, in order to compensate the costs incurred in some areas by gains in others. The field of defence and security in the form of joint exercises and arms procurement, has been of particular importance in this regard, as Serbia has been pursuing close and dynamic relations with a wide range of partners, including the US, Russia, China, Israel, France and other European countries, NATO members and non-members alike. In terms of Serbian-American relations, NATO remains a crucial catalyst; however, the US is increasingly engaged in a more straightforward, bilateral manner - e.g. with regard to the Kosovo and Metohija issue, which is yet another motive for Serbia to maintain its hedging strategy. The trends of global primacy competition, dramatically accelerated at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, particularly as the war in Ukraine keeps unfolding, will remain a determinant which strategic options of Serbia largely depend upon. Hedging is most likely to remain the key feature of Serbia's strategic posture, although there is a possibility this might change in light of a potentially renewed transatlantic and intra-European political coherence.
{"title":"American struggle for global leadership and the strategic options of Serbia","authors":"Mladen Lišanin","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44288","url":null,"abstract":"Contemporary turbulence regarding the issue of global leadership (referred to by some authors as \"primacy\" or \"hegemony\") takes place within a specific context, manifested through a single fundamental rift: the one based on key actors' attitudes towards the necessity of structural revision of the world system, contrasted with aspirations to maintain the status quo. In other words, the struggle for global leadership not only has different goals, but also a different logic altogether, if it is observed from the aspect of a declining hegemon, or from the aspects of its challengers. At the same time, the fact that the hegemon is usually a status quo power, seeking to maintain the basic global parameters of power distribution, does not mean that it will not behave in a revisionist manner in various subsystem (regional and sub-regional) frameworks. One of the sub-regions in which the inverse logic of the actions of the global hegemon and those of its challengers on the status quo - revisionism spectrum is apparent, is the Western Balkans. Such behavior, as well as the conditions of increased complexity of foreign policy determinants from the system and regional levels, have consistently incentivized Serbia to opt for the strategy of hedging, in order to compensate the costs incurred in some areas by gains in others. The field of defence and security in the form of joint exercises and arms procurement, has been of particular importance in this regard, as Serbia has been pursuing close and dynamic relations with a wide range of partners, including the US, Russia, China, Israel, France and other European countries, NATO members and non-members alike. In terms of Serbian-American relations, NATO remains a crucial catalyst; however, the US is increasingly engaged in a more straightforward, bilateral manner - e.g. with regard to the Kosovo and Metohija issue, which is yet another motive for Serbia to maintain its hedging strategy. The trends of global primacy competition, dramatically accelerated at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, particularly as the war in Ukraine keeps unfolding, will remain a determinant which strategic options of Serbia largely depend upon. Hedging is most likely to remain the key feature of Serbia's strategic posture, although there is a possibility this might change in light of a potentially renewed transatlantic and intra-European political coherence.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we are talking about the historical roots of the nation state. In order to understand the meaning of an ideal, it is necessary to know its history, which also applies to the national ideal. By nation we mean people who know themselves in their country. The idea of the state is what transforms a people, understood as a cultural concept, into a politically active force that we know as a nation. In order for a nation to be considered free, not only civil liberties in the state embodied in equality before good laws are sufficient, but also freedom, embodied un equality with other states, which is in its independence. National independence is needed by peoples in order to ensure that foreigners do not take advantage of them economically, plunder and exploit them, and do not subjugate them spiritually. Both economic and spiritual development imply freedom. There is no denying that the cultural development of a country and a people is deeply and inseparably linked with their national freedom. The state does not create a nation by infusing a single consciousness and will into a random multitude that would be acquired within the state borders, but it largely ensures the contrtion of factors that form the national will by ensuring the concentration of those factors. There are numerous examples of peoples that survived of their state, but there are no ehamples of the formation of a people being completed without a state structure. We cite reasons that indicate that the national state is the best form of political organization because it has proven to be the most suitable political form for preserving individual and collective freedom.
{"title":"The role of the state in shaping and protecting national identity","authors":"Đuro Bodrožić","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44375","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44375","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we are talking about the historical roots of the nation state. In order to understand the meaning of an ideal, it is necessary to know its history, which also applies to the national ideal. By nation we mean people who know themselves in their country. The idea of the state is what transforms a people, understood as a cultural concept, into a politically active force that we know as a nation. In order for a nation to be considered free, not only civil liberties in the state embodied in equality before good laws are sufficient, but also freedom, embodied un equality with other states, which is in its independence. National independence is needed by peoples in order to ensure that foreigners do not take advantage of them economically, plunder and exploit them, and do not subjugate them spiritually. Both economic and spiritual development imply freedom. There is no denying that the cultural development of a country and a people is deeply and inseparably linked with their national freedom. The state does not create a nation by infusing a single consciousness and will into a random multitude that would be acquired within the state borders, but it largely ensures the contrtion of factors that form the national will by ensuring the concentration of those factors. There are numerous examples of peoples that survived of their state, but there are no ehamples of the formation of a people being completed without a state structure. We cite reasons that indicate that the national state is the best form of political organization because it has proven to be the most suitable political form for preserving individual and collective freedom.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71081009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"O dualizmu između jedne autorke i njenog dela - Ewa Bujwid Kurek: Legitymizacja ustroju politycznego państw pojugosłowiańskich, Księgarnia akademicka, Kraków, 2019","authors":"Bojana Sekulić","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45441","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45441","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"128 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Compulsory conscription in Serbia was established in the 19th century, and the military as a social institution rapidly became an indispensable part of the socialization process of citizens. It remained so until 2011, which lent credibility to the strategic considerations of deterrence and total defense of that time. The return of war to European soil actualizes the issue of society's readiness for defense in many European countries. Serbian society has changed significantly in the two previous decades, becoming largely described by Bauman's fluid modernity, and the capacity of citizens for armed and unarmed resistance in the event of war has significantly declined. Starting from the assumption that the suspension of the compulsory conscription remains valid, the authors examine the possibilities for increasing the interest of young people in voluntary military service, which is the subject of this paper. The aim of the paper is to show the necessity, justification and content of state incentives for young people who opt for military service, as well as to point out their probable social consequences. The theoretical framework of the work is the theory of the network society of Manuel Castells and his understanding of individuation as a cultural tendency of modern society that differs from individualism. The authors conclude that increasing interest in voluntary military service is possible by connecting individual projects of citizens with military service as part of a common, social ideal in Serbia. State incentives for voluntary military service and, subsequently, participation in the active and passive reserves, could be divided into three groups. The first would be incentives related to employment, the second would be cooperation between the state and civic initiatives and organizations, and the third would be incentives related to business and tax incentives.
{"title":"The military service as part of the social ideal in Serbia","authors":"S. Starčević, S. Blagojević","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44254","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44254","url":null,"abstract":"Compulsory conscription in Serbia was established in the 19th century, and the military as a social institution rapidly became an indispensable part of the socialization process of citizens. It remained so until 2011, which lent credibility to the strategic considerations of deterrence and total defense of that time. The return of war to European soil actualizes the issue of society's readiness for defense in many European countries. Serbian society has changed significantly in the two previous decades, becoming largely described by Bauman's fluid modernity, and the capacity of citizens for armed and unarmed resistance in the event of war has significantly declined. Starting from the assumption that the suspension of the compulsory conscription remains valid, the authors examine the possibilities for increasing the interest of young people in voluntary military service, which is the subject of this paper. The aim of the paper is to show the necessity, justification and content of state incentives for young people who opt for military service, as well as to point out their probable social consequences. The theoretical framework of the work is the theory of the network society of Manuel Castells and his understanding of individuation as a cultural tendency of modern society that differs from individualism. The authors conclude that increasing interest in voluntary military service is possible by connecting individual projects of citizens with military service as part of a common, social ideal in Serbia. State incentives for voluntary military service and, subsequently, participation in the active and passive reserves, could be divided into three groups. The first would be incentives related to employment, the second would be cooperation between the state and civic initiatives and organizations, and the third would be incentives related to business and tax incentives.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nauka i naučnice u Srbiji i svetu","authors":"Jelena Todorović-Lazić","doi":"10.5937/spm80-44752","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44752","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71080826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When analyzing the relations of the Fanar - Patriarchy of Constantinople - towards the Serbian Orthodox Church, we have different periods. These are: periods of cooperation and periods of confrontation which were initiated by the Fanar. In this paper, we will talk about the period of confrontation. After the fall of the medieval Serbian state under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, the Orthodox found itself under the rule of the Muslims. Their position worsened with the abolition of the Patriarchate of Peć in 1766. It happened due to several things. The main reason cited is the mistrust of the Porte towards the Serbian Church and the work of the Fanariot Greeks who wanted to subjugate the Patriarchate of Peć to the Greek Church. The very act of abolition was preceded by attempts at Hellenization. It was not seen only in Serbia, but also in Bulgaria, where many learned Bulgarians considered themselves Greeks. Simultaneously with the arrival of Greek bishops at the head of the Serbian dioceses, the merciless plundering of the Serbian people began. It was one of the main reasons for the Islamization of not only the Serbs, but other peoples as well. The second period is contemporary. In it, Fanar(iots) disputes the autocephaly of the Serbian Orthodox Church, as well as the territories under its jurisdiction. That is why they renamed it to the "Church of Serbia". Thereby taking away all dioceses outside the territory of the present-day state of Serbia from the Serbian Orthodox Church.
在分析 "法纳尔"--君士坦丁堡牧首辖区--与塞尔维亚东正教会的关系时，我们有不同的时期。它们是：合作时期和由法纳尔发起的对抗时期。本文将讨论对抗时期。在奥斯曼帝国统治下的中世纪塞尔维亚国家灭亡后，东正教发现自己处于穆斯林的统治之下。随着1766年佩奇牧首辖区的废除，他们的处境更加恶化。发生这种情况有几个原因。主要原因是 Porte 对塞尔维亚教会的不信任，以及 Fanariot 希腊人想让佩奇牧首辖区臣服于希腊教会。在废除教会的行动之前，希腊化的尝试就已经开始了。这种情况不仅出现在塞尔维亚，也出现在保加利亚，许多博学的保加利亚人认为自己是希腊人。在希腊主教进入塞尔维亚教区担任主教的同时，对塞尔维亚人民的无情掠夺也开始了。这不仅是塞尔维亚人伊斯兰化的主要原因之一，也是其他民族伊斯兰化的主要原因之一。第二个时期是当代。在这一时期，Fanar(iots)对塞尔维亚东正教的教会地位及其管辖的领土提出了争议。因此，他们将其更名为 "塞尔维亚教会"。这样，塞尔维亚东正教就从今天的塞尔维亚国领土之外的所有教区中分离出来。
{"title":"Fanar and the Serbian Orthodox Church","authors":"Zoran Milošević","doi":"10.5937/spm82-47089","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm82-47089","url":null,"abstract":"When analyzing the relations of the Fanar - Patriarchy of Constantinople - towards the Serbian Orthodox Church, we have different periods. These are: periods of cooperation and periods of confrontation which were initiated by the Fanar. In this paper, we will talk about the period of confrontation. After the fall of the medieval Serbian state under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, the Orthodox found itself under the rule of the Muslims. Their position worsened with the abolition of the Patriarchate of Peć in 1766. It happened due to several things. The main reason cited is the mistrust of the Porte towards the Serbian Church and the work of the Fanariot Greeks who wanted to subjugate the Patriarchate of Peć to the Greek Church. The very act of abolition was preceded by attempts at Hellenization. It was not seen only in Serbia, but also in Bulgaria, where many learned Bulgarians considered themselves Greeks. Simultaneously with the arrival of Greek bishops at the head of the Serbian dioceses, the merciless plundering of the Serbian people began. It was one of the main reasons for the Islamization of not only the Serbs, but other peoples as well. The second period is contemporary. In it, Fanar(iots) disputes the autocephaly of the Serbian Orthodox Church, as well as the territories under its jurisdiction. That is why they renamed it to the \"Church of Serbia\". Thereby taking away all dioceses outside the territory of the present-day state of Serbia from the Serbian Orthodox Church.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135158005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper analyzes the institutional mechanisms of youth participation in the creation and implementation of public policies, with a focus on the local level. The paper highlights the importance of young people's social capital for the development of a healthy and sustainable community. Through active participation, formal and informal association, and continuous communication with local institutions, young people develop opportunities to express and fulfill their rights and needs, while contributing to the overall development of the local community. The Law on Youth, which was adopted in the Republic of Serbia over 10 years ago, determines the ways of organizing youth, but there have been numerous problems in its implementation. Using the metod of content analysis of legal norms, primarily the Law on Youth and National Youth Strategies, institutional problems of youth organization are presented, and specific normative solutions that could become part of a new youth law are proposed. Special emphasis is placed on the institutional framework of youth organization at the local level, where youth offices, youth spaces and youth work are analyzed. The results of the analysis have shown numerous problems resulting from unclear and insufficiently developed provisions of the law on these issues. Additionally, the paper presents comparative solutions for the same issues in certain European Union member states and Western Balkans countries.
{"title":"Institutional framework of youth organization in local self-government units in the Republic of Serbia: Problems and potential solutions","authors":"Dejan Milenković, Agatina Petrović","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45344","url":null,"abstract":"The paper analyzes the institutional mechanisms of youth participation in the creation and implementation of public policies, with a focus on the local level. The paper highlights the importance of young people's social capital for the development of a healthy and sustainable community. Through active participation, formal and informal association, and continuous communication with local institutions, young people develop opportunities to express and fulfill their rights and needs, while contributing to the overall development of the local community. The Law on Youth, which was adopted in the Republic of Serbia over 10 years ago, determines the ways of organizing youth, but there have been numerous problems in its implementation. Using the metod of content analysis of legal norms, primarily the Law on Youth and National Youth Strategies, institutional problems of youth organization are presented, and specific normative solutions that could become part of a new youth law are proposed. Special emphasis is placed on the institutional framework of youth organization at the local level, where youth offices, youth spaces and youth work are analyzed. The results of the analysis have shown numerous problems resulting from unclear and insufficiently developed provisions of the law on these issues. Additionally, the paper presents comparative solutions for the same issues in certain European Union member states and Western Balkans countries.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135839742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The topic of this work refers to the examination of the influence of great powers on the national interests of the Republic of Serbia for the purpose of analysing the strategic environment that precedes the definition of a deterrence strategy under conditions of military neutrality. National interests are best understood as fundamental and enduring needs, desires, or streams that help determine the goals of national security policy. National interests and their importance can be categorized in different ways and are most often considered in a practical sense as existential, vital and others. For the Republic of Serbia and the majority of the Serbian people, the national interest in preserving sovereignty and territorial independence, which is threatened by the illegal declaration of independence of AP KiM, represents the greatest threat to freedom and independence as basic national values. The defence of AP KiM and its preservation in the constitutional and legal order of the Republic of Serbia is an existential national interest, the realization of which requires the engagement of all instruments of the national power of the Republic of Serbia. A negative influence on the realization of this interest comes from the external and internal environment. In accordance with the above, and taking into account the limitations in the requirements for the preparation, the paper focuses on the basic question: how do great powers affect the existential national interest of the Republic of Serbia? In the theoretical-methodological approach, a theoretical analysis of the terms national interests and values was used, a classification of national interests was carried out based on modified analytical approaches, and the relationship between the influence of great powers on the existential national interest of the Republic of Serbia was examined. The results of the research indicate that, despite changes in the geopolitical environment that indicate the emergence of a multipolar world, the actions of major powers have a predominantly negative impact on the existential national interest. Such a fact requires the search for measures to reduce strategic risk in order to mitigate and eliminate the negative effects of the actions of the great powers and to connect Serbian national interests with the interests of powers that have a positive impact on the national security interests of the Republic of Serbia.
{"title":"The influence of the great powers on the national interests of the Republic of Serbia","authors":"Sandra Božić","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45774","url":null,"abstract":"The topic of this work refers to the examination of the influence of great powers on the national interests of the Republic of Serbia for the purpose of analysing the strategic environment that precedes the definition of a deterrence strategy under conditions of military neutrality. National interests are best understood as fundamental and enduring needs, desires, or streams that help determine the goals of national security policy. National interests and their importance can be categorized in different ways and are most often considered in a practical sense as existential, vital and others. For the Republic of Serbia and the majority of the Serbian people, the national interest in preserving sovereignty and territorial independence, which is threatened by the illegal declaration of independence of AP KiM, represents the greatest threat to freedom and independence as basic national values. The defence of AP KiM and its preservation in the constitutional and legal order of the Republic of Serbia is an existential national interest, the realization of which requires the engagement of all instruments of the national power of the Republic of Serbia. A negative influence on the realization of this interest comes from the external and internal environment. In accordance with the above, and taking into account the limitations in the requirements for the preparation, the paper focuses on the basic question: how do great powers affect the existential national interest of the Republic of Serbia? In the theoretical-methodological approach, a theoretical analysis of the terms national interests and values was used, a classification of national interests was carried out based on modified analytical approaches, and the relationship between the influence of great powers on the existential national interest of the Republic of Serbia was examined. The results of the research indicate that, despite changes in the geopolitical environment that indicate the emergence of a multipolar world, the actions of major powers have a predominantly negative impact on the existential national interest. Such a fact requires the search for measures to reduce strategic risk in order to mitigate and eliminate the negative effects of the actions of the great powers and to connect Serbian national interests with the interests of powers that have a positive impact on the national security interests of the Republic of Serbia.","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135839998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Bezbednost zdravlja u Srbiji - Adrijana Grmuša: Bezbednost zdravlja u Srbiji - Crveni krst i epidemiološki problemi (studija slučaja), Institut za političke studije, Beograd, 2023","authors":"Ivan Matić","doi":"10.5937/spm81-45478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45478","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34288,"journal":{"name":"Srpska Politicka Misao","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135840004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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